Nigeria

By Sabiu Abdullahi

The Presidency has said President Bola Ahmed Tinubu is entitled to seek a second term in office, just as the late former President Muhammadu Buhari did.

Bayo Onanuga, the Special Adviser to the President on Information and Strategy, made this known during an interview with Trust Radio on Wednesday.

He urged Northern politicians to exercise patience and respect the rotational power arrangement, arguing that the South supported Buhari for eight years and should be allowed to complete its own turn.

Onanuga dismissed recent claims by the Arewa Consultative Forum (ACF) about Northern marginalisation.

He described such complaints as a veiled attempt to weaken Tinubu’s government.

“This president is a Nigerian. He deserves the same two terms that Buhari had. Let’s not sacrifice the country for personal ambition,” Onanuga stated.

Addressing allegations that federal appointments under Tinubu favour the Southwest, Onanuga challenged those making the accusations to present credible data rather than general assumptions.

He also dismissed reports of lopsided infrastructure development. He said the Tinubu administration inherited several incomplete and abandoned projects across the country.

Onanuga pointed to appointments in the security sector as proof of inclusiveness, saying Northerners head key agencies under Tinubu’s leadership.

“You need to get your statistics right. It’s all political mischief designed to undermine the President. There are bad roads across the country, not just in the North.

“The National Security Adviser, Chief of Defence Staff, and the two Defence Ministers are all Northerners. Places like Birnin Gwari and Igabi (in Kaduna) are now safer. I drove from Kaduna to Abuja without incident, a journey that was once unthinkable,” he added.

By Hadiza Abdulkadir

Nigerian spoken word artist and poet, Maryam Bukar Hassan, has been appointed the first United Nations Global Advocate for Peace, marking a historic milestone for both the artist and the continent.

Known for her evocative poetry and powerful performances, Hassan, often called “Alhanislam” by her fans, has gained international recognition for using her voice to address pressing social issues. Her latest appointment underscores the UN’s commitment to engaging young voices in the global peacebuilding process.

In her new role, Hassan is expected to lead campaigns that inspire dialogue, promote conflict resolution, and amplify youth perspectives on peace. Her message, rooted in empathy and resilience, has resonated with many around the world.

“Peace is not a silence you force into people’s mouths… It is not the absence of war; it is the presence of understanding,” she says in her latest poem — a reflection of the conviction she brings to her advocacy.

With conflict and crisis affecting millions globally, especially young people, Hassan’s appointment comes at a critical time. Her voice offers not just representation, but a rallying call for hope and healing.

By Oladoja M.O

The Bola Ahmed Tinubu administration has unarguably embarked on a bold and unapologetic mission to retool Nigeria’s economy. From the abrupt removal of petrol subsidies to the floating of the naira, the unification of multiple FX windows, and most recently, the signing of the landmark Tax Reform and Fiscal Policy Bill, there is no denying that the government has chosen a macro-to-micro economic approach. That is, fix the big picture first, then let the gains gradually filter to the people.

And indeed, the “green lights” are beginning to blink. Global credit rating agencies such as Fitch and Moody’s have upgraded Nigeria’s outlook. Foreign investors are expressing renewed interest. Oil production is improving, FX liquidity is easing, and fiscal buffers are being rebuilt. From a purely macroeconomic standpoint, Nigeria appears to be reclaiming its place as a serious economy with a reform-minded leadership.

But there’s a contradiction that cannot be ignored: on the streets of Agege, Aba, Makurdi, and beyond, the economy is still red; red markets, red household budgets, red transport fares, and red faces of frustration. Prices have tripled in some cases. Wages have barely moved. Many can no longer afford their children’s school fees. Traders are losing capital to inflation. Food is fast becoming a luxury. Amid this hardship, Nigerians are asking the most honest, piercing question of the moment:

“If the economy is growing, why am I still shrinking?” “If the economy is growing, where is the growth in my pocket?”

This is not a question born out of ignorance. It is a legitimate cry that speaks to the disconnect between macroeconomic progress and microeconomic relief. Yes, the big numbers are looking better, but the lived realities of the majority are deteriorating. To understand this discrepancy, we must first understand the difference between macroeconomics and microeconomics. 

