Nigeria

By Muhammad Sulaiman Abdullahi, PhD

President Muhammadu Buhari has come and gone. It is believed that many Nigerians thought Buhari would be the best president of their lifetime. Even Baba Buhari himself assumed and pretended that he was the best. And he did his best; only that his best was not enough for Nigeria.

Baba accused all those before him, directly or indirectly, of mismanaging Nigeria. However, with all the accusations he heaped on others, Nigeria was technically and practically raped under his watch. It is even alleged that most of the suffering inflicted upon Nigeria and its innocent citizens was the handiwork of some of the closest associates of Buhari, including his family members. Some supporters claimed that his style was the best way to govern. They boasted that Buhari assigned competent hands to govern, and he never interfered. This assertion has many troubles, and I will mention only two.

First, it is wrong for any leader to assume that his workers or those he assigns to do a specific job for him are perfect. They are not, and no one is. And even if assuming they are, he is responsible for watching, gauging, supporting and assessing them. Buhari didn’t do that. He was just there sitting, flossing and picking his teeth.

Second, some of those assigned some responsibilities and some ministries during the Buhari era were not competent. Look at what Adamu Adamu and Ngige and some of their close allies did to education. Look at what Hadi Sirika did to aviation. Look at what Godwin Emifele did at the Central Bank of Nigeria. These are just a few among many. One would wonder how did that happen under Buhari’s watch.

When Nigerians voted for Buhari in 2015, most believed Nigeria’s worries of 1960 downwards would just vanish. There is a widely circulated story of someone who sold his generator, considering that the electricity would be fixed and that the generator would be a nuisance to him and occupy space. Buhari disappointed him and all other Nigerians in the energy sector. The electricity tariff was hiked unprecedentedly, to the corrupt extent of not even giving notice. They hiked it at their will without recourse to anything or fear of anyone. This was Buhari’s era.

Furthermore, according to what many Nigerians believe, had Buhari not become a president, many fools and even non-foolish among Nigerians would have tagged him “The best president that never is”! He came and went, and his performance shows he isn’t the best.

However, no one will occupy that seat without doing good, willy-nilly. Buhari did some things, but I don’t think he did it consciously. His undoing and the power of the seat made it happen, as Baba didn’t seem to care then. I can’t mention a lot, but I know he tried not to influence the 2023 elections in favour of his party. That single action should be emulated by all those who come after him.

Also, some of our airports look majestic but at the expense of our roads. Some think that it happened due to his excessive love of foreign trips. He couldn’t bear the sinister looks of our airports as he happens to be a constant, consistent and regular customer there.

The health sector received almost total neglect during Baba’s era. He knew about it very well as he shunned all Nigerian hospitals because his government abandoned them. The former president enjoyed robust, healthy and developed foreign medical healthcare when Nigerians died in Malaysia and lack of genuine Capenol. He didn’t care, and neither did he ever talk about it.

Wallahi Nigerians suffered a lot under his leadership. Inflation has never been bad, like how it grew big during Baba. Another thing that Nigerians may live to regret is their high hopes for Buhari’s government, which became a curse on them. The ordinary people with whom Buhari sided and dined when he looked for the seat lost him completely. He later started accusing them of laziness.

His non-strategic accusations to all classes of people in Nigeria started in phases and kept on changing based on the position he found himself. 

The first phase was when he was aspiring to be the President. Then, he tactically sided with the masses and openly demonstrated with them on the streets. He yelled at the PDP government and accused them of various things, and his government multiplied all the suffering. The second phase was when he became the president, accused all the Nigerian politicians, and painted them bad in the eyes of all Nigerians and the world.

Lastly, in the final phase, when he consolidated his grip on the leadership, he turned and accused all Nigerians, especially the youth and the masses he sided with and voted for him. He accused them of being lazy and full of enjoyment as if he didn’t want to see anyone enjoying and smiling!

