Nigeria

By Uzair Adam

Residents of Dangoro community in Kumbotso Local Government Area of Kano State on Saturday held a special prayer session, seeking divine intervention over what they described as the continuous takeover of their farmlands and plots by the state government.

The residents said they were thrown into panic following the government’s plan to relocate the Yan Lemo Fruit Market and Yankaba Vegetables Market to their area, an action they fear will lead to another round of land seizures and displacements.

Speaking during the prayer session, one of the affected landowners, Sadik Muhammad Abdullahi, expressed frustration over what he called repeated loss of property to government projects.

He stated that, “This is the fourth time such an incident is happening in Dangoro. I was a victim of the previous one. I had eight plots of farmland, but when the government came, it took them and gave me only one and a half plots as compensation. I later sold it and bought another land, which is now being targeted again.”

Abdullahi added that many residents could suffer the same fate if the plan goes ahead, saying the area consists of individually owned plots, which would make fair compensation extremely difficult.

“If what happened before happens again — where someone loses eight plots and gets one or one and a half plots — some people might collapse or even die of shock. The situation is becoming unbearable,” he lamented.

Another landowner, Comrade Nuraini Adabayo, said the community had been devastated since hearing of the government’s plan.

“I even encouraged others to buy land here, assuring them that the government would not carry out any further measurements since it had done that three times before.

“Now, we have over forty plots belonging to me and others who trusted me. Some people have even laid foundations for their buildings. I don’t know what to tell them,” Adabayo added.

He also complained that the government gave them very short notice, with the land measurement for compensation expected to start on Monday.

He added that many of the affected landowners do not live in Kano, making the process more complicated.

He appealed to Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf to consider relocating the markets to Kano Economic City, where, according to him, there is ample space to accommodate both the fruit and vegetable traders, similar to how the medicine sellers were relocated.

A respected community member, Alhaji Gambo Saminu Adamu, also urged the state government to urgently address the situation to prevent what he described as a looming humanitarian problem.

“I call on His Excellency, Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf, to personally visit this community and see the situation himself rather than relying on reports.There is enough space at the Economic City to accommodate all these traders without taking away people’s lands,” Alhaji Adamu added.

When contacted, the District Head of Dangoro, Ishaq Yusuf Ishaq, declined to comment, saying the issue did not originate from his office.

“As a traditional titleholder, we have our protocols. But you can contact the relevant government officials; they are aware of the development,” he said.

Similarly, when reached for comment, the Director of Public Enlightenment at the Kano State Ministry of Land, Murtala Shehu Umar, said he was not aware of the plan.

“Well, I am not aware of this ongoing plan. However, once I get any information, I will let you know. Maybe we can meet on Monday at the community during the exercise or before that time,” he stated.

The residents vowed to continue seeking divine intervention and called on the government to halt the planned relocation to prevent what they described as a threat to their livelihoods and ancestral heritage.

By Prof. Abdalla Uba Adamu

I rarely discuss politics, policy, or religion at any level on social media. These three are totally beyond my modest capabilities. However, the Educationist in me stirred when it became news in November 2025 that a bill was being proposed in the Kano State House of Assembly, titled the Kano State Mother Tongue (Hausa Language) Education Enforcement Bill. It was introduced by Musa Kachako, a member representing Takai under the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP). 

The Bill seeks to ensure that all instruction in primary and secondary schools in Kano (presumably those under Local Education Authorities) is conducted in the Hausa language. According to online reports, when presenting the bill during plenary, Kachako stated that the initiative followed global best practices in education, citing countries such as China, Japan, and India, which he noted had made significant strides in science and technology by teaching children in their native languages from an early age. Kano State can do this because Education, being on the Concurrent Legislature, gives room for any policy variation of Education from that of the Federal Government’s Exclusive list. 