Macroeconomics concerns itself with the national economy, including factors such as GDP growth, inflation rates, budget deficits, and foreign exchange reserves. These are the indicators investors, multilateral organisations, and economic analysts watch. Microeconomics, on the other hand, deals with everyday realities: how much you earn, what you can buy with that income, whether your small business can survive, and whether prices of food, fuel, and medicine are manageable. In theory, macroeconomic stability should, over time, trickle down and improve microeconomic conditions. But in practice, especially in a country like Nigeria, that process is rarely smooth or automatic.

The truth is that reforms, especially big, structural reforms create what economists call a “lag effect.” That is, the pain comes first; the relief comes much later. Floating the naira made the exchange rate more transparent and investor-friendly, but it also instantly raised the price of imported goods. Removing fuel subsidy fixed a long-standing fiscal leak, but it also sent transport and food prices soaring. And because Nigeria imports a significant share of its consumption, inflation spiked, with devastating effects on the poor. Salaries have not caught up. Social safety nets are thin. Informal workers who make up over 60% of Nigeria’s labour force are primarily left to fend for themselves.

Yet, this is the path the government has chosen. And it is important to say this clearly: choosing a macro-first approach is not inherently wrong. In fact, for a country like Nigeria, plagued by decades of financial mismanagement, it is even necessary. Fixing subsidies, unifying the exchange rate, and rebuilding fiscal credibility are long overdue. Every administration must work with the strategy it believes in, and this government has opted to “stabilise the roof before fixing the foundation.” That, in itself, is a policy choice one with clear upsides.

However, macroeconomic success without a visible microeconomic impact is a hard sell to a hungry population. People don’t live in GDP. They live on garri, transport fares, and electricity bills. While international investors applaud the courage of reforms, local citizens are asking: Where is the evidence that my own life is getting better?

The administration is not blind to this concern. The recently signed Tax Reform and Fiscal Policy Bill is part of a broader effort to expand the tax net and capture the informal sector, both to raise revenue and bring more economic players into visibility. But again, for the everyday Nigerian, these reforms are abstract. What matters is how they translate into food on the table, money in the pocket, and hope in the future.

So, how do we build a bridge between this macro-level retooling and the micro-level reality of the people?

First, we must move beyond tokenistic interventions like cash transfers and instead design innovative relief tools that tie micro-support to long-term productivity. For example, introducing community-based digital vouchers that support food or fuel purchases but are redeemable only when tied to school attendance, digital payments, or participation in a training program would ease the current pressure while also boosting the country’s long-term human capital.

Second, the government must decentralise economic adaptation. Nigeria is too diverse for a one-size-fits-all economic playbook. Establishing “Local Reform Chambers” committees made up of state governments, market leaders, and community associations can help interpret macro policies at a local level and propose area-specific interventions. If subsidy removal causes a shock in Zaria or Owerri, let those communities co-design their response, be it cooperative transport schemes or communal food banks, funded partially by the government and partially by local actors.

Thirdly, data must become a feedback tool, not just a planning tool. The government should publish a monthly Macro-to-Micro Progress Report that clearly shows how reforms are improving incomes, lowering costs, or reaching underserved communities. Let people see the path of change, even if it’s still under construction.

Finally, the government must actively invest in skills, tools, and local infrastructure. Don’t just train youths to code; train them to fix machines, install solar panels, manage cooperatives, and build homes. Make markets more productive with solar lighting, shared storage, and access to water. These are the enablers that convert national growth into grassroots empowerment.

Conclusively, it is fair to acknowledge that the current administration is taking steps that previous governments only danced around. The reforms are not without merit and frankly, not without courage. But reforms are not complete until they reach the people.

The Nigerian people are not impatient; they are simply in pain. And when they ask, “If the economy is growing, why is my pocket not?” they are not being unreasonable. They are asking for what every citizen deserves: a place in the progress. Now is the time to move beyond balancing spreadsheets and begin balancing lives because growth is only real when it is felt.

And no reform is complete until the people rise with the numbers.

