PDP

Nigeria: A nation with nominal Commander-in-Chief

By Amiru Halilu
“Nearly all men can stand adversity, but if you want to test a man’s character, give him power.” – Abraham Lincoln. 
When insecurity and ineptitude became the hallmark of former President Jonathan’s administration, Nigerians opted for a greener pasture in APC in 2015. People hoped that the candidate featured by the then major opposition party, APC, would be a leader with a big picture and capacity to overcome the deep-seated insecurity that bedevilled the country. Why? He depicted himself as someone, who was actuated by altruistic desire. But, sadly, President Buhari has never been that someone.
In less than one year in office, his ineptitude and lack of competence became apparent. At present, Nigerians feel like a lost cause, trapped in a lacklustre, ennui, directionless and uninspiring leadership. We have been bearing the brunt of his gross incompetence, cluelessness and nonchalant attitude towards compelling issues and burning problems. Nigerians now feel what it means to have a president who is so wildly unable to fulfil his responsibilities.
To Buhari, being a president is just to occupy the highest office in the land, chairing executive council meetings, delivering empty speeches, sitting at the comfort of the presidential Villa while assenting to bills that have nothing to do with citizen’s well-being, junketing from one country to another dissipating our little resources and wooing ghost investors. These are the major duties Buhari has been performing as a president and the requirements of being a president in his school of thought.
From the day former President Jonathan and President Buhari were inaugurated as the fourth and fifth democratically elected president of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, ‘competence’ got missing from the country’s leadership code. What do I mean by “competence?” The Oxford English Dictionary defines it as “the ability to do something successfully or efficiently.” What has Buhari done impeccably to distinguish himself from his predecessor? Virtually nothing! To some extent, he ends up making his predecessor a hero in the eyes of many.
Nigeria is technically at war yet, we have an intellectually handicapped president, who doesn’t even have accurate information of what is happening around the nation, who cannot do serious preparation of any kind, who has hollowed out the government, filled critical posts with lackeys and selfish money-grubbers, and who has taken governance like sophomoric kid stuff. Buhari has been behaving like a president of the most peaceful nation on earth, where citizens go to bed with their two eyes closed.
What is the essence of a president under whose stewardship the country becomes a shrink tree with dead branches. Anything that will make Nigeria a subject of ridicule in the comity of nations is happening under this amateurish government. So many embarrassing events that had caused the resignation of government officials in live and breathing countries had already occurred in this lethargic and non-functional regime yet, no one was sacked because the president is grossly incompetent; he accommodates mediocre and appreciates mediocrity.
Buhari’s leadership is characterised by disappointment, uncertainty, instability — occasion by emotional trauma, grief, sorrow and misery. The only dividend his administration is paying to Nigerians is precious living. The most disastrous event now in Nigeria is travelling by road. His so much indifference to the burning topic of the day — insecurity had set off a wave of opportunities for high-profile criminals to graduate from armed robbery to kidnapping.
Travellers are unsure of getting to their final destination without being kidnapped and taken to the bush in exchange for ransom. Just as other countries are progressing in other walks of life, ours is vice-versa. Northern Nigeria is about to be taken over by armed bandits and other terrorist groups, and Buhari is leaving a dangerous vacuum filled by increased attack after attack after attack! Incessant killings are gradually becoming a daily routine in northern Nigeria.
Education, the backbone of any developed society, is under a serious threat as many schools were compelled to close down owing to a series of kidnappings. Farming, the only recourse to abject penury, was since crippled by gruesome murders. Most of the farmers who have access to their farms have met the demands of the armed bandits operating in their respective areas.
When a nation had a nominal commander in chief, it’s doom.
Amiru Halilu writes from Kaduna and can be reached through haliluamiru@gmail.com or @AmiruHalilu.

Harvest of parallel party congresses

By Abdulrazak Iliyasu Sansani

It is harvest time, where farmers all over the country harvest their crops. Some have already harvested the early maturing varieties of crops, while others are counting days to commence harvesting, or at least have started preparations for the harvesting of Agricultural produce after toiling, expending funds, and hoping of getting bumper harvest as a reward for everything.

It is an akin experience in Nigerian politics, where navigating through the political minefields entail passing the energy-sapping, complex, and rough terrains before reaching the point of achieving one’s political aspirations in Africa’s biggest democracy. It presents all the drudgery involved with manual farming and requires all the technical know-how needed to deliver the immaculate service of mechanised farming.

