Nigeria

By Mukhtar Ya’u Madobi

Unless proactive measures are put in place and fully implemented, otherwise the commitment made by Nigeria at the just concluded 26th annual edition of the Conference of Parties (COP26) Summit on climate change in Glasgow, United Kingdom, to end deforestation by 2030 and equally attain zero-net emission in another 30 years later, will continue to remain a mirage! This is evident if one looks at the country’s unprecedented hikes in cooking gas prices, not to even talk of diesel and kerosene.

Many people will resort to cutting down trees for fuel, leading to increased emission, deforestation and fewer flora communities to absorb methane gases being released to the atmosphere occasioned by human activities. What a setback?

Due to the volumes of greenhouse gases being continuously added to the atmosphere triggered by humans, it was observed that the earth is now 1.1 degrees Celsius warmer compared to the pre-industrial level. The impacts of climate change are now evident worldwide, ranging from wildfires in Greece and Algeria to flooding in Germany and Turkey to drought in Australia and Northern Nigeria.

There is also the crisis of extinction of land and ocean species, rising sea levels, and increased drought. Like Nigeria, these issues lead to increased food shortage, animal migration, health risks, poverty, and displacements for developing countries. In 2020, the 10-highest climate change-induced disasters occurred in some of the poorest parts of the world. It cost over $130 billion, killing thousands and displacing millions. These costs are escalating every year.

According to the latest version of National Security Strategy 2019, a document released by the Office of the National Security Adviser (ONSA), climate change has contributed to excessive flooding across the country, causing enormous human and economic losses. Additionally, it has led to seasons of drought, which affected agricultural activities and caused shelter losses. In 2019, the National Emergency Management Agency revealed that floods had displaced approximately 1.9 million Nigerians.

Research by scientists from Europe, US and China predict that by 2070, a third of the global surface would be unsuitable for human life as the global temperature rises. The prediction included West and Central Africa, which will force the majority of the people to migrate to a suitable region. It is estimated that about 81% of Nigeria’s population would suffer from these extreme temperatures. Despite our preference not to relocate, the extreme temperature may drive many people to do so.

Nigeria has outlined measures and plans toward combating the effect of climate change over the years. These include establishing a national youth climate innovation hub to harness climate innovation ideas from young Nigerians and include them in decision-making processes. The country has also approved the national action plan on gender and climate change to ensure that women, men, youth, and other vulnerable groups optimally benefit from climate change initiatives, programmes, policies, and funds. Nigeria has also developed a National Adaptation Plan (NAP) — which aims to build a framework for climate change adaptation, planning and governance, and an adaptation communication that would highlight adaptation activities and efforts in the country.

It is heartwarming to learn that President Muhammad Buhari signed into law on Thursday, November 18, 2021, the climate change bill passed by the national assembly. In signing the law, the president has made Nigeria join an elite group of countries that have enacted emissions-target legislation aiming to eliminate carbon emissions. This is a big deal for an oil-dependent nation also ranked as one of the world’s most vulnerable countries to climate change.

The main objective of the climate law is to provide an overarching legal framework for achieving Nigeria’s long-term climate goals, including a net-zero carbon emission target, national climate resilience, an adequate volume of climate finance, and the mainstreaming of climate change actions into national development priorities. In addition, the bill places climate change action in the broader context of efforts to achieve inclusive green and sustainable economic development for the most populous black country in the world.

Nigeria has long maintained that it wishes to use its climate policies as part of wider measures to achieve low-carbon, resilient, and equitable economic growth. Therefore, the act seeks to facilitate the intensive and complex cross-ministerial coordination of climate change action and the involvement of businesses and the civil society needed to achieve long-term climate objectives while also promoting climate-resilient social-economic development in the country.

The act also sets out to establish a systematic approach for the country to identify the significant climate risks and vulnerabilities facing the country and how to strengthen existing capacities to adapt to the impacts of climate change.

With this current development of enacting the climate change act, it is apt to say that Nigeria is on the right course towards averting the dangers of climate change.

Nonetheless, individuals should also, on their own, help in projecting this campaign by abstaining from activities that cause environmental exploitation, especially illegal cutting down of trees, which ultimately trigger climate change.

With the pledges made by the affluent nations and private institutions during the Glasgow COP26 to collectively provide a minimum of $100 billion annually by 2023 in order to achieve the mandates of reducing climate change, getting financial guarantees for Nigeria will not be difficult. However, it must adopt climate action as fast as possible because scientists keep telling us that the planet is burning. Therefore, our lives literally depend on this global joint effort that COP 26 in Glasgow has represented.

