Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso

By Uzair Adam 

The New Nigeria People’s Party (NNPP) in Kano State has dismissed rumours suggesting that its 2023 presidential candidate, Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, is planning to defect to the All Progressives Congress (APC).

The state party chairman, Hashimu Dungurawa, made this known while reacting to growing speculation surrounding Kwankwaso’s alleged defection.

Dungurawa stressed that neither Kwankwaso nor the NNPP had any intention of joining the APC, which he described as a party that has failed Nigerians.

“Definitely, we (NNPP) don’t have that interest or intention. We see them (APC) as enemies of democracy. Look at where they’ve led the country today. People are only waiting for the day of the election to teach them a lesson,” Dungurawa stated.

He further noted the steady decline in the APC’s electoral support, saying, “In 2015, they had almost 20 million votes. In 2019, they got 16 million, and in 2023, it dropped to 8 million votes.”

This comes after the Chairman of the APC in Kano State, Abdullahi Abbas, welcomed the idea of Kwankwaso joining the APC but stated that it would be under certain conditions.

By Zayyad I. Muhammad

As politicking for the 2027 elections gradually gains momentum, both new and familiar scenarios will inevitably emerge. Nigeria’s political landscape is dynamic and often shaped by geopolitical factors, and 2027 will be no exception.

The truth is, despite its internal wranglings and historical baggage, any coalition that does not have the PDP as its central pillar is unlikely to achieve the kind of national spread required to win a presidential election in Nigeria. The PDP, with its extensive grassroots network and long-standing presence across all six geopolitical zones, remains the only opposition party with a truly nationwide structure, even if its influence has somewhat waned in recent years.

Peter Obi and Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, notable third-force figures from the 2023 elections, lack enthusiasm for any clearly defined coalition. Obi appears ready to pursue the presidency again, but the conditions that fueled his surprising 2023 performance- particularly the support from urban youth and disenchanted Christian voters— have significantly waned. This support was initially driven by fear over Tinubu’s Muslim-Muslim ticket, which caused concerns among Christians. Today, that fear has faded, and ironically, the Muslim-Muslim arrangement includes more Christian participation in government than anticipated.

Kwankwaso, on the other hand, appears to have adopted a more pragmatic, localised approach- ‘ state capture. Kwankwaso’s posture suggests a strategy of quiet autonomy: “I have Kano; let me control it. I won’t interfere with you, and don’t interfere with me.” This ‘state capture’ mentality may give him relevance at the regional level but severely limits his national appeal.

President Tinubu, meanwhile, has carelessly  or perhaps inadvertently squandered the political capital that the APC enjoyed in the North from 2015 to 2023. During that period, the APC could count on overwhelming support from northern voters , often to the extent that votes from a single state could nearly cancel out those from entire geopolitical zones elsewhere. That dominance was largely tied to a geopolitical strongholds strategy . Tinubu’s failure to maintain and galvanize this strategy will eat up the APC’s traditional votes in the North, which are very key for the APC’s return to a second term.

Furthermore, Tinubu has, whether knowingly or not, revitalised the dormant CPC bloc — a faction of the APC that once represented the ideological and political base of Buhari’s loyalists. Now, with the central leadership perceived as disconnected from northern interests, the CPC bloc sees an opportunity to reassert itself. In regions like the Northwest, particularly, this could lead to a realignment of loyalties, with Tinubu’s influence weakening in favor of those viewed as more authentically representing northern interests. 

Nepotism is nepotism. While Buhari’s nepotism was largely regional and driven by northern priorities, Tinubu’s appears more ethnic and focused on Lagos, which could prove politically costly if not urgently recalibrated. That said, Tinubu still has time and political tools to course-correct before 2027, if he chooses to use them wisely.

The current coalition promoters, however, appear to be relying on an outdated strategy. The 2015-style bandwagon movement, built around the idea of ‘change,’ is unlikely to resonate with voters in 2027. Buhari’s eight-year presidency has left a mixed legacy, with many citizens feeling disillusioned by the unmet expectations. The old formula simply won’t work again.

In 2027, two key elements will determine electoral success, not only at the center but also in the states: substantial resources, both financial and structural , and science. The days when charisma and rhetoric alone could deliver victory are over. Any political group serious about winning must adopt a data-driven strategy. This entails conducting thorough research into voter behavior, turnout patterns, demographic shifts, and regional voting strengths. 

It also requires understanding the psychology of the electorate, particularly among young voters, who now constitute a decisive segment. Apolitical political scientists, data analysts, and behavioural experts will play a more vital role than ever before. Without this approach, even the best-funded campaign could fall flat.