On  Saturday, October 16, 2021, the All Progressives Congress (APC), the governing party of Nigeria conducted their state congress in most states of the country, having done the same thing at ward and local government levels all over the country earlier. The main opposition party, the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) also went to the poll in a few of the states they were yet to elect their state executives elections namely: Adamawa, Kwara, Oyo, etc.

It was a hectic weekend. One that lived to its billing in most parts of the country. Postponements, cancellations, parallel congresses, declaration of winners, and the blatant gloating by those who purportedly won the elections in both parties, especially the APC which held congresses in more states. The APC state congress had to be called off in Taraba State to avert a grave security challenge that might have occurred, with the avalanche of thugs armed to the teeth and with their assumed battle-tested amulets, charms, etc, seen a few days to the day of the state congress in Jalingo. A decision I applauded whoever had a hand in it.

Parallel congresses held in so many states: Akwa Ibom, Kano, Ogun, Osun, Oyo, etc. Ogun is one state I guessed few would be astonished to learn that this happened. As there was no love lost between the governor, Prince Dapo Abiodun and his predecessor Senator Ibinkule Amosun. The DSS shielding the President caught in the midst of the two divergent political interests, at the last Presidential campaign rally in Abeokuta is still fresh in our minds. It was least anticipated that they won’t do anything to assert who truly holds the ace in Ogun politics.

In Kano where the good and hard-working people of Kano have always prided themselves to eclipse whatever anyone comes with to the ancient and historical state.  It indeed aptly lived up to that. As the people of Kano would always say, ‘Siyasar Kano Sai Dan Kano,’ which loosely translated as, the politics of Kano only a person from Kano would comprehend. Hence, I do solemnly affirm that this is not an attempt to stamp my expertise in Kano politics or anywhere, but a patriotic layman’s endeavour to effect changes in the weighty challenge to our democracy posed by parallel congresses across the country, which undermines it.

Parallel Congresses are colossal drawbacks to our internal democracy, which remains the basis of our external democracy. Both intra-party and inter-party democracy proceed to build a good nation when well nurtured. Unfortunately, it is the alternative to development that the harvest of these parallel congresses will reap for the people in dire need of development. What a sad reality for the brilliant and shrewd populace of Africa’s biggest economy.

We have seen these parallel Congresses across parties in Nigeria. It is not condemned to one party in Nigeria, though it is more prominent in the two parties with the highest members in Nigeria if at all we can determine genuine card-carrying members: APC and PDP. This clearly shows that these are the parties with the biggest stakes. Thus, the reason for ‘the battle for the soul of the party’. It points to the fact that drastic measures have to be taken to effectively address the conundrum. I must state that it is only a conundrum because there aren’t strong laws that strictly sanction those who engage in holding parallel congresses and other actions which we view to be less significant but have severe consequences on our democracy.

With the consequences already in the centre of commerce, Kano: reforms are long overdue. All our institutions have to be strengthened to checkmate the far-reaching implications to our democracy, which Nigerian power craving elite go beyond the limit set by our laws or cash in where it is silent on weighty issues. Legislation should be enacted in such a way that gives no room for parallel congresses. For having parallel Congress anywhere is an obvious admission of failure of our institutions, especially our laws of which the parties are products.

There can’t be two leaders of a single party at the same. Then why is it becoming more fashionable by every period of congress in the two major parties in Nigeria? Given that politicians are motivated by their ambitions, but would it still maintain its lure, if stiff punishments are in place for anyone whose actions lead to having parallel congress and other anomalies that belittle our democracy? It is highly unlikely.

All in all, injustice, greed, weak laws, disregard for standard and proper practice, and lack of stiff punishment among other issues are at the centre of its all. Therefore, when some people who believe they are or are rightly the leaders of a party based on the party’s constitution deny others a fair shot at achieving their ambitions and the authorities back then. Then it is bound to persuade them to seek whatever means to actualise their ambitions, especially when they are certain about the gross inadequacies of our institutions. Being fully aware that hardly would the offenders be penalised. They resort to whatever would lead them to success. This is a damning indictment of our system, institutions, and a sad commentary on our democracy. This has to change to a democratic nation that is firmly built on standards and strong institutions that are deeply rooted in conventional democratic practices.

Abdulrazak Iliyasu Sansani wrote from Turaki B, Jalingo, Taraba State.