Mukhtar Madobi wrote from Kano. He can be reached via ymukhtar944@gmail.com.

By Muhammad Auwal Ibrahim

Nigeria is burning. We have to stop it. We can’t afford to lose our dear nation. But who can be of help? The media has a critical role in extinguishing the fire before it goes out of hand.

Information is power, thereby making the media a powerful tool for sending persuasive messages. The more the messages flow in our societies, the higher their ability to shape public discourse. Media is a powerful tool used in shaping public opinion and thereby changing the way people behave, think, and even live sometimes. Unfortunately, the power elites often use it to achieve their aims. In present-day Nigeria, where things are still falling apart, are the media organisations playing a positive or negative role? 

The media has the role of information dissemination, which is accurate, factual and unbiased to a large and scattered audience. Terrorism and insecurity information is not an exception. Therefore, the media should accurately inform the people about future threats, chaos and fear of terror attacks and how to avert them, should they occur.

Also, the media plays a critical role in every society by holding leaders accountable, especially in times of crisis. However, it should be noted that it is not lawful in any way for the media to undermine national security in the process of discharging such responsibilities. 

 Furthermore, it is no gainsaying that the media have to build a nation and not destroy its existing pillars. The media, in other words, can be said to be fire extinguishers and not fire fuel. Through this process, the media can only promote national security and harmony. 

The media can give several contributions to national growth and development if properly managed. However, when the reverse is the case, they will contribute to national underdevelopment or worse.

It is evident in Nigeria today that some media houses have been diverted from their role to being used to spread hate speech and fake news, which may result in violence or more troubles than the one Nigeria currently battles now. Supporting violence, sensationalism, and hatred will do nothing but add to the already burning fire in this country. However, these are not the responsibilities of the media, and hence, they should take heed.

A veteran journalist, Kadarai Ahmed, said, “Despite numerous examples that exist which have proved, including not too long ago in Rwanda, that the conduct of the media can help in, starting, promoting and perpetuating violence and ethnic strife, we have turned a deaf ear to pleas to not become a tool that enables hate. But we have failed to heed these warnings.”

“We have given platforms to the worst among us, the extremists and the bloodthirsty. We have turned militia leaders and criminals into champions. Instead of us to lead a calm and rational discussion on the existential challenges we face with a view to promoting actionable solutions, we have succumbed to hysteria and the next exciting clickbait headline.”

Therefore, the media can positively contribute to the prevention of terrorism, insecurity, and other threats by specifically portraying how other nations responded to such scenarios and how it yielded positive outcomes without bias. In other words, it is known as development journalism.

Muhammad Auwal Ibrahim is a multiple–award–winning journalist, fellow AIJC 2020, Wits University, Johannesburg, South Africa. He can be reached via awwalbinibrahim@gmail.com.

By Aliyu Nuhu

The federal government of Nigeria announced free rail tickets for Nigerians during the holidays, for ten good days. But the following day, all tickets went into an ambush of corruption, and people had to buy them at very exorbitant prices. As a matter of fact, people would have fared better if FG had not made the free offer. What went wrong?

As usual, with the shambolic government approach to issues, the process was left for corruption to dictate who gets and who doesn’t get the tickets. In addition, railway workers racketeered the process, leaving harpless Nigerians at their mercy. Government has its own problem, but we are our own worst enemies. We are wicked even to ourselves.

Even though not free, the airlines’ tickets are all being bought in advance by racketeers. You can’t book online. All flights have been booked, and you have to go to the airport and buy on the spot from touts and corrupt airline officials. A plane ticket from Abuja to Kano goes for 95,000 instead of 30,000. The worst is that the tickets are not bearing people’s names. So in the event of an accident, the families of victims will have serious problems with airlines and insurance companies. It also compromises internal security.

The federal government wanted to give rice millers N10m loans each as a loan. But right from the onset, the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) itself sabotaged the process through corruption. NIRSAL was the disbursing agency. CBN appointed a vendor to receive the money and give the millers equipment worth ten million naira. But the vendor supplies goods that are only worth six million in the market. He makes cool four million doing nothing while the millers are saddled with ten million debt. This is Nigeria. Corruption finds official approval, and the rest of Nigerians keyed in.

This country is beyond redemption. No one can save Nigeria. We are too wicked, too lawless, too selfish and just too corrupt to allow our country to work. We corrupt everything!

Aliyu writes from Abuja, Nigeria.