He governed as if he was doing Nigerians a favour while most of those who supported him were either dying of hunger, kidnapped or wholly disoriented.

Nigerians from the North and South graciously excused many of Buhari’s excesses, thinking he would do wonders. Today is only a few days of President Bola Tinubu’s government, but he has taken some decisive actions which Buhari’s eight years couldn’t do.

We didn’t have high hopes for Tinubu initially, but we foresee and pray that his government will be better and more beneficial to Nigerians than the I-don’t-care government of Baba Buhari.

Dr Muhammad can be reached via @muhammadunfagge (Twitter) or email: muhammadunfagge@yahoo.com.

By Prof. Abdalla Uba Adamu 

In 1968 I was a twelve-year-old whippersnapper and found solace in my father’s library (hate football and games anyway!). A journal, Kano Studies of the year, caught my attention because of the way my Dad held on to it. I fixed my sights on it, eventually opening it and trying to read it. Oh, I did, quite all right, but I did not understand half of what was written! However, I did not give up and continued perusing the journal. 

Eventually, during high school years, a couple of years down the road, I discovered what glued my late father, Muhammadu Uba Adamu, alias Kantoma, to that specific issue – his article. The article was titled “Some Notes on the Influence of North African Traders in Kano”. This time when I read it, it made sense. I found it fascinating, and I can genuinely say it planted the roots of historical interest in me. However, I was keener on race, culture and identity, and in particular, how new racial identities emerge as a result of what Kantoma himself later referred to as ‘confluence and influences.’

“Some Notes on the Influence of North African Traders in Kano”, as I was to discover later, was based on the methodology of what Victor Turner referred to as “the anthropology of experience”. Kantoma embedded himself in the Arab community (a bit easy to do, with an Agadesian grandmother) in the Alfindiki community in the heart of the city and close to his traditional family homestead at Daneji. It was through extremely loose focus group discussions that he was able to gather as much data as he could. And he was then a student of Political History at Ahmadu Bello University Kano (via Abdullahi Bayero College). 

Years later, I had the chance to befriend one of Kantoma’s teachers, John Lavers. He glowingly told me how excited he was with Kantoma’s initial paper and how he made a series of suggestions that eventually turned the paper into a classic. John Lavers was one of the founders and editors of Kano Studies. 

The paper was extensively revised by Kantoma as “Further notes on the influence of North African traders in Kano”. It was presented at the International Conference on Cultural Interaction and Integration Between North and Sub-Saharan Africa, Bayero University Kano, 4th–6th March 1998 – some thirty years after the original. Unfortunately, despite being the person who typed it up for him, I could not locate a copy (remember, we were using floppy drive storage in those ancient days!).

Some notes planted in me an interest in race, culture and identity and the interrogation of the specific gravity of racial identity in Africa. For instance, take a community of Tripolitanian Arabs who settled in Dandalin Turawa, Kano, right on the edge of the Kurmi market. Years later, they were no longer ‘Turawa’ but African – at least in colour and language, as most have also lost the Arabic language of their forebears. So, what exactly are they? Arabs? Hausa? Or do they create a crazy hyphenated identity – Hausa Arabs (like the ridiculous ‘Hausa Fulani’)?

So, I started my own anthropological trajectory by writing a proposal for a Stanford University (US) residency on Race, Culture and Identity. I wanted to map the six groups of Arab residents in Kano to determine how they self-identify – language or genes. These are Shuwa, Sudanese, Tripolitanians, Syrians, Lebanese, and the Yemeni. Again, Kantoma had much data on especially the Yemeni, in addition to his earlier Tripolitanian engagements.

For a few years, I worked with him to flesh out the project and even got some of the Yemeni elders interested in proper documentation of their community (as was done by S.U. Albasu in “The Lebanese in Kano”). I did not get the Stanford residency, and other things about the daily grind kept me away from the project, so I put it on hold! I can’t even locate the original proposal now. But who knows? Once I have a free year or so, I might rummage through some forgotten hard drives and see what lurks there and, if possible, get back into the race (pun intended!). 