Finally, it is important to accept that the coalition model of 2015 and the voting behavior of 2023 are not likely to repeat themselves. Nigeria’s political terrain has evolved, so to speak . As of today , although tomorrow is uncertain, the three major blocs heading into the 2027 elections appear to be Tinubu’s APC, the PDP, and the rest . It is shaping up to be a near-zero-sum game. 

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja via zaymohd@yahoo.com.

By Usman Abdullahi Koli

The grandeur of Kano’s emirate is not merely an inheritance of a throne but the custodianship of a deep-rooted history, culture, and tradition that represents the very soul of African heritage. From the era of Bagauda to the reign of Ado Bayero, the emirate has stood as a symbol of resilience, dignity, and continuity. 

Today, as the emirship tussle continues, it presents a defining moment not just for those directly involved but for the entire Kano people, whose unity and stability rest upon the wisdom of their leaders. It is a moment that demands measured actions, guided by history and the sacrifices of great monarchs who prioritised the collective good over personal ambitions.

The Kano Emirate is no stranger to succession disputes; however, history has shown that wise leaders have navigated such crises with patience, foresight, and a commitment to preserving the integrity of the institution. From the reign of Emir Muhammadu Sanusi I to that of Ado Bayero, the emirate has undergone significant transitions- some peaceful, others contentious- but ultimately resolved with a sense of responsibility toward the larger interest of Kano.

Today, we see echoes of the past in the contest between Emir Muhammadu Sanusi II and Emir Aminu Ado Bayero. While the legal and political dimensions of the crisis continue to unfold, the moral weight on those involved is immense. The key question remains: Will the dignity, harmony, and prestige of Kano take precedence over personal interests, or will history remember this episode as a moment of avoidable discord?

History is replete with examples of monarchs who faced displacement yet responded with wisdom, ensuring that their thrones remained symbols of honour rather than sources of division. In 1936, King Edward VIII of Britain abdicated the throne out of personal conviction, avoiding a constitutional crisis. 

More recently, King Juan Carlos of Spain voluntarily stepped aside to preserve national unity and dignity. Within Africa, deposed monarchs have often demonstrated restraint, placing the peace of their people above personal grievances.

A particularly relevant example is Emir Muhammadu Sanusi II, who, despite the political implications of his removal in 2020, did not rally his supporters to contest the decision. Instead, he accepted his fate with remarkable composure, trusting in destiny and the historical cycle that governs leadership.

Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf is enormously responsible for ensuring that his administration’s actions do not fuel unnecessary tensions in Kano. While he holds constitutional authority over traditional institutions, wisdom dictates that such decisions be made with a far-reaching vision that safeguards Kano’s unity, stability, and the sanctity of its traditions. Political decisions should not be allowed to erode the revered position of the emirate.

To Emir Aminu Ado Bayero, this moment calls for deep introspection on the true essence of leadership. His revered father, Emir Ado Bayero, was an emblem of peace, patience, and sagacity. The respect he commanded was not merely because he sat on the throne but because of his ability to navigate crises with wisdom. Now, his son faces a historic test: will he allow personal ambition to override Kano’s peace, or will he embrace the noble path of sacrifice? The decisions he makes today will shape how history remembers him.

To Emir Muhammadu Sanusi II, his reinstatement is a return to power and an opportunity to lead with renewed wisdom and vision. His expectations are immense—not for vengeance or retribution, but for reconciliation and statesmanship. The people of Kano look up to him to use his vast experience, intellect, and leadership to heal divisions, restore trust, and solidify the emirate as a pillar of stability.

Kano is more than a city; it symbolises Africa’s resilience, culture, and civilization. The emirate embodies centuries of tradition that must not be tarnished by personal conflicts. The world is watching, and history is recording. The real question is not who occupies the throne today, but how that throne is preserved for generations to come.

It is crucial for external influences, particularly those in Abuja, to respect the Kano State Government’s decision. The constitution recognizes states as custodians of their emirates, and any interference from outside forces risks escalating tensions rather than resolving them. Political insinuators should avoid fueling discord and instead honour the autonomy of Kano’s leadership.

Now, the great tradition of the Sallah Durbar, which both factions claim to organise, must not become a battleground for supremacy. The grand procession, deeply embedded in Kano’s cultural and Islamic identity, is meant to unite, not divide. It should not be reduced to a contest of power. Both sides must recognize that personal ambitions should never overshadow the collective peace of Kano. True leadership is tested not in times of comfort, but in moments of crisis, and the world is watching to see whether wisdom or ego will prevail.