By Mukhtar Ya’u Madobi

The proliferation of Small Arms and Light Weapons (SALWs), occasioned by illegal and porous national borders and a booming business of gun-running, are the main factors fuelling Nigeria’s security challenges, giving rise to criminal activities across the country.

The proliferation of SALWs is a global phenomenon arising from global conflicts. According to a study conducted by the Geneva-based Small Arms Survey (SBM), it is estimated that more than 857 million SALWs are currently in circulation aside from twelve billion rounds of ammunition produced annually. An estimated ten million SALWs are in Africa, with one million in Nigeria.

This is connected with previous and ongoing conflicts in West and North African countries such as Liberia, Sierra Leone, Cote d’Ivoire, Chad, Niger, Mali and Libya. The proliferation of SALWs aid non-state actors, including Boko Haram/ISWAP terrorists, bandits, militants etc., while undermining the state monopoly of instruments of coercion. The threats posed by the proliferation of SALWs are of such magnitude that a security strategy that contemplates monitoring their flow and use is required.

Another report by SBM Intelligence noted that about 6145000 SALWs are illegally circulating among civilian non-state actors and criminals in Nigeria. Meanwhile, the country’s security institutions have a paltry 586600 firearms in their possession.  Indeed, the proliferation of arms across borders along with human trafficking and drug trafficking, especially in the Sahel region, ranks high on the chart of criminal activities constituting threats to national and regional stability in Africa.

Experts had identified a lack of effective legislation and enforcement mechanisms as a major reason SALW proliferation has a significant impact on crises both within and across many national borders.

To stem the rising tide of illegal weapons circulation, the federal government has established the National Centre for the Control of the Small Arms and Light Weapons (NCCSALW). The centre is under the Office of the National Security Adviser (ONSA), Major General Babagana Monguno, with retired Major General AM Dikko as the Pioneer Coordinator. The National Security Adviser said the centre would operate similarly to the counter-terrorism and cybersecurity centres, both under his office.

The NCCSALW was established to replace the defunct Presidential Committee on Small Arms and Light Weapons and is expected to serve as the institutional mechanism for policy guidance, research, and monitoring of all aspects of SALWs in Nigeria. Apparently, the federal government believes that the transition from PRESCOM to NCCSALW would provide more effective coordination and monitoring of progress regarding the proliferation of small arms and light weapons. When fully operational, the NCCSALW would have six regional offices that will work closely with security and intelligence agencies to prevent and control proliferated arms and track weapons in the hands of non-state actors.

Among several functions, the National Centre will be responsible for controlling the proliferation of SALWs in Nigeria, implementing strategies, plans, and policies for eradicating SALWs, and supervising the implementation of same by relevant government bodies. It will also create and maintain small arms and light weapons register and a national database, receive reports on firearms registration from the Nigeria Police, and update the database with such information.

In addition, it will also register, store and destroy firearms and ammunition possessed illegally by security agencies, criminals and other non-state actors, maintain a database of registered firearms dealers in Nigeria, among others. Furthermore, the centre will be responsible for updating and transmitting the national database to the United Nations (UN), the African Union (AU) and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS).

In its relations with these inter-governmental bodies, the National Centre will identify legitimate national defence and security needs and obtain the required exemptions from specific international protocols to meet these needs. The National Centre is also empowered to carry out public education and awareness at national, state and local levels, to involve Nigerians in the efforts to control the proliferation of small arms and light weapons.

No doubt, the establishment of the NCCSALW is a move in the right direction. Still, to achieve maximum impact, it is expected to open up new regional and international cooperation and strengthen existing efforts.

In 2001, UN countries adopted the Programme of Action to Prevent, Combat and Eradicate the Illicit Trade in Small Arms and Light Weapons in All Its Aspects.

In the instrument, member states agreed to, among others, improve national small arms regulations, strengthen stockpile management, ensure that weapons are properly and reliably marked, improve cooperation in weapons tracing and engage in regional and international cooperation and assistance.

According to the UN, one of the most critical components in the fight against SALWs proliferation is weapons tracing. Hopefully, when the centre discharges its mandate fully, it will undoubtedly lead to a drastic reduction in national, sub-regional and regional illegal possession of SALWs, which will be crucial in mitigating the rising level of armed violence.

The NSA has recently declared that the government is preparing to constitute a security outfit responsible for safeguarding the nation’s porous borders. The move is very apt because it will curb transnational organized crimes, thereby reducing the level of security challenges currently facing the country.