Oladoja M.O writes from Abuja and can be reached at: mayokunmark@gmail.com

By Zayyad I. Muhammad 

Bauchi is one of the few states, perhaps the only one, in northern Nigeria that has consistently upheld a politics rooted in independence. The people of Bauchi are known for their distinct political culture: no candidate, political party, or ideology can be imposed on them. Incumbency holds little sway, and public or political office holders often fail to win elections.

From the days of the Northern Elements Progressive Union (NEPU) in the First Republic, to the politics of the Second Republic, and even the cult-like support for Muhammadu Buhari in more recent times, Bauchi has carved out a political identity that is both unique and enduring.

A review of Bauchi’s electoral history, particularly in gubernatorial contests, reveals a striking pattern of political independence that many analysts regard as unmatched in Nigeria. 

For instance:

In 1979, they elected Tatari Ali as Governor under the National Party of Nigeria (NPN) against their kinsman within the North East, in the person of Alhaji Ibrahim Waziri of the GNPP.

In 1992, they elected Alhaji Dahiru Mohammed Deba as Governor, alongside Alh Ibrahim Tofa of NRC, against the popular candidature of MKO Abiola 

Somehow in 1999, after a rerun election, PDP managed to win, and Adamu Mu’azu got elected as Governor, but later lost the bid to win senatorial elections after serving for 8 years as Governor. 

In 2007, Mal. Isa Yuguda won as Governor under ANPP against the incumbent PDP when Yar’Adua was president. 

In 2011, the state aligned with the opposition APC to produce Mohammed Abdullahi Abubakar as Governor, but lost his re-election bid despite being the sitting governor to the Present Governor Bala Mohammed of the PDP.

This pattern speaks volumes:

Abuja or any ‘interest’ cannot and has never dictated the governor’s emergence in Bauchi state. Imposing candidates rarely work. Incumbency does not guarantee re-election. High-profile public and political office holders have little impact. Governors have lost re-election, senatorial bids, and attempts to anoint successors in several Cases. The swinging nature of Bauchi politics is one of its most intriguing features

Equally remarkable is the background of those elected. Since 1999, Bauchi governors have consistently emerged from modest or unexpected circumstances- ‘Zero level, so to speak. Governors Adamu Mu’azu, Isa Yuguda, Mohammed Abubakar, and the present Bala Mohammed all came from zero disposition, meaning they did not hold a position or office for at least two years during the election period. This trend illustrates the state’s openness to merit and its resistance to political imposition.

Looking ahead to the 2027 elections, it appears to be the state with the highest number of contestants so far. 

1. Mohammed Auwal Jatau – the current Deputy Governor of Bauchi State

2. Muhammad Ali Pate – the current Minister of Health

3. Dr. Nura Manu Soro – Ex-Finance Commissioner and President Tinubu campaign Coordinator. 

4. Ambassador Yusuf Tuggar, current minister of foreign affairs. 

5. ⁠Senator Shehu Buba, a serving senator from the APC 

6. ⁠Alhaji Bala Wunti, former MD of NAPIMS

7. ⁠RTD Air Marshal Sadiq, former APC gubernatorial candidate 

8. ⁠Senator Halliru Jika, former senator 

9. ⁠Dr. MUSA Babayo, former chairman of TETFUND 

10. ⁠Senator Dahuwa Kaila, a serving senator, among numerous others. 

With such a lineup and Bauchi’s long history of voter independence, the 2027 elections promise to be as competitive and unpredictable as ever.

Bauchi’s politics remain firmly anchored in progressive and populist traditions. Candidates without a clear vision or strong grassroots connection are regularly rejected at the polls, and 2027 is likely to uphold that tradition.

Only time will tell.

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja via zaymohd@yahoo.com.

By Uzair Adam

The Kano State Government has reaffirmed its commitment to eradicating malaria as it officially flagged off the 2025 Seasonal Malaria Chemoprevention (SMC) Campaign and Insecticide-Treated Net (ITN) distribution in Madobi Local Government Area.

The event, held at Burji Primary Health Centre on Monday, was attended by key government officials, including the Deputy Governor, Comrade Aminu Abdussalam Gwarzo, who represented the Governor, Alhaji Abba Kabir Yusuf.