The Kano APC ship on the verge of capsizing

By Musa Sa’adu

Political parties remain the only vehicle or platforms for candidates/politicians to aspire for political offices. This, however, leads to the emergence of various interest groups within a party. The groups work harmoniously together to pursue their common goals. However, the success or otherwise of a political party depends mainly on how the stakeholders manage these interest groups in the distribution of party positions, party tickets, appointments and the traditional largesse as the case may be. Failure to do these for any reason has, on so many instances, led to the internal party crises.

Kano APC faces the formidable opposition PDP-Kwankwasiyya that is waxing power to unseat them. Yet, the party is bedevilled with internal crises that by day slim and reduce its electoral chances comes 2023. Internal party crises are the primary driving force that negatively affect party performance in a poll. Before governorship elections in Kano that spring surprises are born out of internal party squabble and wranglings.

The 1983 election that produced Senator Sabo Bakinzuwo against a well-performing Governor Abubakar Rimi, seeking reelection resulted fromf party crises. The PRP crises that metamoposed into ‘Tabo‘ and ‘Santsi‘ factions, led by Malam Aminu Kano and Rimi respectively, forced Rimi as a sitting Governor to dump PRP for NPP to seek reelection. However, this was one of the cardinal reasons behind his Waterloo despite his performance in office throughout Kano and Jigawa.

In the botched Third Republic, one can learn a lesson from it. The popular and well-accepted SDP lost the Governorship election to NRC due to the internal crises in SDP, which was an offshoot of Santsi and Tabo from the Second Republic. After about three primary elections that produced an independent candidate, Engr. Magaji Abdullahi against Aminu Inuwa of Santsi faction and Ahmad Rufa’i of Tabo faction. The wrong choice of Ahmad Rufa’i as running mate to Magaji Abdullahi led to Santsi group to revolt and enter an agreement with NRC candidate Kabiru Gaya. This development changed the election outcome in favour of the NRC candidate.

Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, Malam Ibrahim Shekarau and, of course, Dr Abdullahi Umar Ganduje are no doubt the principal actors of the Fourth Republic Kano politics. The three have benefited and suffered the consequences of internal party crises.

Our memories are still intact on how the political hullabaloo, shenaniganism and internal party wranglings ruined the reelection bid of Governor Kwankwaso during the 2003 Governorship election. The defection of Danhassan, crises between Kwankwaso and some members of the National Assembly, notably the then speaker of the House Of Representatives, Hon. Ghali Na-Abba and perhaps General Buhari factor were among the contributing factors that led to the Kwankwaso/Ganduje downfall and the emergence of Malam Shekarau.

Likewise, Shekarau suffered the repercussions of internal party crises; his anointed candidate Salisu Sagir Takai was defeated by Kwankwaso/Ganduje. The crises between Shekarau and his deputy, Abdullahi Gwarzo, popularly known as Ruwa Baba, the over fifty thousand votes garnered by him during the Governorship election, has smoothly leveraged the second coming of Kwankwaso and Ganduje in the 2011 election.

The current turmoil rocking the Kano APC is a cause of concern to any committed party member. The internal crises that paved the way for two parallel conventions that produced Abdullahi Abbas and Haruna Zago representing Ganduje and Shekarau led factions respectively will create a hole that will gradually sink the Kano APC ship, and neither the Ganduje nor Shekarau will survive the mishaps including their supporters.

In politics, number matters; everyone is important! Don’t tell me someone who’s Governor for eight years and a serving senator doesn’t have political influence, and these G-7 members, as they fondly called themselves, are blessed with sturdy supporters and resources to bankroll political movements that can make or mar an election.

With the Tuesday court verdict favouring the Shekarau-led faction and considering the nature of Nigerian litigation processes, I’m afraid that whichever faction the pendulum swings and even if they won the general polls, the replica of Zamfara 2019 is imminent.

Both Ganduje and Shekarau should tread with caution; there is still time. They shouldn’t listen to the sycophants instigating the crises. Let them sit, discuss and iron out the grey and problematic areas and find out political solutions; otherwise, Kwankwaso will send them to political oblivion.

Musa Sa’adu wrote from Sumaila and can be reached through musasaadu0181@gmail.com.