Certainly, the idea of teaching all subjects in Hausa springs from a noble intention — to enable children to learn in the language they understand best, and to reaffirm local identity against the long shadow of colonial linguistic domination. I witnessed this during my tenure as a Teaching Practice Supervisor in various schools in Kano. Students tended to understand language lessons more fluidly than those in other languages. And we are talking about over 40 years ago. Along the line, I even came up with how to use Hausa proverbs to teach science, based on over 30 curated Hausa proverbs with scientific content (e.g. gravity in “komai nisan jifa, ƙasa zai dawo”) and trained dozens of teachers in Jigawa (ironically enough, Kano was not interested at the time!) on this much later.   

Yet, the success of such a language policy depends on its contextual intelligence — its ability to strike a balance between local comprehension, national unity, and global relevance. In all cases of such debates, the examples of China, Japan, and India are the most commonly cited as best practices that have worked. With its virtual monolingual Hausa population (perhaps the only State in the Federation with this attribute), elevating Kano as “Little China” certainly sound, albeit contradictorily, post-colonially romantic. This all sounds inspiring. But, without taking the shine off it, how realistic is it?

There is a certain merit to the idea, but only to a certain extent. Research everywhere agrees: children learn faster and think better when taught in their native language. Even UNESCO and Nigeria’s own education policy support this approach for the first few years of primary schooling, where community languages are encouraged, rather than metropolitan languages. Let’s look at some cases.

Ethiopia is perhaps the only country in Africa with a continuous mother-tongue education system. The country did not suffer the horrors of colonisation on the same scale as the rest of Sahelian African countries, as it was only briefly occupied by Italians between 1936 and 1941. It uses regional languages (Amharic, Tigrinya, Oromo, Somali, etc.) as the medium of instruction in primary and secondary education. In universities and higher education, Amharic or English is used depending on the region and field. Thus, Ethiopia’s system is perhaps the closest to continuous mother-tongue instruction, although English dominates technical and postgraduate studies.

In Tanzania, Swahili is the dominant language in primary schools, but English is introduced from secondary schools up to universities, especially in fields such as science, medicine, and law. In Rwanda, the medium of instruction in schools was switched from French to English in 2008, while Kinyarwanda remains the mother tongue in early primary education. In Mozambique, Portuguese dominates in secondary and tertiary education, and local languages such as Makhuwa, Sena, and Tsonga are used in early primary school. 

This pattern is repeated in other African countries, such as Ghana (Twi/Ewe in early schooling, English later), Senegal (local languages in the early years, French later), and Kenya (Kikuyu, Luhya, Dholuo in early schooling, English later). Thus, no colonised African country has fully implemented mother tongue instruction from primary through university, rejecting colonial languages entirely.

In Kano, where everyone speaks Hausa, the policy could genuinely improve comprehension and reduce dropout rates. Pupils won’t have to struggle with English before grasping basic concepts in classrooms. That’s a win. However, there is a catch, and it lies in the regular comparison with China, Japan, and India, as if Kano is a nation, rather than a State within a nation that has 400 languages. Let us look at the language policies of these countries closely.

China has between 281 to 305 languages and dialects. However, it took decades — from the early 1900s to the 1950s — to standardise Mandarin (Putonghua), reform writing, and establish a comprehensive teacher-training and translation system, enabling everyone to be educated in one language. 

Japan is relatively homogeneous, but still has dialect diversity with 16 living languages. Although Japanese is the dominant language of instruction, there is no law declaring it the official language of the country. In fact, a school could use other languages. There are now a few schools that use English to teach science and mathematics classes. Japan created a national standard (based on the Tokyo speech) during the Meiji era (late 1800s) — alongside massive investment in textbooks, printing, and teacher training. India, on the other hand, is multilingual by law — it has 22 official languages and hundreds more in daily use. Each state uses its local language for early schooling, but keeps English for higher education and technology. 

So, what worked for these three was not language alone, but long-term state planning, standardisation, and bilingual balance. Each of these countries went through a long, continuously sustainable process of deliberate policy strategies that ensured the success of their language policies in Education, backed by political stability. In Kano, policies are routinely changed with new regime changes, regardless of their merit. Let us look at the obstacles. 