Here, for your archival pleasure, is a gift from Kantoma pending a full-blown site that will have all his writings much later in the year (hopefully by Fall). Download from here:  https://bit.ly/3p2LeOx.

By Dr Shamsuddeen Sani

Where I got History of Imamship of Kano by Muhammad Wada is somewhat hazy in my memory, but it is an MA thesis that underwent a transformative process. The author undertook significant efforts to draw from diverse historical sources. This task merits recognition due to the inherent challenges associated with such an endeavour in the Kano historical tradition.

Despite its small physical size, this book ambitiously tackles a weighty subject matter. The initial chapter, which ideally should have served as a generous introduction, takes a look at the historical backdrop concerning the role of Imams within classical Sunni Islam. In doing so, it imparts valuable insights into their spiritual and intellectual significance. The second chapter charts the evolution of the Imams’ role within the classical religious culture of Kano before the advent of the Sokoto Jihad.

Commencing with the arrival of the Wangarawa during the 14th century, their influence played a pivotal role in the domestication of Islam as a state religion during that era. With the gradual expansion of their spiritual responsibilities and socio-political influence within the royal court, the Imams assumed a central position within the annals of Kano’s historical tradition.

The third chapter examines the transformative impact of the Sokoto Jihad at the turn of the 19th century, bringing about substantial changes to the role of Imams and how they were selected. These changes also served to define an expanded set of functions for the state-appointed Imam.

The author peppers fragments from the biographies of early post-Jihad Kano Imams alongside pivotal milestones punctuating their official lives. As the colonial powers exerted their influence in the early 20th century, the 4th chapter examines how the role of Imams underwent a notable shift, culminating in their formalisation within the judicial council, albeit with a subsequent reduction to primarily spiritual functions.

The book’s final chapter highlights the Imams and their ever-evolving roles from post-independence to the present. Moreover, it investigates the expansionist developments surrounding the establishment of Friday congregational prayer mosques across the state. While the book serves as a comprehensive introductory exploration of its subject matter, it might require additional intellectual depth that one might expect within broader, modern academic discourse.

There are also some ectopic clerical errors in the book that could have been identified and corrected before printing. While acknowledging the inherent challenge of achieving complete neutrality in historical works, it is reasonable to expect greater nuance and fairness in a work of this nature.

Dr Shamsuddeen Sani wrote from Kano. He can be reached via deensani@yahoo.com.

By Zahra Batul

A Nigerian entrepreneur and investor, Taslim Ahmed Iya has made a significant contribution towards resolving Nigeria’s protracted economic woes with the unveiling of his book, Nigeria Unlocked: Unleashing the Potential of a Great Nation. 

The 60-page book comprehensively analyses Nigeria’s current challenges and a practical roadmap for restructuring its economy. 

Interestingly, it is a product of intense research by an expert in economics and business who has obtained degrees in Economics and Management from Bocconi University in Italy. 

Taslim is also the CEO of Eximus Partners, an investment management firm focused on Long-Term Investments and Private Equity in Nigeria, Europe and the US.

The book draws from case studies and best practices from other successful emerging economies, presenting a bold vision for Nigeria’s future. 

From addressing corruption and creating a more transparent governance structure to promoting entrepreneurship and creating a skilled workforce, “Nigeria Unlocked” offers a comprehensive roadmap for revitalising the Nigerian economy and improving the lives of its citizens.

The inspiring book is available nationwide in Roving Heights and Spine and Label Bookstores.

Also available on Amazon in e-book and physical copy format

The author also worked as a Management Consultant in various industries, including Oil and Gas, Insurance, Real Estate, FMCG, Supermarkets, and Restaurants. 

His extensive experience in these industries has given him a unique perspective on the challenges and opportunities businesses face in today’s ever-changing market.