Governor Yusuf, in his address delivered by the Deputy Governor, said the administration remains dedicated to protecting the health and wellbeing of Kano residents, stressing that malaria elimination is a top priority in its health agenda.

This development was disclosed in a statement by the Public Relations Officer of the Kano State Ministry of Health, Nabilusi Abubakar, on Tuesday.

Also speaking, the state Commissioner for Health, Dr. Abubakar Labaran Yusuf, highlighted the government’s ongoing efforts to improve healthcare delivery, particularly at the grassroots level.

He noted that several primary health care centres have been renovated under the current administration, with free medical services now available to residents.

Dr. Labaran further stated that the Ministry of Health is committed to closely monitoring healthcare facilities to ensure effective service delivery. He assured that more health centres would benefit from similar interventions in the coming months.

The campaign is aimed at protecting thousands of children and vulnerable groups from malaria, especially during the peak transmission season.

This includes administering preventive medications and distributing insecticide-treated nets across the state.

The programme is part of broader reforms in the health sector, targeting improved outcomes through preventive care and increased access to essential services.

By Anas Abbas

In recent weeks, Nigerian students across various universities have expressed growing frustration over the delayed disbursement of their upkeep allowances, a situation that has exacerbated the financial challenges many face amidst a struggling economy.

The Daily reality gathered that the upkeep allowance which is intended to support students with living expenses, has become a critical lifeline for those relying on it to cover basic needs such as food and transportation.

The Situation on Campus

Reports from Bayero university, Kano indicates that students are increasingly vocal about their plight.

On social media platforms,the students are commenting that the nelfund should disburse their stipend on a regular release.

“The NELFUND upkeep issue has become increasingly concerning, raising doubts about the program’s sustainability due to poor scheduling and inconsistency. Many students rely heavily on these allowances for their food and transportation, and the delays have caused significant hardship,” expressed Yusuf Aminu, a final-year student.

Adamu Muhammad expressed to the Daily Reality that NELFUND should disburse stipends to students on a monthly basis, rather than at arbitrary intervals.

Since it is intended as a monthly allowance, payments should not be made at the discretion of the program.

The current method of distributing student upkeep funds falls short of acceptable standards. “How can upkeep be paid two months or more after it’s due? This is an issue that officials must address urgently.Many students rely entirely on NELFUND, using the stipend to cover essential needs,” he said.

Economic Context

The concerns raised by students come against the backdrop of Nigeria’s ongoing economic challenges. Inflation rates have soared, leading to increased prices for food and other essentials within the compusMany students report having to skip meals or rely on loans from friends to make ends meet while waiting for their allwances.

Nelfund Response

The Daily Reality reached out to the NELFUND office via email and phone but has yet to receive a response.Looking AheadAs students continue to voice their concerns, there are calls for greater accountability and transparency. Student Union government is urging students to be patient.

In a short interview, the Student Union Government (SUG) of Bayero University Kano (BUK) assured the Daily Reality that students should remain patient as the union is actively working to ensure the timely disbursement of their stipends.

“Last week, several universities received their monthly allowances, and we anticipate that Bayero University will receive their upkeep this week,” the SUG representative stated.

“If the allowances are not released by the end of the week, we will send a delegation from the SUG to the NELFUND office in Abuja to address the issue directly,” he added.

As the situation develops, it is clear that addressing these concerns will be crucial not only for the well-being of Nigerian students but also for the future of education in the country.

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

A new report by the Big Tent coalition, a political reform group, reveals that rural poverty in Nigeria has deteriorated to levels worse than at independence in 1960, with 75% of rural Nigerians trapped in chronic poverty.

The study, led by political economist Prof. Pat Utomi, highlights severe hunger, insecurity, and failing infrastructure, accusing the political class of prioritizing “power and propaganda over purpose.”

“Walk the streets of Ibadan or Maiduguri, and you’ll see the new destitution,” the 14-page report stated. It noted that 30 million Nigerians face acute food insecurity, with rural resilience destroyed by neglect and violence.