English remains the principal language of science, technology, and international communication. A policy that sidelines it completely in early and middle education could restrict students’ ability to compete globally and to access higher education resources. Unless a bilingual model is adopted, the system may produce students with strong local literacy but limited global mobility.

Nigeria’s labour market — in public service, academia, commerce, and technology — operates primarily in English. Graduates from a Hausa-only system would face difficulty transitioning into these environments without adequate English proficiency. This could widen inequality rather than close it. Unless there are expectations that students from Kano, who will be the products of this policy, will never work in any Federal government agency in the country. 

Nigeria’s educational bureaucracy is highly centralised. Curriculum design, examination systems (NECO, WAEC), and tertiary entry assessments (JAMB) all operate in English. Switching Hausa to the medium of instruction at primary and secondary levels, without corresponding policy alignment at higher levels, would isolate Hausa-medium students from tertiary education pathways. Thus, despite Education being on the concurrent list, centralised examinations are under the Federal Exclusive list. Kano cannot create its own WAEC, NECO, and JAMB examination boards; it must use Federal agencies for this purpose. These agencies are in Nigeria’s official language, which is English.  

Next would be concerns about teachers. Currently, and without being aware of the timeline for implementing the Bill, if it is passed successfully, there are not enough trained teachers in Kano with adequate linguistic competence to teach science, mathematics, or social studies effectively in Hausa. 

Moreover, curricular materials, textbooks, and terminologies for specialised subjects (such as chemistry, ICT, or physics) are largely underdeveloped in Hausa — except for some pioneering efforts by the Northern Nigerian Publishing Company and NTI Kaduna in the 1980s–1990s, and more recently by a few authors. For instance, the Centre for Research in Nigerian Languages, Translation, and Folklore at Bayero University, Kano, has produced eight Science textbooks in Hausa for students of primary, junior, and senior secondary schools in northern Nigeria. 

Written by Mika’ila Maigari Kashimbila of the Department of Physics, Bayero University, these are Kimiyya Da Fasaha Don Makarantun Firamare Books One to Three, Lissafi Don Kananan Makarantun Sakandare Books One to Three, Kyamistare Don Manyan Makarantun Sakandare, and Fizis (Physics) Don Manyan Makarantun Sakandare. He had earlier written Lissafin Makaratun Sakandare Na 1. 

I was even part of the committee set up by Bayero University Kano to “launch” these books, although things faltered, and I don’t think the launch ever took place. Wonderful as these books and efforts are, I believe they would serve as supplementary readers to the core textbooks, where they help to deconstruct the more esoteric prose of the English textbooks. 

Other concerns are sociological. For instance, making Hausa the exclusive medium in primary and secondary education in Kano risks political backlash from non-Hausa-speaking communities. In a multilingual federation, such a policy could be perceived as linguistic imperialism, deepening ethnic tensions and further alienating minorities. It may also entrench regionalisation rather than national integration — the very problem English was meant to solve.

Additionally, if Hausa becomes the sole instructional language, students from Kano may face difficulties participating in the global economy, digital platforms, and higher education, which remain English-dominated. True, the increasing use of Artificial Intelligence might alleviate some of these fears – but that is not the same as captive learning. A purely Hausa-medium system would require parallel translation of scientific and technological vocabulary to prevent intellectual isolation — a task that even developed monolingual nations struggle with.

On the positive side, a well-planned Hausa-medium system could revive indigenous literacy traditions, encourage the translation of modern science into local epistemologies, and restore pride in local knowledge systems. It could also expand Hausa publishing, radio, and digital content industries — thereby democratizing access to learning for those currently excluded by the dominance of English.

But the devil is in the details. Policy flip-flops reflecting a lack of consistency are the biggest danger. As antecedents have shown, this particular political climate might favour this move, complete with a law backing it. The next political class might very well destroy it simply because it was not its idea. This has always been the central characteristic of Kano politics. 