His latest literary work is essential reading for policymakers, business leaders, economists, and anyone interested in Nigeria’s economic future. It provides a clear and compelling vision for transforming Nigeria into a vibrant and prosperous nation that serves as a beacon for the rest of Africa and the world.

Apart from his professional endeavours, Taslim is also a passionate entrepreneur, having founded Uncle Tee’s, a restaurant chain in Nigeria, among others. 

He is also deeply committed to improving the education system in Nigeria. He is the founder of Youth Compass Foundation, a non-profit organisation dedicated to providing educational opportunities for young people in the country.

Zahrah Batul wrote via xahrabatul91@gmail.com.

By Ahmad Deedat Zakari

Immediate past Nigeria Interior Minister and two-term governor of Osun State, Abdulrauf Aregbesola, has disclosed that he is back to restructure the All Progressives Congress (APC), in Osun State.

On Wednesday, Aregbesola made his intention public while addressing party faithfuls at the Nelson Mandela Freedom Park, Osogbo.

The former governor sought forgiveness of the party party members and stated that it is time for restructuring and reconciliation in the party.

He noted that he did not offend anybody, but said, “whoever feels that we offend him or she should forgive us.

“We seek forgiveness from those who thought we offended and those who sought our downfall.”

“We were here in 2019 after the Supreme Court affirmed the mandate of the former governor, Gboyega Oyetola. I called for unity in the party. I warned that disunity will not produce any good result. But devil didn’t allow them (those who handled the party affairs) to listen.

“We seek forgiveness from those who are smearing our image, though we never offended them.

“We supported them with all I have to see to their success. I didn’t ask for anything from them. I need to emphasize that I didn’t ask for anything from them. But they chose to repay evil for good.

“However, we are here for the restructuring of the party. That is why we are begging anybody that feels that we offended him or her to forgive us.”

By Dr Shamsuddeen Sani

I thought The Lebanese in Kano: An Immigrant Community in a Hausa Society in the Colonial and Post-Colonial Periods merely contained a handful of newspaper tales. I was mistaken! Within its pages lies a meticulously researched body of work, a testament to the cultural heritage of Kano that begs to be savoured and preserved for generations to come. It has profound glimpses into the very foundations of Kano’s societal evolution as it illuminates the paramount role played by the Lebanese community in the rich Kano’s historical traditions.

This book, published in 1995 and authored by S.A. Albasu, unfolds with an intricate chronology of eight captivating chapters. As the introduction sets the stage, the initial chapter gracefully delves into the existing body of literature on migration, skilfully intertwining it with the historical fabric of West Africa and Nigeria. Embracing a tangent in the second chapter, Albasu illuminates the emigration of the Lebanese into Kano, beginning in the mid-19th century.

However, a pivotal juncture in Lebanese history within Kano emerged in 1920, a defining moment marked by profound geographical and religious divisions among the Lebanese migrants. The historical catalysts propelling Lebanese emigration into Nigeria were meticulously examined within this segment.

It becomes apparent that prior to the 1920s, the Lebanese immigrants in Kano predominantly belonged to the Maronite Christian community. It is only after this period that a demographic shift occurs, welcoming the arrival of Muslim Lebanese, particularly those of the Shiite sectarian extraction hailing from southern Lebanon. The book exposes the reader to the sociocultural intricacies of the Lebanese community’s towns of origin and unravels the fabric of their society, dispelling prevailing myths.

The entire Lebanese migration into Kano is thoughtfully categorised into four distinct phases, each meticulously explored with great detail: 1890-1903, 1903-1912, 1912-1920, and the 1930s during the tumultuous period of the great depression. Each of these phases represents a significant milestone in the history of the Lebanese community within Kano, as well as its impact on the city’s socioeconomic development.

Subsequent chapters of this book delve into the physical establishment of the Lebanese community, intricately entwined with crucial historical policies such as colonial taxation, the indirect rule system, and segregation policies.