The report condemned government spending on projects like new presidential jets and the Lagos-Calabar highway while millions suffer.

It warned of collapsing trust in leadership, citing a grassroots survey showing citizens are “angry and hungry.”

Agriculture, once Nigeria’s economic backbone, now suffers a N1.04 trillion trade deficit, with farmers crippled by insecurity and poor policies.

The coalition urged urgent reforms, including university-led farming programs and regional industrialization.

With Nigeria’s debt rising and corruption unchecked, the Big Tent called for digitized elections and balanced budget laws.

“We are mortgaging the future,” the report warned.

“The state of our nation is terrifying,” Utomi said. “Citizens must reclaim the public square—this is the urgency of now.”

By Sabiu Abdullah

The Comptroller-General of the Nigeria Customs Service (NCS), Bashir Adewale Adeniyi, visited the State House Press Gallery in Abuja on Monday, July 27, 2025, to pay tribute to the late Dr. Leon Usigbe, the Abuja Bureau Chief of the Nigerian Tribune.

During the visit, which took place in a solemn atmosphere, CGC Adeniyi signed the condolence register opened by the State House Press Corps.

He described the late journalist as “a seasoned professional who carried out his duties with rare depth, integrity, and commitment to the ideals of journalism.”Clearly emotional, Adeniyi expressed the deep sense of loss felt by the media and broader society.

In his words, “We have lost a giant in the media landscape. Dr. Usigbe was a journalist of uncommon excellence whose dedication to truth and fairness made him a reference point for many in the profession.”

Known for promoting open engagement with the press, CGC Adeniyi extended his sympathies to Dr. Usigbe’s family, colleagues in the State House Press Corps, and the management of the Nigerian Tribune.

He encouraged them to draw strength from the life and values the late journalist embodied.Dr. Usigbe was widely regarded as one of the most respected political correspondents in the country.

His career was marked by sharp analysis and fearless reporting on governance and public affairs.

His death has triggered a wave of tributes from government officials, media professionals, and civic voices, all recognizing the void left by his absence.

The condolence register has continued to receive messages from high-ranking officials, veteran journalists, and friends, underscoring the influence Dr. Usigbe had in shaping ethical journalism and public discourse in Nigeria.

His legacy remains a beacon for professionalism and integrity in the field.

By Uzair Adam

Media Rights Agenda (MRA) has expressed deep concern over what it described as a sharp rise in attacks on media freedom and civic expression in Nigeria, particularly the misuse of the Cybercrime Act by law enforcement agencies to intimidate and penalize journalists and government critics.

The concern was raised in a mid-term assessment report of President Bola Tinubu’s administration released on Monday.

Titled “The Onslaught Intensifies: A Mid-term Assessment Report on Media Freedom under the Tinubu Administration,” the report documents 141 cases of attacks on journalists, media workers, and citizens between May 29, 2023, and May 29, 2025, for peacefully expressing their views on issues such as governance, economic challenges, and security.

According to MRA, 61 of these incidents—representing over 43%—were carried out by personnel of the Nigeria Police, while the Department of State Services (DSS) was responsible for seven cases.

Together, the two agencies accounted for nearly half of all recorded violations.

The report held the Tinubu-led government responsible for these abuses, citing Principle 20(5) of the Declaration of Principles on Freedom of Expression and Access to Information in Africa, which holds states accountable for violations committed by law enforcement and other state actors against media practitioners.

In the report’s preface, MRA’s Executive Director, Edetaen Ojo, highlighted the use of repressive laws like the Cybercrime Act to suppress journalists, alongside politically motivated sanctions, arbitrary arrests, surveillance, and censorship of government-owned media outlets.

Ojo described the report as a necessary intervention amid growing threats to Nigeria’s democratic values, stressing that its goal is not just to criticize but to document and analyze the government’s impact on freedom of expression.

Among the report’s most troubling revelations is the continued abuse of Section 24 of the Cybercrime Act (2015), which has been frequently used to arrest, detain, and prosecute journalists and social media users for online expressions deemed critical of the government.