Mukhtar wrote from Kano via ymukhtar944@gmail.com.

By Muhammad Sabiu

By Tahir Ibrahim Tahir (Talban Bauchi)

Tertiary Education Trust Fund (TetFund) recently celebrated its ten years of service, having gone through many changes in its functions, duties, coverage and composition. It had existed under different names before now. Still, the amendments to the act establishing it have turned it into a Tetfund, with more coverage of tertiary education in the country.

At the Tetfund at Ten event, its Executive Secretary, Prof. Suleiman Bogoro, was introduced as the apostle of research and development. A very apt description, narrating how he has turned the tide of the impact of Tetfund from infrastructure to research. The previous administration first appointed Bogoro, and barely two years after, the new administration of President Muhammadu Buhari (PMB) relieved him of his duties. Not long into the PMB administration, Bogoro was again re-appointed. This is a glaring testimony of the quality of stewardship he brings to the running of Tetfund. Tetfund staff rolled out the red carpets for him and welcomed him back to their fold amidst celebrations.

At Tetfund at 10, it was disclosed that 152838 infrastructural projects had been executed across the country. Thirty thousand lecturers have also been sponsored for Masters and PhD programmes. In addition, 68000 academic and non-academic staff of tertiary institutions have also been sponsored to attend local and international conferences. Tetfund has also supported 71263 lecturers under the Teacher’s Supervision Programme. Moreover, over two million books and 152000 E-resources have been procured by Tetfund.

The apostle of research and development came to improve funds for The National Research Fund, which had started with seed money of just 3 billion naira in 2011. Bogoro saw this fund’s growth by over 50 per cent, to an unprecedented 8.5 billion naira in 2021. So far, 9 billion has been accessed by lecturers to fund their research activities. Tetfund played a significant role in Covid-19 research. Tetfund approved four mega research clusters for Covid-19 vaccines and drug research and security and dairy research. The clusters had within the range of 250 million to 450 million to fund their research activities.

As the most pushful advocate for research in Nigeria’s tertiary institutions, Prof. Bogoro has achieved near-global fame among education sectors’ stakeholders. In recognition of his efforts, Afe Babalola University, Ado-Ekiti, named its research centre after him. This particular university is not even a beneficiary of Tetfund’s interventions and so cannot be accused of repaying him for any interventions in their school. Speakers at this event said Bogoro had earned for himself the appellation of Senior Advocate of Research, SAR. Bogoro emphasises advancing learning through research.

True to Bogoro’s advocacy for improved research and development, the Federal Government just received a draft executive bill for establishing the National Research and Development Foundation led by Tetfund. Bogoro, who received the bill on behalf of the Minister of Education, Mallam Adamu Adamu, thanked the Justice Ministry for drafting its staff to the exercise. This is a direct drive in turning Nigeria into a knowledge-driven economy. At the event, Bogoro stressed that Nigeria’s economy could not be competitive if it did not institutionalise Research and Development. He said that the most competitive nations placed innovation and creativity as the lead elements that drive society.

The Chairman of the drafting committee, Prof. Yadudu, commended Prof. Bogoro for putting the committee in place and his vision for the Research and Development Foundation. He also said that the country stands to reap bountifully when the bill is passed. “This is a bill which seeks to establish a National Research and Development Foundation to institutionalise, mainstream, and commercialise research and development; promote innovation and support enterprise development for job and wealth creation, for a knowledge-driven economy. This is the key thing,” Prof. Yadudu said.

Tahir is Talban Bauchi.

By Uzair Adam Imam

In celebration of Christmas, Boxing Day and New Year, The Federal Government of Nigeria has declared Monday 27th, Tuesday 28th December 2021 and Monday, 3rd January 2022 as public holidays.

The declaration made by Rauf Aregbesola, Minister of Interior, was contained in a release signed Wednesday, 22nd December 2021, by Dr Shuaib Belgore, Permanent Secretary of the ministry.

Aregbesola also stated that peace and security were two critical conditions for economic development and prosperity.

He urged Christians and Nigerians to “make the best use of this festive period” and pray for the total eradication of the lingering issue of insecurity that is bedevilling the country

Speaking about Corona virus pandemic, the minister urged Christians to “moderately celebrate the festival without large groupings and observe all the protocols stipulated by medical authorities.

“Take it as a point of personal responsibility to prevent the spread of the virus,” he added.