On power rotation, Nigeria should face reality

By Aliyu Ammani Junior

Leadership has been one of the common unbalanced difficulties in Nigeria’s political space since independence: 1964 Federal Election Crisis, January 1966 coup, 1966 counter-coup, Nigeria/Biafra civil war, Gideon Orkar’s failed coup, post-June 12 political crisis, and more. All in one way or another—linkable to one part’s sentiment of being marginalized, omitted, or denied the sense of representation.

Ideally, merit, competency, integrity, and capacity are the benchmarks in selecting a leader, not a power rotation or sharing formula. Nevertheless, the situation in Nigeria, a complex country of multiethnic and multi-religious organizations with uneven federalism that is almost consolidated, is not about competency, merit, integrity, and capacity.

A centralized structure ravaged by agitation, deep suspicion of fear of ethnic and religious hegemony demands a rotating power between north and south to accommodate the emotions and sentiments of these regions and their people. Providing a rotation formula would go a long way in sustaining a united Nigeria considering the existing deep divisions among Nigerians. It will produce fairness, equality, equity, justice, a sense of possession, and identification.

Unless a requisite equate is attained, where every part and tribe has developed a sense of possession, identification, and the federalism is no longer leaning; Nigeria will always require a practical formula for unifying the diverging segments that formed ‘The Federal Republic Of Nigeria.’

The fault of power rotation is theoretical and unrealistic; some argue that it is ‘undemocratic’ because it deprives certain people with competence, capacity, and experience the right to be voted—for when zoning does not favour their locus. There is no universal structure of democracy; what is universal about democracy is the basic principles that guide it. The focus of democratic practical demands remains locally confined. As a substantial social value, democracy has complex and diverse considerations and needs. Therefore, it should be hacked to suit local conditions and circumstances.

It is deceiving and tricky to limit the democratic system to mechanical conditions (popular will) without referring to instrumental conditions like the blanket sense of identity—inclusiveness—possession from every component.

Another narrowed argument against the rotating formula is that it is ineffectual and of no help – since a typical citizen from the leader’s zone is not better comforted ‘materialistically’ than other citizens from distant zones. Realistically, it is restricting, reducing, and neo-Marxist to limit the decisive quest of political aspirations and struggles to ‘distribution of resources’ without appreciating other factors; recognition, possession, and sense of identification. In a heterogeneous populace, it is significant to feel represented and connected by having someone from your spot and its experience, occupying a high post (including the office of the President) at least—in a while.

As earlier acknowledged, in usual events—merit, competency, integrity, and capacity should be ‘benchmarks’ in deciding a leader, not a formula. Undeniably, the merit, competency, integrity, and capacity test is a dubious and probable trial.  With a power rotating procedure, the questionable and possible trial remains untouched. Except that something is going to be fixed, every portion will develop a sense of possession, identification, and responsibility “I played: it’s time for someone.”

 

Aliyu Ammani Junior

Kaduna, Nigeria.

Youth leadership in Nigeria and the Muhammed Kadade’s example

By Abdulrazak Iliyasu Sansani

I am not a card-carrying member of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) or any other party. But I was on the cusp of becoming a member of the Congress for Progressive Change (CPC) in 2010 as a young man, who was majorly stopped by the constitutional requirements of being a card-carrying member, which I did not fulfil certain aspects of.  And, of course, other thoughtful considerations have prevented me from joining any party officially.

So, when the CPC merged with the ACN, ANPP, and a faction of APGA, the urge to join was renewed, and it only took God’s guidance for me not to have joined it or any other party. Nevertheless, I have always done all these with patriotic conviction and buoyed by the zeal to help my country in my little ways.

I am not a blind follower of any cause and certainly not a supporter of broad generalisations. This explains why I have never jumped on the bandwagon where youth leadership is equated with exemplary leadership, especially with optimal performance. I have clearly shown why it is not so in so many of my writings in the past. Nevertheless, I still believe that good leadership can be gotten in both the young and old. Throughout history, this has been proven to be spot on.

But when it comes to the issue of any leadership position that is reserved for youth. I am wholly in support of only youth leading in that instance. I do not subscribe to older men holding offices kept for the youth, which was absurdly becoming a given.

Hence, on October 31,  early Sunday morning, when I received the news of the emergence of the new National Youth Leader of PDP, Muhammed Kadade Sulaiman, whose age has been reported in so many newspapers, blogs, tabloids, etc. to be 25, I received it with great delight. It is a refreshing deviation from the past that had largely made a mockery of the contribution of the youth in respect of all the major parties in Nigeria. While this doesn’t repay all that, not even close. But it is the right step in the right direction.