Great monarchs are remembered not for how fiercely they fought to retain power, but for how wisely they managed transitions, prioritized peace, and left behind legacies of honor. The lessons of Kano’s past emirs—from Bagauda to Ado Bayero—should serve as a guide for present leaders. These revered figures ruled with dignity, wisdom, and a profound sense of duty to their people.

Those who occupy the throne today must consider: Will they be remembered for upholding this legacy or for diminishing it?

May wisdom prevail over pride, and may Kano remain the fortress of culture, tradition, and unity it has always been.

Usman Abdullahi Koli wrote via mernoukoli@gmail.com.

Former Minister of Interior Rauf Aregbesola and ex-Kano State Governor Rabiu Kwankwaso recently met in Lagos for a “strategic” discussion in preparation for the 2027 general elections.

“Aregbesola and Kwankwaso just completed a marathon meeting in Lagos where they strategised on the 2027 election,” a source within the party disclosed.

This development follows the recent exit of Aregbesola’s political group, Omoluabi Progressives, from the All Progressives Congress (APC).

Abosede Oluwaseun, the group’s spokesperson, explained that their decision to leave was due to issues such as “ostracisation from the party, suspension and expulsion of leaders without fair hearing, and continuous denigration of the structure.”

Shortly after, the APC in Osun State expelled Aregbesola, citing alleged anti-party activities. Aregbesola, who served as Osun’s governor from 2010 to 2018 under the APC and later as a minister in former President Muhammadu Buhari’s administration, now finds himself at the center of discussions on forming a coalition to challenge the ruling party in the upcoming elections.

In recent months, key opposition figures have been holding similar strategic meetings. In November, former Vice President Atiku Abubakar met with Peter Obi of the Labour Party (LP) over breakfast in Adamawa.

In January, Nasir el-Rufai, former Kaduna governor, and Hamza Al-Mustapha, a former aide to the late Sani Abacha, convened in Abuja alongside other politicians in a meeting organized by Shehu Gabam, the national chairman of the Social Democratic Party (SDP).

Kwankwaso, who was the New Nigeria People’s Party (NNPP) presidential candidate in the 2023 elections, has remained a significant figure in opposition politics.

Meanwhile, Ajuji Ahmed, the NNPP chairman, recently stated that while the party is not currently engaged in coalition discussions, it is open to the possibility in the future.

By Uzair Adam 

Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, former governor of Kano State and presidential candidate of the New Nigeria People’s Party (NNPP), has dismissed rumours suggesting he entered a power-sharing agreement with opposition candidates Atiku Abubakar of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and Peter Obi of the Labour Party (LP).  

In an interview with the BBC, Kwankwaso expressed anger over the claims, describing them as baseless fabrications intended to mislead the public. 

He alleged that Atiku’s camp had met with regional leaders, including clerics, to promote the false narrative.  

“This issue deeply angers me—to hear that respected elders are spreading lies about something that never happened. 

“I was told that nearly 45 clerics were gathered and informed about this fabricated story. I did not appreciate this at all,” he said.  

Kwankwaso further clarified the alleged agreement, which claimed Atiku would serve as president for four years, followed by Kwankwaso for another four years, and Peter Obi for eight years, stating categorically, “This is completely false; such an agreement never existed.”  

Reflecting on his departure from the PDP to join the NNPP, Kwankwaso said he left the party to escape the “humiliation” he and his supporters faced. 

He emphasised that such incidents reinforced his decision to forge a new political path.  

“Such lies and deceit are precisely why we left. Myself, Peter Obi, Wike, and others all left. Now they are coming back, asking us to help those who humiliated us to achieve their goals,” he said.

By Aiman Fodio

I respect Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso as a leader and admire his dedication to charitable causes, especially education. He is, by no means, a saint; he is human, like all of us, subject to the frailties that come with the human condition. Yet, when we consider moral reasoning, pragmatism in leadership, ethical choices, and the complex compromises of politics, I believe he emerges as a stand-out figure in Nigeria’s presidential landscape today.

We all concur that the nation cannot grow without a productive, well-educated populace. Therefore, we must commend his efforts in providing scholarships and educational support to countless underprivileged youths. 

In Nigeria, where quality education is often reserved for the privileged few, he at least tried to bridge that gap. These are nothing short of transformative. He’s not just speaking abracadabra on X (Twitter) about change; he actively works to make it accessible, particularly for those who need it most. Don’t just come and tell me that he did all that with the government money or looted; I challenge you to bring someone with a comparable track record which surpasses his commitment to uplifting the marginalised.