By Abdelghaffar Abdelmalik Amoka

There was this piece of trending news over the last week on a certain ranking from the National University Commission (NUC) where the University of Ibadan was the best, and Abubakar Tafawa Balewa University came last. The ranking received a lot of reactions. While there were jubilations from the graduates and students of the relatively younger universities (TETFund Universities as they are popularly called) as they were highly rated on the ranking, the students of some old universities (allegedly living on past glory) were not pleased with the ranking, especially those that were ranked very low despite their gigantic structures. On the other hand, some new universities without research infrastructures were reported to have high per capital google scholar index. Not sure how that was achieved, though.

While the argument was going on among the students about the ranking, ASUU members were having meetings across the universities on another looming strike. The ASUU NEC was reported to be in a meeting this weekend to decide on the looming 2021 strike. While we are awaiting the outcome of the meeting, the students seem to be more concerned with the ranking than the state of the universities and the ASUU strike.

I have been trying to imagine the merits and demerits of the NUC ranking but still trying to figure out one. All the public universities are in terrible shape. Is the ranking based on the best among the chronic underfunded public universities? The 2013 NEEDS Assessment committee of the former president, Goodluck Jonathan, chaired by Prof Mahmood Yakubu, the then TETFund Boss and currently the INEC Boss, revealed the terrible state of public universities and their lecture halls/rooms, and students’ hostels. Some of the hostels occupied by the students were reported not fit for humans.

Has all that changed in 2021? What are we ranking? FG is still dragging the revitalisation of public universities and releasing crumbs to the universities whenever ASUU barks. What are we ranking? Research is not adequately funded in public universities, younger universities have no research structure, and most of us are publishing papers just for promotion’s sake. What are we ranking? We can’t address several challenges from the university, a supposed hub for solution development. We can’t even develop solutions to solve our own challenges within the university. So, what are we ranking?

Who is NUC ranking the universities for? The government, with their deep poverty of sincerity on education, political class so that they can start patronising the universities rather than taking their kids abroad? The parents/students who care not about the quality but certificate, the few committed lecturers or the meal “ticketers”, or the International communities? If we have a structure to rank, there won’t be anxiety over another ASUU strike just a year after the suspension of a nine months strike.

Rather than expending resources on a ranking that changes nothing, the commission should have rather diverted the resources towards putting up a structure that will make the universities rank-able. We must develop strategies to fight both external and internal aggression.

The owners terribly underfund the Universities (Federal and state governments), and the academics are dreadfully paid with an Assistant Lecturer earning a net salary of about N115,000 per month and a Professor on the last step earning a net salary of N416,000. The quest for proper funding and better welfare has resulted in uncountable strike actions. However, I still maintain that if we define our priorities well, there is the fund to provide quality education for Nigerians.

Meanwhile, we also have internal issues to sort to improve the system. For example, we have Civil Engineering, Building, and Architecture departments in the universities where we train Civil Engineers, Builders, and Architects. Yet, we have awfully built new buildings and poorly maintained old buildings. We are training leaders in the universities but have terrible leaders in the universities who behave more like local politicians. We are training business and financial experts, but we can’t help the universities manage their resources and can’t help the universities to make money from the resources within the universities. We are training researchers to develop solutions for the world, but we can’t develop solutions for our challenges within the universities.

While the universities need proper funding, we have a lot to do internally to make the university work. Else, no matter how much money is injected into public universities, without responsible leadership to properly utilise the available resources for optimum impact, without academics (not meal ticketers) that are prepared to make things work and will objectively perform NUC accreditation, the funds will never produce the desired result.

Let’s do the cleanup, and everyone will be eager to see the ranking of our universities. You will see healthy competition where universities and departments compete to outperform each other.

Abdelghaffar Amoka Abdelmalik writes from Zaria and can be reached through aaabdelmalik@gmail.com.

By Rabiu Muhammad Gama

For a start, protest is something that you do to show publicly that you think something is wrong and unfair. Protest is an expression of disapproval; it’s done in different forms and on any day; it can be verbal or physical or via social media. In a democratic society like Nigeria, protest is an effective and legitimate tool, usually the only tool, that citizens can use to express their displeasure concerning some government measures or policies publicly. For example, when the government fails to discharge its duties, the citizens can hit the streets to register their grievances against the government. The nagging question, which this article sets out to answer, is: must people get a permit from a state governor or the Police Commissioner before convening a protest?

The Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 (as amended), is the fundamental law of the land. It is the law on top of which there is no other law. It is over and above any law, body or authority. It has been aptly submitted that the Constitution of any country, and don’t forget Nigeria is still a country, is the embodiment of what the people desire to be their guiding light in governance – their supreme law – the “grundnorm” of all their laws.