The report documented several such cases, including the arrests of Emmanuel Uti of the Foundation for Investigative Journalism (FIJ), blogger Destiny Ekhorutomuen in Edo State, four staff members of Informant247 in Kwara State, lawyer and activist Dele Farotimi, and others who faced harsh bail conditions or prolonged detention.

MRA noted that international concern over the misuse of the Act reached a peak in June 2025, when the Heads of Mission of the United States, United Kingdom, Canada, Norway, and Finland issued a joint statement condemning the Nigerian government’s abuse of the law and calling for urgent reforms.

The report also criticized the government’s treatment of peaceful protests as criminal acts, pointing out cases where even minors were charged with treason—a capital offence—for simply demonstrating.

Journalists covering such protests were often brutalized, detained, or had their equipment confiscated or destroyed, with no perpetrators brought to justice.

Commenting on the report’s release, MRA’s Communications Officer, Idowu Adewale, described it as troubling that President Tinubu—once a pro-democracy activist and media proprietor—is now at the helm of an administration increasingly defined by repression.

The organization called on all stakeholders, including media professionals, civil society, the judiciary, the legislature, and international partners, to pressure the Nigerian government into enacting reforms that protect media freedom, free expression, and democratic principles.

By Prof. Abdalla Uba Adamu 

Let me start with a context. It happened on June 27, 2024, Gabon’s Show on YouTube.

“Zarmalulu no work” was an expression uttered by TikTok influencer Sayyada Sadiya Haruna, describing the state of her marriage to another TikToker, Abubakar Ibrahim, a Hausa Rapper based in Kano, northern Nigeria, and known by the stage name G-Fresh Alamin. She used the expression during her interview with Hadiza Aliyu Gabon, a Kannywood (Hausa cinema of northern Nigeria) film actress, in an episode of Gabon’s YouTube Show, “Gabon,” on June 27, 2024. Haruna used the expression to inform Gabon and her viewers that G-Fresh was impotent on their wedding night, using ‘Zarmalulu’ as a social code for his non-performing reproductive organ.   

The expression, which quickly became a meme referring to the male sexual organ and its (dis)abilities, became a trending term in Hausaphone social media counterculture, and G-Fresh, usually full of swagger and macho posturing, was highly ridiculed and his swagger deflated, as it were. In this process, Haruna has provided males with an easy way of explaining their erectile dysfunction to either their partners or their healthcare provider in a less embarrassing and amusing way. The use of the term openly reveals a growing vocabulary of erotic neologisms in Hausa social media and reflects the emergence of what I refer to as Hausa digital counterculture.

This media incidence – which received massive views, significantly improving Gabon’s financial standing – reflects one of the fascinating aspects of language development within the context of media anthropology. I am pretty sure that Margaret Mead, the doyen of cultural anthropologists, would have welcomed social media and its potential in studying digital natives. Safer, too. With the increasing creation of conventional and alternative communities on social media, a new discipline has emerged to enable people to study others without the necessity of being in the same physical space and time with them. So, what exactly is “media anthropology”? 

Media anthropology is the ethnographic and critical study of how media—especially digital and social media—are embedded in the cultural, social, political, and economic lives of people. It is a subfield of anthropology that examines how people create, utilise, interpret, and are influenced by media in their daily lives. It blends the traditional ethnographic methods of anthropology—such as participant observation and in-depth interviews—with the analysis of media technologies and content.

My initial focus was on Hausa literature and its transformations – from physical print to online publishing, then to the film industry – encompassing feature films and distribution through tapes, CDs, DVDs, and YouTube series. I then moved on to music, from griot wordsmiths to rap and hip hop. It was all pretty exciting. Then, social media made its entrance and created multiple new entries into the field. 

As a media anthropologist, I immerse myself in communities—both online and offline—to understand how people engage with digital media. For this study, I focused primarily on Facebook as a social network. Hundreds of communities were created on Facebook—mainly by young people—that discuss a wide range of topics, providing a rich source of data concerning youth subcultures and how social networks offer a subversive template for creating new identities and expressions. 