Chapters four, five, and six embark on an exciting journey, covering the consolidation of the Lebanese community within Kano’s vibrant business milieu. From the thriving cattle trade to the realms of Kolanut and groundnut businesses, the book unfurls the profound influence of factors like colonial intervention, the upheaval of the Second World War, Nigeria’s independence, and the burgeoning national consciousness. The book has revelations of ground-breaking nature, leaving you enlightened and astounded, and for me, every piece seamlessly falls into place now.

By ImamMalik Abdullahi Kaga

The removal of fuel subsidies has been a hotly debated and controversial topic in Nigeria for many years, especially now that President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has made the pronouncement. For the longest time, fuel subsidies represented a significant portion of government expenditures, and many Nigerian leaders refused to remove them for fear of political backlash from their citizens. However, President Tinubu’s bold decision has been a critical step towards transforming the Nigerian economy and helping the poor.

The Nigerian government spent an average of  $6.2 billion annually on fuel subsidies, and despite this, the country’s economy did not improve significantly. The fuel subsidy was primarily a means of subsidising fuel prices for Nigerian consumers, and the government aimed to keep the domestic fuel prices low, which, in turn, would help fight inflation and improve the economy. However, the fuel subsidy did not achieve this goal; instead, it distorted the market, leading to corruption, smuggling, and inflation.

Furthermore, fuel subsidies are often perceived as socially unjust because it benefits wealthier individuals more than the poor.  Studies have shown that the richest 10% of Nigerians receive up to 60% of the subsidy, while the poorest 10% only receive 1%.

It is well-known that the country’s wealthy motorists and industries benefit most from the subsidy, not the poor. Hence, the benefit did not trickle down to the poor but only helped the rich acquire fuel more cheaply. However, since most of the poor Nigerians are not benefitting from the fuel subsidy, it’s a commendable effort that the president made.

The removal of the fuel subsidy will create jobs in the downstream sector, increasing the availability of fuel and reducing smuggling, which will contribute significantly to the Nigerian economy’s growth.

Moreover, the government’s removal of the fuel subsidy will allow it to redirect the average amount, $6.2 billion, towards investing in critical sectors such as education, healthcare, agriculture, security, and infrastructure, which will help reduce poverty levels and create employment opportunities for Nigerians. The government’s commitment to investing in these critical sectors will reduce the dependency on oil, the country’s primary source of revenue, and make the economy more resilient to oil price fluctuations.

Tinubu’s fuel subsidy removal will also reduce government corruption, a significant problem in Nigeria. With the fuel subsidy, many government officials’ fraudulently inflated the amount allocated to the subsidy scheme, which was further used to enrich themselves. Removing the subsidy will prevent the exploitation of government funds by corrupt individuals, which will be an essential step toward improving the Nigerian economy.

I urge Nigerians to be patient and prayerful as Tinubu Administration has a lot in store for us– poor Nigerians.

By Ahmad Deedat Zakari

Kwara State Government has reduced workdays to three days for the state public servants. 

The Chief Press Security, Office of the Head of Service, Murtala Atoyebi, revealed the development in a press statement on Monday. 

According to Mr Atoyebi, the action became necessary owing to the need to put measures in place to cushion the effect of the removal of fuel subsidy on workers in the state.

Part of the statement reads:

“The State Head of Service, Mrs Susan Modupe Oluwole announced today that the State Governor, Mallam Abdulrahman Abdulrazaq, has directed that the workdays be reduced from five days to three days per week for every worker.

“Mrs Oluwole directed all Heads of Ministries, Departments and Agencies (MDAs) in the State to immediately work out a format indicating the alternating work days for each worker under them.

The Head of Service however, warned the workers not to abuse the magnanimity of the Governor, stressing that the regular monitoring of MDAs by her office would be intensified to ensure strict compliance.”