As we know, Nigeria is a developing nation grappling with the intricacies of governance that differ from those in developed and developing countries. This climate needs politicians who starkly contrast with the transactional politics that often dominate our region. 

Kwankwaso is unique in that his power hinges on support from ordinary Nigerians, while many of his contemporaries are tethered to elite alliances. This dynamic has made him the Jagora—leader and guide—to many, though some may derisively label him the ‘Local Champion’.

Most (about 95%) oppose him with divisive ideologies that tarnish his reputation and undermine his connection with his supporters. Many view his popularity with scepticism, trying to erode his strong rapport with his base. Yet, Kwankwaso resonates with the public, not because of propaganda, but because of his track record and genuine empathy. For this reason, he remains one of the few politicians whose influence is authentically rooted in the people’s will, making him a formidable figure on the national stage.

One aspect of Kwankwaso’s political style that I find particularly troubling is the pervasive influence of godfatherism. It’s disheartening to observe his tendency to exert undue influence over his protégés, such as Governor Abba. This dynamic creates a political climate where loyalty to a godfather supersedes the imperative of serving the collective interests of the populace. 

Godfatherism has no place in a progressive political landscape; it stifles authentic leadership and compromises the integrity of those who are meant to govern. Kwankwaso should let Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf focus on the ideals that empower him, granting him the latitude to evolve and serve his constituents with the autonomy they deserve. That would earn Kwankwaso more respect.

Despite this concern, I firmly believe that Kwankwaso remains one of the most qualified and deserving candidates to lead Nigeria. The need to choose the “lesser of two evils” becomes glaringly apparent in a milieu often characterised by many less competent alternatives.

While no leader is without their shortcomings, his extensive experience and interest in uplifting the marginalised position him as a formidable candidate. We must weigh our options carefully, recognising that his potential to enact positive change far outweighs the flaws that may come with his political relationships. Ultimately, our choice should reflect the need for a leader who prioritises the people over personal ambition, and I still see that potential in him.

Aiman Fodio wrote via aimanfodio@gmail.com.

By Dr. Mansur Hassan

The Kwankwasiyya movement, founded and led by Senior Dr. Rabi’u Musa Kwankwaso, has emerged as a dominant force in Nigerian politics, particularly in Kano State. With a reputation for championing transparency, good governance, and the empowerment of the masses, Kwankwasiyya has also developed a unique and highly effective method for selecting political candidates. This process reflects the movement’s deep-rooted commitment to democracy, grassroot participation, and merit-based leadership.

A Thoughtful Approach to Candidate Selection

At the heart of the Kwankwasiyya movement’s political ideology is the belief that leadership should reflect the will of the people while upholding competence, dedication, and integrity. In line with these principles, the movement has designed a multi-layered process for selecting candidates for both primary and secondary elections, ensuring that only the best and most qualified individuals are chosen to represent the party.

The selection process begins at the local level, where the local government caucuses play a crucial role. The caucus engages in a consensus-building exercise among the aspirants within the constituency. This initial step underscores the movement’s emphasis on local representation and grassroots decision-making, allowing the community to participate in choosing those who will best serve their interests.

In cases where the consensus fails and the local leadership is unable to agree on a single candidate, a screening process is initiated. This screening is designed to assess the qualifications, leadership capabilities, and electability of the aspirants. The goal is to streamline the number of candidates, ensuring that only the most capable individuals advance to the next stage.

The Role of the National Leader

Once the screening process is complete, the shortlisted candidates are presented to the national leader, Senior Dr. Kwankwaso, for final review. Here, the movement’s supreme leader plays a pivotal role in ensuring that the selected candidates align with the values and vision of the Kwankwasiyya movement. Dr. Kwankwaso, with his vast political experience and insight, assesses whether the shortlisted candidates truly reflect the will and aspirations of the people. If there is any indication that the candidates do not align with popular sentiment, the national leader has the authority to call for further changes, ensuring that the process remains fair and representative.

However, when the consensus and the screening process successfully produce a candidate that meets both the local caucus’s approval and the movement’s broader ideological standards, the national leader endorses the candidate. This method guarantees that the selected candidates are not only popular but also competent, ethical, and aligned with the movement’s long-term vision for societal progress and development.