By Uzair Adam

Deputy Senate President Senator Barau Jibrin has condemned recent remarks by United States President Donald Trump, describing his comments labeling Nigeria as “a disgraced country” as offensive and undiplomatic.

Trump, during a White House press briefing, had threatened to “take decisive action” if the alleged killings of Christians in Nigeria continued.

In a viral video where the Deputy Senate President addressed members of the All Progressives Congress (APC) youth wing, Jibrin said the statement was unacceptable and contrary to international law.

“For Trump to come and say, ‘We are going to attack you, Nigeria is a disgraced country,’ is quite unacceptable. We feel he should understand and retract that statement. It is against international law,” Jibrin stated.

He further emphasised that no world leader has the right to threaten military action without following proper international procedures.

“It’s against international law. Whatever you feel about our country, follow the legal route. Go to the United Nations, get a resolution there, and then anything can come later. To bypass that route is quite unacceptable. It’s un-American,” he added.

Addressing a cheering audience, the Sardaunan Kano maintained that Nigeria would not be intimidated by Trump’s rhetoric.

“We are not scared to say the truth. If Trump were here, I would tell him he has gone against international law and that the route he’s taking is not the best,” Jibrin said.

He called on the United States to embrace diplomacy and mutual respect in its engagement with Nigeria, noting that such principles remain vital to maintaining global peace and cooperation.

By Abdussamad Umar Jibia 

Finally, you are there. Your “brother” from America has spoken. He is coming to “your disgraced country” to wipe out your enemy, an enemy who has lived above your pettiness. This enemy does not give attention to your blackmail, an enemy in whose presence you always feel inferior. That enemy is I, the Muslim Northerner. Out of your inferiority complex, you have given me different names, the most widely used of which is Hausa-Fulani.

I am Hausa-Fulani, even if I am Kanuri, who can speak no single word of Hausa or Fulfulde. I am Hausa-Fulani even if I was born to one of the minority tribes of Gombe, Bauchi, Kogi or, in fact, a Birom. To qualify as a Hausa-Fulani, I require only to be a non-Yoruba, non-Igbo Northerner who prays five times a day. 

At last, I have caught the attention of your big brother, who has never been to Nigeria, a person who has no respect for a black man like you and me. All you are now waiting for are his bombs and rifles to make you greater than the Hausa-Fulani, to make your presence arouse hate and fear in others, just like you feel when I am around. Congratulations. 

Your hatred towards me has a history which cannot be ignored. You and I have lived side by side for centuries. This is where our creator has decided to place us, just like He placed the Chinese in China, the Indians in India, the Arabs in Arabia, etc.

Living together always generates experiences, sweet and bitter. You have always emphasised the bitter experiences of living with me as the reason for disliking me. For example, you believe that before the coming of the British, you were oppressed by me through my emirs, who carried regular raids on your villages to catch slaves; slaves they sold to Arabs and your newfound brothers in Europe and America.

When the British came as colonisers, they no longer needed slaves. So, even though they ruled you through my emir, they banned slavery the way it was done at that time. However, because they sensed no wisdom in you, they taught you that the worship of one God, as done by your neighbour, was wrong. They taught you about three gods that can be considered as one. Depending on who taught you Christianity, you believe that these three gods (or parts of God) are the Son, the Father and the Holy Ghost or the Son, the Father and the holy ghost. Even if it didn’t make sense, it was handy. At least, you now had a religion just like the Hausa-Fulani had one. 

This raises one question. Are you a Christian because you genuinely believe in Christianity, or are you in Christianity because you want to compete with me? Actions are said to speak louder than words. Your later actions would answer this question.