By Prof. Abdalla Uba Adamu

Frankfurt, Germany. 3rd July 2013

The German immigration officer looked at me and gave the usual clenched-mouth smile. I did the same. I am used to it. He flipped through my passport and then looked up.

“How many days are you staying THIS time.” Emphasis on THIS.

“Two days in Cologne”, I replied. “Today, tomorrow, and the day after that, I am off.”

He stamped the passport without asking for the usual – return ticket, invitation, hotel booking – all of which I had. He wished me a pleasant say and waved to the next person behind me.

I was then in Cologne to attend the valedictory retirement conference held in honour of the woman who mentored me and virtually adopted me as her son – Heike Behrend, who was retiring from the Institute of African Studies, University of Cologne, Germany, where she was the Director. She created the research category of “Media and Cultural Communication”, and I was the first African to be invited to deliver a lecture at the cluster. The Immigration Officer’s reference to the length of my stay was in response to the numerous times I had been to Germany – and never stayed beyond the time necessary for whatever it was that brought me.

The week from Tuesday, 30th May to Sunday, 4th June 2023, I returned after ten years. This time, the occasion was to attend ECAS2023: 9th European Conference on African Studies, with the theme of “African Futures.” It was hosted by the University of Cologne. “African Futures” explores the continent’s critical engagements with the past, present, and future of Africa’s global entanglements. ECAS is the largest and most visible single event under the AEGIS umbrella. AEGIS is an expression of a much wider and dynamic set of African Studies connections, collaborations, activities and opportunities within and beyond Europe. The conference, lasting four days, had over 70 panels involving hundreds of papers and speakers. All were efficiently coordinated through the various classes at the University of Cologne.

Earlier in the year, I and colleagues from Germany and US had submitted a panel, “Digital/social media and Afrophone literature”, for consideration at ECAS 9. It was accepted.  The conveners were me (BUK), Uta Reuster-Jahn, Umma Aliyu (Hamburg) and Stephanie Bosch Santana (UCLA). Before submitting our panel to ECAS, we first held an online symposium which was preceded by a call for papers. Despite sending the CfP to various universities and the Nigerian Academy of Letters (NAL), the response was pretty poor. The symposium was titled Social Media as New Canvas, Space and Channel for Afrophone Literatures. It was eventually held online at the University of Hamburg, Germany, on 22-23 February 2023. The participants then were from Germany (Uta Reuster-Jahn, Umma Aliyu Musa), Nigeria (Abdalla Uba Adamu, Zaynab Ango, Ado Ahmad Gidan Dabino, Nura Ibrahim, Asabe Kabir Usman, Isyaku Bala Ibrahim), Tanzania (Hussein Issa Tuwa, Zamda Geuza), Ghana (Nikitta Dede Adjirakor), Stephen Ney (Canada), US (Stephanie Bosch Santana).

After the symposium, we submitted a panel for the ECAS 9th edition. Our panel was accepted, and all the participants of the online seminar were issued official letters of invitation to process their funding for the conference in Cologne in June 2023. As a panelist, I was fully funded to attend by Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft (German Research Foundation, DFG). Umma and Uta were able to sponsor themselves from Hamburg. Unfortunately, only Nikita from Ghana was able to come from the others who could not get any funding. As a result, our panel, held on Wednesday, 31st May 2023, had only four speakers. It was déjà vu all over again – after almost 24 hours of flying and waiting at airports (Kano, Abuja, Doha), I was given only 20 minutes for the presentation.

My paper was “From Kano Market Literature to Kano Social Media Literature: The Reincarnation of an Afrophone Literary Genre.” The paper traces the trajectory of the genre from print media to its liberation in online media, with a specific focus on Facebook, Wattpad and APK files on Google Play. The paper uses netnographic methodology to harvest the dominance of and reaction to the newly reincarnated genre, which, far from being dead and buried, is more than ever before, alive and kicking in other spaces – beyond censorship or any form of criticism. In the process, the paper explores the freedom gained by the authors in unrestricted storylines that cross boundaries of identity, gender and alternative sexualities.  The Journal of African Literature Association (curated by Taylor and Francis Group) has agreed to publish the papers of the Symposium in 2024. We will have to ask for more contributors.