An Open Democratic Platform

Despite the careful and thoughtful selection process, the Kwankwasiyya movement remains committed to upholding democracy within the party. For any aspirant who feels dissatisfied with the outcome of the selection process, the opportunity to contest in the party primaries remains open. This option ensures that all candidates have a fair chance to present their case to the party’s larger membership, maintaining transparency and inclusivity within the movement.

This democratic safety valve is another reason why Kwankwasiyya’s method of candidate selection stands out. It allows for robust internal debate and competition while ultimately reinforcing party unity and strength.

A Cornerstone of Political Dominance

The Kwankwasiyya movement’s candidate selection process is a key factor behind its sustained political dominance in Kano State and its growing influence across Nigeria. The movement’s ability to produce competent, popular, and well-prepared candidates has earned it the trust of the people. The process ensures that leadership emerges from a foundation of integrity, merit, and accountability, reflecting the movement’s broader commitment to progressive governance.

Beyond mere electoral success, the Kwankwasiyya movement represents a political ideology that is centered on empowering the masses, fostering development, and ensuring that governance is responsive to the needs of the people. Its candidate selection process is a reflection of this ideology, ensuring that leadership is not imposed but earned through consensus, merit, and democratic principles.

Conclusion

The Kwankwasiyya movement, under the guidance of Senior Dr. Rabi’u Musa Kwankwaso, has set an exemplary standard for political organization and candidate selection. By balancing grassroots participation with strong national leadership, the movement has created a model that ensures only the best candidates emerge, reinforcing its dominance and appeal. As Kwankwasiyya continues to grow in influence, its political ideology and practices will undoubtedly shape the future of Nigerian politics, setting a standard for others to follow.

Mansur Hassan, PhD
Secretary, Kwankwasiyya movement
Kano state.

By Mahmud Aminu Dambazau

One of the trending topics in the past weeks has been the increase in registration fees of students by Bayero University, Kano. Before that, the University of Maiduguri, Federal University Dutse, University of Uyo and several others had increased theirs, and of course, it was anticipated following the revelation from the federal government that it could no longer fund universities.

I am glad the state universities in Kano have not toed that path yet, as several state universities have followed suit or tried to. Engr Rabi’u Kwankwaso’s administration has, among its biggest achievements, sponsored thousands of students abroad and within the country for undergraduate and postgraduate studies. While such numbers were unprecedented and unmatched by any other state administration, there is a need to reflect, assess the previous intervention, and possibly look for alternative ways to achieve the same result without necessarily taking the same route.

Many students had dropped out of tertiary institutions even when they had a passion for the study and were lucky to pass all stages of admission simply because they could not afford the then registration fees. A day hardly passes during registrations by tertiary institutions without students begging for public support to pay their fees on radio programs in the state. Now that most of these institutions have increased their fees which are in most cases more than 100%, we are likely to have an influx of dropouts across the state. With few job opportunities and frustrations of a crumbled dream, such could threaten a volatile security situation. More students will benefit from a home-based scholarship, even if partly, than a foreign one.

Between 2011 to 2015, when Kwankwaso sent students abroad, a dollar was exchanged for less than ₦200. With the dollar now fluctuating around ₦800. It means what would be spent for a single student now would be more than what was paid for three students then; if they are to be sent to the same institutions, fees will remain unchanged. Is Kano generating at least three times what was developed during Senator Kwankwaso’s administration, even if other factors were to be constant?

I have friends that had graduated years back from private universities within the country who were also sponsored by the then administration but are unable to serve their country (NYSC) or secure employment with the government because the schools have not issued their original results to them due to inability of the successive administration to complete their payments. A relative of mine could only graduate from India because her father paid her outstanding fees.

I have heard different appeals from students sent to different countries but later abandoned after Kwankwaso’s tenure. Wouldn’t it be better to investigate and ensure all those previously sponsored thoroughly have successfully graduated and issued their original results and then devise a sustainable plan for similar future interventions even if it is to be continued?

The Kwankwaso administration established more than 20 different institutes, none of which are currently functioning. I am glad; HE Abba Kabir Yusuf had, among his first acts in government, visited the Reformatory Institute, Kiru and given directives for its revival, among others. To borrow the title of Prof. Isa Ali Pantami’s recent book, Skills Rather than Just Degrees, re-establishing these institutions will allow even those who have already acquired degrees to further polish them with relevant skills. Reviving them will certainly gulf millions if not billions. All other stages of education at the state are currently requiring urgent attention.

Recent pictures from the once glorious Science and Technical Schools Board schools are disturbing. Bringing back these institutes, Technical Schools; Schools for Arabic Studies; Adult and Nomadic schools, without doubt, are better avenues to invest rather than foreign scholarships.