For example, even before Europeans arrived in this part of the world, we travelled to Makkah, now located in Saudi Arabia, for the annual pilgrimage. To date, we have saved our money to go on Hajj without waiting for the Government. Even without Government agencies, we would continue to go on Hajj on our own because it is an article of our faith. Don’t worry, I know how your mind is working. You would be happy if your American brother would bomb the place we go to annually. To your chagrin, that wouldn’t change anything. We shall still perform hajj even if the Kaába is demolished. Islam has provided for that possibility.

Unfortunately, Christians do not have an organised system of worship that provides for an annual pilgrimage. Out of ignorance, you thought Israelis are your brothers because their grandfather is mentioned in the Bible. You thus put pressure on the Government to create diplomatic ties with Israel so that you can go there for pilgrimage, just like Muslims go to Saudi Arabia. So, you annually come back to tell stories about Israel just like Muslim pilgrims share their experiences in Saudi Arabia.

One thing you have forgotten is that Israelis do not even believe in Christianity. As far as they are concerned, Jesus Christ is an illegitimate child of an adulterous woman, and Christians are idol worshippers. Yet, you still believe that Israelis are better than you because they are the “God-Chosen”. I don’t even know which god chose them. Is it the God they claim to have killed, or is it another God? In any case, you need a solution to your slave mentality. 

You are very unlucky to be a tiny minority; otherwise, I would have been cleansed long ago. Your record of violence against Muslims in the few areas you control is well established. In some cases, like Tafawa Balewa, Zangon Kataf and Saminaka, you wiped off/displaced entire Muslim communities. In many other cases, you killed as many as you could by intercepting Muslim travellers, attacking them during prayers, etc., as you did many times in Plateau state.

You were enjoying your violence and playing the victim with the support of the Christian press when the Fulani herders conundrum began. The word “herdsmen” is a misnomer used to avoid ethnic profiling. The correct words are criminals, armed robbers, or bandits. These groups of people have no respect for human lives and property. The least they do is to drive their cattle into farms to devour crops, and when farmers react, they fight them without mercy.

In the extreme, they attack a village, hamlet or innocent travellers and kill, rape, maim, steal and/or kidnap for ransom. Thank goodness, the ‘’herdsmen’’ kept you in check as they always return whatever fire you release with multiples of it. Both of you are criminals, but they are more vicious and sophisticated. This is even as it is in record that your youth allegedly received training in Israel to fight Muslims.

In any case, you would agree with me that I have suffered from banditry more than you did. The whole thing began in Zamfara and spread to Katsina, Sokoto, Niger and Kaduna before it reached Plateau and Southern Kaduna. Yet, you go about lying that your fellow criminals are Muslims carrying out genocide against Christians. Your shamelessness is awful.

Once more, accept my congratulations. Your lies have paid. You may, however, be disappointed to know that Americans have never solved any problem. Whichever country they enter, they would be worse off after leaving it, except in Afghanistan, where they were shamed out. Should they come in here, we are determined to resist and drive them out like they were driven out of Afghanistan. We shall die honourably or triumph with grace, in sha Allah. For us, submission to the enemy is not an option.

Finally, let me note that there are many exceptions to the above. I have respect for peace-loving Christians from the North, and there are many of them.

Abdussamad Umar Jibia wrote from Kano, Nigeria, via aujibia@gmail.com.

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu announced today that he has held a constructive phone conversation with the United States President Donald Trump, aiming to de-escalate recent diplomatic tensions between the two nations.

In a national address following the call, President Tinubu stated that both leaders agreed on the priorities of “peace over conflict, hope over fear, and unity over division.”

He acknowledged the “genuine” concerns that led to the tensions and confirmed that both sides would take necessary time to address them.

The President sought to reassure Nigerians, pledging that his administration, in collaboration with the United States, would leverage existing security cooperation to prevent any recurrence of incidents that threaten individuals based on faith, origin, or other constitutional rights.

“Under my leadership, the Government of Nigeria… will leverage existing security cooperation and mutual interests to prevent any recurrence,” Tinubu stated.