Another dividend for me was that I was approached by a representative of Lexington Books in the US for the possibility of publishing my paper as part of a book on Hausa media cultures if I have something like that. As it happened, I have almost completed such a project titled “Hausa Cinema” (to complement Jonathan Haynes’s book, “Nollywood”) which was to be published by the Ohio University Press in 2010, but things went southwards! Now Lexington Books is providing an opportunity, and I am excited about it.  

Our panel was lively, though, and I even met a fan! He was Jos Damen, Head of the Library and ICT Department of the African Studies Centre at the University of Leiden. While I was making my presentation, he took my picture with his phone and uploaded it to my Wikipedia page (itself created by another fan)! Later he told me I needed to have a picture there, and he took that responsibility. So it was kind of him!

The conference attendance was a fantastic homecoming for me because although Heike Behrend had retired back to Berlin, where she came from (and where I visited her in 2015 had a wonderful dinner when I was a guest of the Haus der Kulturen der Welt, Berlin), Muhsin Ibrahim is now in the same institute. Both Muhsin and I were from Bayero University Kano. Muhsin was teaching Hausa at the Institute.

I first came to Cologne in 2004 – at the invitation of Heike Behrend when I met her in Kenya. At that time, I had an invitation to participate in an African Literatures project at Johannes Gutenberg University, Mainz. Heike asked me to reroute my itinerary to stop at Cologne, teach a Postgraduate class and give a public lecture. I did both on Monday 15th November 2004. Since then, I have almost lost count of the times I visited Germany – Berlin, Freiburg, Hamburg, Leipzig, and the wonderful Cologne with its incredible, massive and stupendous cathedral – the largest Gothic church in Northern Europe. It was in Cologne in 2004 that the foundation of my ethnographic foray into critical media studies was laid. Unlike in Nigeria, where many saw me as an ‘interloper’ (as they murmur, ‘After all, he is a Biologist, isn’t he?’), here it is not what you study but what you can contribute to any discipline. I have been to Colone four times and other cities several times – all on the same mission of promoting Hausa media studies.

ECAS 2023 started wonderfully with Muhsin meeting me at the Koln Hauptbahnhof and helping me drag my luggage through various concourses to the trains that would take us to his flat: a very lovely well-furnished, and very spacious space. Upon arriving and freshening up, a massive mountain of uncharacteristically fat masa was waiting for me. Even the masa looks like a ‘Bajamushiya’! The soup alone could feed a family for a week! It was a truly delicious welcome. Once I got rid of the hunger, he took me to my hotel, IBIS Centrum.

Breakfast in the morning at the hotel saw a meeting of Who-is-Who in African studies – both diasporic Africans, home-based Africans and European and American researchers. It was indeed a wonderful gathering. In addition, I had a chance to reconnect with one of the most promising diasporic Hausa African Studies experts – Musa Ibrahim.

Musa is based in Ghana. He travelled there through South Africa and Japan, ending up in Bayreuth, Germany, where he obtained his doctorate. We met at Leipzig in 2018, and I collected his CV with the hope of getting him employed in our Information and Media Studies department, Bayero University Kano. However, the university was not interested. Before you knew it, he was grabbed by the University of Florida, Gainesville, where he spent about three years before getting another appointment at the University of Ghana. Such rich and varied experience would have been valuable to us in Kano, but the parochialism of our university system did not factor in multidisciplinarity.