As I swing from one community to another – using Robert Kozinet’s Netnographic methods – I began to notice a new pattern of language usage among young Hausa online digital natives. Then I started gathering new words and expressions that offer alternative meanings to their conventional ones. For the most part, they tended to be innocuous, while hiding a deeper, often darker meaning, and are essentially communicated to ingroup members of the communities. Quite rapidly enough, some of the words began to take on a new urban lexicon on their own. 

A typical example is “capacity,” an innocuous word that means exactly what it says: maximum production or containment. Yet, digital natives have turned it into “kafasiti” to indicate an urban cool, swagger, ability, capability, “arrived”, etc. The word is now used in multiple forms and contexts to refer to attainment of either distinction or class (“Alaji, wallahi an baza kafasiti a bikin nan”). 

But, then, old words have always had new meanings in Hausaphone urban language use. For instance, “shege” is literally a bastard in Hausa, but recontextualised to mean “an expert” or “outstanding.” “Mugu” (bad) became an adjective for extremities (“mugun kyau”, extreme beauty). “Arne” (pagan) transformed into contemporary “bro” (kai arne, yaya dai/yo, bro, wazzup?). “Kwaro” (insect) translates into a tenacious, usually studious person. For southern Nigerians, “Aboki” is an imagined insult referring to any northerner, whether Hausa or not, rather than “friend,” its actual meaning. 

Hausa digital natives utilise the unconventionality of the social media they inhabit to create neologisms that often reflect hidden, dark, or altered meanings, frequently dealing with in-group lexicons. After trawling through various sites and TikTok videos, I was able to gather approximately 35 neologisms and incorporate them into a paper I am still working on. 

Looking at these digital coinages and the transformation of words, I was struck by the fact that many of them refer to bawdy or sexually suggestive language along the entire sexual preference spectrum. They tend to be more common in social networks (e.g., Facebook, WhatsApp, Telegram, Signal), where interactions are mainly conversational, than in visual social media (e.g., TikTok, Instagram). The reason is that visuality often identifies the person easily, and in Kano, an Islamicate state in northern Nigeria, this could lead to prosecution on moral grounds. On social networking sites, users often use aliases instead of their real names. Such anonymity gives them the freedom to express their thoughts and use these neologisms in their correct grammatical sense. The sentences are meaningful only to in-group members, within or outside the online communities. 

Examples include “Malam Zakari da almajirai biyu”, referring to the male reproductive organs. “Kaya” (load, baggage) referring to trophy (girl, money, etc), “tarkon alƙali” (judge’s trap/jailbait) for pedophilic behaviour, royal rumble (orgy) and murfi (cover) referring to lesbian activity.

As I noted, over 70% of the neologisms in my collection were bawdy and sexually slanted. Their creators chose the anonymity of online communities not only to create new coinages but also to perpetuate them, without any fear of social labelling or prosecution. Some of these words will gradually become part of conventional social usage, along with their attendant meanings. There is no stopping them. Their very existence highlights another way social media is influencing our culture, language, and traditions. 

But, what do you think – good, bad, indifferent? Whatever your feeling, what can we do about it? Hausa is not the only language facing this, though. A recent book by Adam Aleksic, Algospeak: How Social Media Is Transforming the Future of Language” (July 15, 2025), reveals the international nature of this phenomenon through “algorithmic speech”. As the blurb indicates:

“From ‘brainrot’ memes and incel slang to the trend of adding ‘-core’ to different influencer aesthetics, the internet has ushered in an unprecedented linguistic upheaval. We’re entering an entirely new era of etymology, marked by the invisible forces that drive social media algorithms. Thankfully, Algospeak is here to explain. As a professional linguist, Adam Aleksic understands the gravity of language and its use: he knows how it has evolved and changed, how it reflects society, and how, in its everyday usage, we carry centuries of human history on our tongues…New slang phrases emerge and go viral overnight. Accents are shaped or erased on YouTube. Grammatical rules, loopholes, and patterns surface and transform language as we know it. Our interactions, social norms, and habits—both online and in person—shift into something completely different.”

No, I don’t have “eCopy” to Acibilistically share. You gotta buy the original print copy if you are interested in the way in which social media usage transforms contemporary language. I can give you the cover of the book for free, though!