He promised a decisive shift from the “unfulfilled promises of the past,” assuring citizens that they would “witness tangible actions and results in the coming days.”

The address emphasized the government’s commitment to the security and dignity of every citizen, urging Nigerians to continue their lawful activities with confidence.

Tinubu also reaffirmed the enduring diplomatic relationship between Nigeria and the United States alongside President Trump.

He concluded by calling on citizens to uphold the national motto: “Unity and Faith, Peace and Progress.”

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

Kaduna State has set a new benchmark for rapid housing delivery in Nigeria with the commissioning of a 100-unit estate built entirely using prefabricated technology.

Governor Uba Sani inaugurated the project, which was developed by Family Homes and constructed by Karmod Nigeria.

The entire estate, from groundbreaking to completion, was finished in under six months—a fraction of the time required for conventional construction.

Beyond speed, the development offers modern amenities including paved roads, drainage, water, and electricity.

The houses are designed to be durable, with a projected lifespan of more than 50 years.

The success of this project is being positioned as a viable solution to Nigeria’s housing crisis, proving that with modern methods, quality and affordable homes can be built at an unprecedented pace.

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

President Bola Tinubu has stated that his administration is actively engaging with the international community as Nigeria’s economic reforms show positive results.

He gave this assurance during a Federal Executive Council (FEC) meeting in Abuja on Thursday.

The President, speaking after the swearing-in of two new ministers, pointed to the recent oversubscription of a $2.3 billion Eurobond by 400% as a sign of strong international confidence in the country’s direction.

“The most important thing is the fact that despite the political headwinds and the fear of our people, we will continue to engage with partners,” Tinubu told the council.

Addressing the nation’s security challenges, the Commander-in-Chief charged Nigerians not to give in to despair.

“Do we have problems? Yes. Are we challenged by terrorism? Yes. But we will defeat terrorism,” he affirmed.

The cabinet meeting also featured an economic briefing from the Minister of Finance and Coordinating Minister for the Economy, Wale Edun.

He reported that Nigeria’s economy grew by 4.23% in the second quarter of 2025, which he described as the highest growth rate in a decade, excluding the post-COVID rebound period.

By Muḥammad San

I have read the PhD thesis of the Emir of Kano, and just like in his Gamji days, Sanusi Lamido Sanusi (now Muhammadu Sanusi II) remains forthright in expression and uncompromising in his quest to balance Shari’a.

Some may dismiss contributions like mine as disturbing or argue that we are too little academically to weigh in on the Shari’a debate. But this is a debate that dominated Nigeria at the turn of the millennium, and Sanusi himself was at its centre. Having read his papers, watched his TED talk, and reviewed the recent compendium of his essays, I can say I have at least a fair understanding of his intellectual outlook.

Sanusi has always been controversial. His now-famous remark that a wife should slap back or retaliate against an abusive husband is a good example. That boldness, perhaps, was the same energy that pushed him to the University of London to produce a doctoral thesis on Islamic family law, using Morocco and Kano as his comparative space.

The Emir is an ardent advocate of girl-child education, but this passion seems to have narrowed his focus, leaving him blind to the ordeals of men under the same system. While women’s marginalisation has been widely documented, men, too, are now facing a new wave of vulnerabilities. The cases are there for anyone who cares to look.

The infamous Maryam Sanda case, in which a woman brutally murdered her husband, remains etched in public memory, yet the debate around it was clouded by sympathy. In 2021, a young wife in Kano was convicted of poisoning her husband after repeated disputes. In 2022, another woman fatally stabbed her husband during a quarrel over financial neglect. These are not isolated events. They highlight the rise of what can be called “feminine defence,” but they also expose the growing fragility of men trapped in broken family systems.