If certain positions were mainly preserved for the elders, I would have had the same abhorrence if the youth destroyed this arrangement and occupied offices exclusively for the elders. I am a stickler for rules. Thus, I respect conventions and believe everyone should only get what is reserved for them.

In essence, I celebrated the victory of the PDP National Youth Leader, Muhammed Kadade Sulaiman, with the clarity of the triumph of the right thing over absurdity. Some have argued about his influential or rather affluent family background being the two reasons for his success. Whatever it is, there are numerous families with considerable influence in the polity who have had scions, who are political aficionados, and have vied for positions less significant than this and lost. They would have grabbed with both hands this grand opportunity, should it have been just for the two reasons above.

Therefore, the People’s Democratic Party, no matter your grouse against the party, has done something strategic and commendable. And for some of us, we applaud anything good and positive. We leave the rest for the pundits, political scientists, and seasoned politicians to analyse.

I hope Muhammed Kadade Sulaiman does well in this big assignment, and I pray that his emergence will pave the way for the massive influx of good and responsible youth in leadership positions. In the end, I also believe that the young and the old shouldn’t be denied a constitutional right to vote and be voted for simply because of their age. Merit must always be the watchword whenever we commence leadership discussion anywhere.

Abdulrazak Iliyasu Sansani wrote from Turaki B, Jalingo, Taraba State.

PDP will return to Aso Rock in 2023 – Kadade

By Uzair Adam Imam

Peoples Democratic Party (PDP)’s National Youth Leader-elect, Prince Muhammed Kadade Suleiman, said that they will work assiduously to return PDP to Aso Rock in the forthcoming election of 2023.

Kadade declared this in a statement issued in Kaduna, adding that “Under the leadership of our newly-elected Chairman, Dr Iyorchia Ayu, myself and other elected members of the National Working Committee (NWC), we will work assiduously to return PDP to Aso Rock in 2023.”

He added that they are well aware of the challenges currently bedeviling the youths in the country as a result of bad leadership of the APC government.

Kadade also stated that his emergence as the youth leader is a demonstration of the party’s youth inclusiveness, adding that: “Whether you voted for me or not, whether you supported me or not, I want to assure you that this is a victory not just for me, but for the entire PDP and the youth of Nigeria.”

However, Kaded also said he will be open to all, for advice, contributions and support in discharging his functions.

Baffa Bichi celebrates Kwankwaso’s birthday

I, Dr Baffa Abdullahi Bichi, on behalf of my family, One-2-Tell-10 Compassion and the entire good people of Kano State, rejoice with His Excellency Sen. Dr Rabi’u Musa Kwankwaso on his 65th birthday.

We thank Almighty for sparing our lives to witness another propitious anniversary of our leader, Kwankwaso.

The achievements of your first and, especially, your second tenures as Kano State Governor, in both human and capital development, are unprecedented. The revival of education, leadership by example and touching the lives of millions of people, among many things, will always make me proud to associate myself with you.

As I join millions of Nigerians in felicitating with you on this joyous occasion of your 65th birthday anniversary, I wish you Allah’s guidance, good health, prosperity and many happy returns.

Happy birthday, sir!

Rumour of my arrest is false and baseless – Kwankwaso

By Uzair Adam Imam

The former governor of Kano State, Engr. Rabu Musa Kwankwaso, has described the rumour of his arrest by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) as false and baseless, contrary to media reports.

This was contained in a statement signed by the Coordinator of Kwankwaso Media Center, Malam Sunusi Bature Dawakin Tofa.

The statement said that Kwankwaso personally visited the commission’s office to clear his name over some allegations made against him.

The former governor, according to the statement, has described the petition as politically motivated.

The statement reads in part: “The rumour of my arrest is false and baseless. As a law-abiding and respected citizen, I personally visited the commission on Saturday in order to clear my name and exactly that’s what happened.

“I met with them, the officials of EFCC, and told them that I came to clear my name over a petition written since 2015 against me. I provided answers to all the questions raised by the officials,” the statement quoted the former governor.

2023 Elections: Kano politics so far…

By Salisu Uba Kofar-Wambai

Kano politics is unique, unmatched and unparalleled in all its ramifications. The uniqueness begins from its genres of political communication. The encapsulation of comedy, funny utterances and other rhetorics in the body politic define Kano politics since the First Republic. One can authoritatively posit that the Kano political propaganda through name-calling and other techniques cannot be found anywhere in the world.