By virtue of Section 1(3) of the 1999 Constitution, any law, and that ‘any’ does mean ANY, that is inconsistent, or in conflict with a provision of the Constitution, that law is invalid and utterly useless due to its inconsistency with the Constitution. Please, permit me to draw an analogy; whenever there is a boxing match in a ring (read: court of law) between the Constitution and any other law, the referees (judges) always rule, and will undoubtedly continue to rule, in favour of the Constitution. No law can knock out the Constitution, no matter how strong and powerful its muscles are. The Constitution always prevails.

The Constitution provides for Fundamental Human Rights, precisely from Section 33 to Section 44, and these sections are in Chapter Four of the Constitution. These Fundamental Human Rights are simply those Rights that every human is entitled to simply because he is human. Therefore, these Rights cannot be taken away or restricted except in full compliance with Section 45 of the Constitution and some other relevant provisions therein.

Section 39 and Section 40 of the 1999 Constitution provide for the Right to Freedom of Expression and the Right to Freedom of Association and Peaceful Assembly, respectively: merging these two Sections gives us the Right to Protest. In the light of the foregoing, it is safe to submit that Right to Protest is a Fundamental Human Right that is clearly guaranteed and enshrined by the 1999 Constitution. Hence it cannot be restricted by anybody, including the DSS or the Police, or rather particularly the DSS or the Police. It is only the Constitution that can restrict that Right.

Before 2005, there was one undemocratic federal law (Act) that was dripping with dictatorship and some leftovers of colonialism mentality, the Public Order Act. The Law (Act) was initially promulgated as the Public Order Decree 5 Of 1979, and it later became an Act of the National Assembly under Section 274 of the 1979 Constitution. Sections 1 (2) (3) (4) (5) (6), 2, 3 and 4 of the Act required intending protesters to get a permit from the Governor (he can delegate the powers to the Commissioner of Police) of the state where the protest is to be held before they can protest. When the Governor, or the Commissioner of Police as the case may be, thinks that the protest is likely to disrupt public order, he can refuse to issue the permit.

However,  in the celebrated case of IGP v. ANPP (2008) 12 NWLR 65 when Malam General Muhammadu Buhari (as he then was) and his then political party, the ANPP, lost the presidential election in 2003 to Olusegun Obasanjo, requested the Inspector General of Police (IGP) by a letter dated 21^st May 2004, to issue police permits to their members to hold unity rally throughout the country to protest the alleged rigging of the 2003 election. The request was refused.

General Buhari and the rest of them organised the rally without the permits. As a result, there was a violent disruption of the rally organised in Kano on 22nd September 2003, on the ground that no police permit was obtained as required by the Public Order Act. The Federal High Court invalidated the provisions of the Act that required a Police permit before a protest is staged on the ground of their being inconsistent with the provisions of the Constitution, particularly Section 39 and 40, and Article 11 of the African Charter on Human and People’s Rights ( Reification and Enforcement) Act, Cap. 10, Laws of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1990.

On appeal, the Court of Appeal also affirmed the decision of the Federal High Court. Right from the Federal High Court, the learned trial judge relied on the decision of the Supreme Court of Ghana in the case of New Patriotic Party v. Inspector General of Police (1992 – 93) GBR 585 – (2000) 2 HRLRA 1 where it was aptly submitted that:

“Police permit has outlived its usefulness, statutes requiring such permits for peaceful demonstrations, processions and rallies are things of the past. Police permits is the brainchild  of [the] colonial era and ought not to remain in our statute books.”

That was how the Court sent those unconstitutional provisions of the Public Order Act to their eternal grave. By the way, it may interest you to know that by virtue of Section 83 (4) of the Police Establishment Act, 2020, where a person or an organisation CHOOSES to notify the police of his or its intention to hold a public meeting, rally or a procession on a public highway, the police officer responsible for the area where the rally will take place shall mobilise personnel to provide security for the rally! The police or the DSS have no powers whatsoever to stop or restrict the Fundamental Right of Nigerians to freedom of expression and assembly once those rights are exercised within the ambit of the law.

As the law stands today, no police permit is required before staging a protest in Nigeria. The right to protest is a Fundamental Human Right given by the Constitution, which cannot be taken away or restricted except in accordance with the provisions of the Constitution.

Rabiu Muhammad Gama is a Law student from Bayero University, Kano (BUK). He can be reached on 09061912994 or via rabiuminuwa327@gmail.com.