Again, as an alternative to foreign scholarships, why not invest the money in needed infrastructures in our universities, get them the latest equipment and employ on contract foreign scholars while giving them specific targets to train a certain number of masters and PhD students? With that, a considerably greater number of students would benefit, meaning more research output, recognition, and higher ranking of the state universities and might even attract foreign students or grants.

Lastly and more importantly, there is a saying, thus, “Teach a man to fish rather than give him a fish”. Some months back, just before the elections, a friend of mine who graduated with a first-class degree from Bayero University, Kano, and a distinction during his masters at a university in India sponsored by the Kwankwasiyya Foundation appealed to his followers on Twitter to vote for the NNPP, at least so he and of course, others could further their studies once more, abroad. For him, it would be a PhD. There are currently multiple scholarship opportunities, such as the PTDF, especially for students with excellent results. There are even more opportunities from several universities, including some of the best universities in the world. In almost every instance, those who get such opportunities from Nigeria are usually from the southern part of the country, who are more informed and enlightened in aspects like this.

An association, Arewa Youth Mentorship Forum, comprising mainly academics that secured foreign scholarships, is mentoring the younger ones from the North. Luckily, many succeeded in securing scholarships for both undergraduate and postgraduate levels. I came across a post on their Telegram group earlier this week where they provided a list of universities in the US that offer scholarships to even second-class lower and third-class graduates. If second-class and third-class graduates could get foreign scholarships, why should scarce resources be expended on sending those who could easily get such scholarships to institutions that even the government could probably not afford to send them?

If the Kano state government can utilise these opportunities and provide an avenue for these graduates to be mentored, trained and guided on securing foreign scholarships, more students would benefit. In contrast, the government can invest the scholarship money in other areas requiring more urgent attention.

Mahmud Aminu Dambazau can be contacted via madambazau@gmail.com.

By Uzair Adam Imam

The Kano State Governor, Abba Kabir Yusuf, has met with the designer of the demolished Kano Golden Jubilee Edifice of the Government House Roundabout.

The governor who made this disclosure Monday on his verified Twitter handle, said the roundabout will be reconstructed along Na’ibawa Flyover, Zaria Road.

According to the governor, the demolition of the Government House Roundabout was for security purposes and structural considerations.

He stated, “Recently, we took the decision to move the Kano Golden Jubilee Edifice from the Government House Roundabout, due to security and structural considerations. 

“It was therefore in that regard, I met with its designer, at the structure’s new home, along the Naibawa Flyover, Zaria Road. 

“Our government is highly committed to the massive improvement of Kano’s infrastructural architecture, and its accessibility to all,” he added.

The Daily Reality recalls that the demolition of the roundabout a few weeks ago generated painful arguments with many people saying the demolition was meant to satisfy the political anger of the Abba’s Godfather, Kwankwaso, against the immediate past governor, Ganduje.

By Ahmad Deedat Zakari 

The Kano State Government has resumed awarding local and foreign postgraduate scholarships to indigenes of the state. 

This was made public on Friday through a statement signed by the Secretary to the Kano State Government, Dr Abdullahi Baffa Bichi.

Dr Bichi called for entreaties from qualified Kano graduates. Graduates with first-class honours who are from the state and are medically fit to travel abroad are eligible to apply. 

He also noted that the last time the state awarded scholarships of this kind was in 2025, during the administration of Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso.

Part of the statement reads: 

”Applications are invited from suitably qualified graduates for Kano State postgraduate foreign and local scholarships for the 2023/2024 Academic Session.

Recall that the last scholarship was offered in 2015 by Sen. Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso’s Administration which sponsored the third batch of 503 first-class graduates to 14 different countries.

After eight years without postgraduate foreign scholarship by the last administration, H.E. Engr. Abba Kabir Yusuf, The Executive Governor of Kano State, has approved the resumption of the postgraduate foreign and local scholarship with effect from the 2023/2024 Academic Session.”

Applicants are called on to fill out relevant application forms obtainable for free from www.kanostate.gov.ng/scholarship_application.

The state concludes that:

“Eligible applicants would be invited for a screening interview.

Completed application forms together with copies of credentials (indigene certificate, medical certificate, birth certificate, Primary School Certificate, WASC/GCE/SSCE certificate, Degree certificate etc) should be submitted to the secretariate of the screening committee, Old Conference Room, Office of the Secretary to the State Government, Cabinet Office, 1 Wudil Road, Kano within two weeks of this advertisement.”