The other philosophy and unequalled precept that distinguish its politics is radicalism and politics of ideology. It is the home of Malam Aminu Kano, the renowned masses emancipator and the leader of Nigeria’s democracy of doctrine and dogmas. The ideology taught by the past generation of Kano politicians is always passed from generation to generation. This will explain why, no matter the circumstances, our governors must work harder than other governors of Nigeria to win the electorate’s support. Every governor is struggling to wipe the history of their predecessor in projects executions even when the politics of corruption and deception take centre stage nationwide. Many didn’t know this secret of Kano distinct way of politics. It is our talisman.

However, you can’t superimpose a candidate in Kano politics no matter who you think can control and influence public opinions. There are easy swings in loyalty; therefore, it is the electorate that decides their fate. The maxim of collecting any candidate’s money and vote your choice on election days is attributed to Malam Aminu Kano. It is still very relevant in Kano politics.

Looking at the two camps of Kano political heavyweights today will be an interesting analysis. APC, as a ruling party, is a powerful force to reckon with. It has encompassed renowned politicians like Malam Ibrahim Shekarau, Senator Kabiru Gaya and what have you. The party has become an escaping ground of many seasoned politicians who cannot stand Engr. Rabiu Kwankwaso’s kind of power grip in the PDP.

Although these sets of politicians are not relevant to the APC’s camp, they’re not happy with the way, and manner Governor Abdullahi Ganduje’s government is run, especially the land matters and prioritization of projects that only serve the interest of the governor to earn his mighty 10 per cent. Let alone how the APC chairman and his cronies run the party as if they’re military dictators. There is nothing like internal democracy. And the chairman’s utterances have become a source of worry and grief to those party followers who want to see the sustenance of the party’s success come 2023.

Now that the struggle for 2023 has started and the politicians have already beat the drum, APC faces a threat and an uphill task on who will take after Ganduje. One can easily fathom and decipher from the hottest exchange of politicians how tough the politics will be.

So far, the top contenders are the deputy governor, Nasiru Gawuna, who remains mute, and the commissioner for local government affairs, who’s considered to be Ganduje, and his wife’s anointed son, who is doing all the talks for the deputy governor. The seconder is  Kano North senator and chairman senate committee of appropriations, Barau I. Jibril.

However, the recent outburst by Dr Hafsa Ganduje alias Goggo, the governor’s wife, who let the cat out of the bag, bluntly showed the governor’s support. So it lies with the deputy governor’s camp even though the commissioner of the information spun her statements where he said: she wasn’t understood, her utterances were twisted. The other contenders are AA Zaura and Barrister Inuwa Waya.

It seems the governor is caught between the devil and the deep blue sea. It is an undeniable fact that Senator Barau is the man of the moment. His political machinery is increasingly gathering momentum, and he’s believed to be the man who can challenge PDP Kwankwasiyya political movement in popularity and funds wise. But the governor seems not to be with him. And Gawuna has no political and economic wherewithal to fight for the Kano seat. Nobody will argue this. So, if the governor mistakes the gubernatorial candidate, it is at his own risk, for his sworn enemies may likely grip on to power, and he knows the consequences.

However, the meeting of Shekarau, Gaya, Barau and some reps like Shaaban Sharada and Abdulkadir Jobe says a lot. They all felt that they were relegated and marginalized to mere party members during the recently conducted local government party executives positions elections and the upcoming Saturday state executive party positions contest. It is a clear pointer that the party is facing severe intraparty wranglings. And such tussles can quickly become an undertaker of the ruling party.

As the opposition party, PDP is facing its kind of internal disputes between the Kwankwasiyya political movement and the Aminu Wali’s camp, former minister of foreign affairs, one of the remaining PDP founding fathers and member of the PDP board of trustees. There have intense struggles with who will control the party at the state level. Wali’s camp is accusing Kwankwaso of total domination of the party and blaming him of anti-party activity during the 2019 general elections when Atiku Abubakar contested for presidency. On the other hand, Kwankwasiyya is equally boasting their number of supporters, the popularity of their grand leader, Rabiu Kwankwaso, the former Kano state governor.

As things keep on twisting by day, we wait to see how far the gum will be shot into the air.

Salisu Uba Kofar-Wambai wrote from Kano. He can be contacted via salisunews@gmail.com.