The following day saw dinner at Muhsin’s house, and this time, Umma Aliyu, originally from Bauchi, joined us. Umma now lives and teaches in Germany at the University of Hamburg (after her studies at Leipzig). Like Muhsin, she also teaches Hausa at Hamburg, where she took over from Joe McIntyre (Malam Gambo), who retired some time ago. During dinner, we brainstormed the idea of two book projects – which, for me, was one of the significant takeaways from ECAS9.

Muhsin, Abdalla and Musa at ECAS9, Cologne

The first book project would be tentatively titled “Hausa Studies in European Diaspora: Experiences and Perspectives.” This will be a collection of chapters written by Hausawa living and working permanently in various European universities, either teaching Hausa or other disciplines.  The objective is to demonstrate how internationalised Hausa scholarship is. We started with about five in Germany alone.

The second book project would be a post-Boko Haram narrative. So far, the Boko Haram literature has focused on the human disaster of the insurgency – virtually all books written were from the governance, security and disaster perspectives. Yet, much success has been and is being recorded in the war against terror in the form of surrenders, deradicalisation and reintegration. Yet, no one is looking at this. Using ethnographic field data, the book project will provide another side of the war on terror in Nigeria. We were excited and promised to work on various draft proposals before embarking on the works, which we hope will be completed by 2025.

The Conference’s overwhelming focus on the multidisciplinarity of African Studies was an eye-opener—no room or time for a narrow perspective on scholarship. No one cares about what your degrees are in – what matters is what you are bringing to the table NOW and how it impacts the knowledge economy of African societies and contribute to the decolonisation narrative.

For me, Cologne is a Return to Forever – the beginning of an endless loop of research and investigation.

My deepest thanks to Muhsin for being such an excellent, graceful host.

By Mukhtar Jarmajo

The new administration in Kano has embarked on a commendable mission to reclaim the lands around schools that were allegedly wrongly sold out by the past government. Such action is important for the protection of public resources and the promotion of quality education. However, demolishing the shops built around the schools may not be the best approach to solving the environmental crisis created by the encroachment.

While it is understandable that the new government wants to send a strong message to potential land grabbers and illegal developers, demolishing the shops may cause unintended consequences that could hurt both the affected traders and the government. For example, many shops were legally acquired by small business owners who may have invested their life savings and borrowed money from banks to establish their businesses. Destroying their livelihoods without proper compensation or alternatives could lead to social and economic unrest.

Furthermore, destroying the shops may not solve the problem of encroachment. Once the shops are gone, the empty spaces may attract new forms of illegal settlements or waste dumping, further depleting the environment and posing health hazards to students and residents. Therefore, a more strategic and holistic approach to Kano’s environmental and economic challenges is needed.

One possible solution is to engage architectural and environmental experts to design sustainable solutions that could improve the safety, aesthetics, and functionality of the schools and the commercial spaces around them. For example, the shops could be redesigned to allow more natural ventilation, lighting, and greenery, enhancing the microclimate and reducing the need for air conditioning and artificial lighting. The shops could also be integrated with the schools’ curricula and activities to promote entrepreneurship and civic engagement among students and teachers.

Another solution is for the government to acquire the shops and lease them out to qualified and responsible entrepreneurs who could operate them under certain conditions, such as payment of rent, taxes, and adherence to environmental and safety standards. Such an approach could generate revenue for the government, support small businesses, and foster a culture of responsible commercial activity in Kano.

Preserving our schools and small businesses requires a collaborative and creative effort from all stakeholders, including government officials, planners, architects, investors, traders, and residents. We must resist the temptation to resort to destructive means of solving complex problems and instead seek sustainable and inclusive solutions that benefit our communities and environment.

The demolition of shops around schools in Kano may seem like a quick fix to the encroachment problem, but it is not a wise or ethical solution. Instead, we should explore innovative and sustainable ways to protect our public resources, promote quality education, and support responsible entrepreneurship. Let us preserve our schools, our small businesses, and our dignity.

Jarmajo wrote from Wuse, Zone 2, Abuja.