Sanusi himself points to Morocco as a model. “What did they do in Morocco? They built schools and invested in transportation so that girls could be moved from villages to the nearest schools. They also invested in school feeding and provided financial support to the poorest families ready to send their sons and daughters to schools,” he said in an interview with Time Africa Magazine. Yet the contrast is sharp. In Kano, the state government spends millions on lavish emirate ceremonies, while journalists like Dan Bello continue to expose the dire state of public schools in the very heart of the metropolis.

To be fair, Sanusi’s thesis tackled the historical marginalisation of women in Islamic family law with rigour and depth. But in amplifying women’s rights, it failed to defend men or acknowledge their growing vulnerabilities in a rapidly changing society. By leaning heavily on the Moroccan Moudawana, itself a product of feminist activism, the work framed men only as a dominant class to be restrained. Missing were the struggles many men face: unemployment, the crushing demands of polygamy, and the relentless pressure to perform as patriarchs without resources.

This omission is striking. In Kano today, the rise of wives killing their husbands is not just a crime. It is a signal of imbalance in the family system, a warning that reform is incomplete. Without addressing male fragility alongside female empowerment, Shari’a reform risks becoming a zero-sum game. Sanusi’s thesis suggests that empowering women alone can resolve family crises. But true reform, as Shari’a itself demands, must be a balanced restructuring that preserves the dignity and well-being of both men and women.

Muḥammad Sani is a freelance and public policy writer from Zaria. Can be reached via muhdusman1999@gmail.com.

By Uzair Adam

The Federal Competition and Consumer Protection Commission (FCCPC) on Wednesday launched a major enforcement operation in Kano State, targeting warehouses and retailers accused of selling under-measured fabric materials to unsuspecting buyers.

The exercise, which took place in the Sharada Industrial Area and other commercial hubs, focused on companies including LGR Products, UME Products, Nana Textile Products, Mama Africa Products, and UE Products, among others.

Speaking during the operation, the Director of Surveillance and Investigations at the FCCPC, Boladale Adeyanka, said the move followed verified intelligence and weeks of discreet surveillance that exposed deceptive sales practices by some fabric dealers.

“The enforcement exercise carried out today at this target location is in response to verified intelligence. This is just one of the many targeted businesses or warehouses involved in this alleged infraction,” Adeyanka explained.

According to her, the Commission discovered that several traders were selling fabrics below the stated measurements printed on their labels.

“You will recall that we took measurements right before us—fabrics labelled 10 yards were found to be only 9 yards, while those labelled 5 yards were as short as 4 and a half,” she said.

Adeyanka emphasized that such conduct violates multiple provisions of the Federal Competition and Consumer Protection Act (FCCPA) 2018, which prohibits false, misleading, or deceptive representations concerning product quantity or quality.

“Under Section 123 of the FCCPA, no retailer or trader shall make any false or misleading representation about the quantity or price of goods supplied.

“Similarly, Section 125 prohibits any supplier or distributor from engaging in conduct that implies a false or misleading representation to a consumer,” she stated.

She added that such deceptive practices not only exploit consumers but also disrupt fair market competition.

“These acts undermine honest traders and businesses that comply with lawful standards. They can drive legitimate retailers out of the market, thereby reducing consumer choice and entrenching anti-competitive behaviour,” she noted.

Adeyanka further disclosed that following verified findings, the Executive Vice-Chairman of the FCCPC, Mr. Tunji Bello, approved the sealing of several shops under Sections 27 and 28 of the Act to allow further investigation.

Samples of the implicated materials were also seized for measurement and quality verification.

She reaffirmed the Commission’s commitment to protecting Nigerian consumers from fraudulent practices, stressing that the operation reflects the FCCPC’s statutory duty to promote fairness and integrity in trade.

“This enforcement operation demonstrates our commitment to ensuring a fair marketplace and safeguarding consumer welfare—both economic and social. It also reaffirms the Federal Government’s commitment to protecting consumers’ rights in Nigeria.”

The Commission urged consumers to stay alert and report any suspected cases of deceptive trade practices through its official complaint channels.

“We encourage consumers to insist on their rights and to report any unscrupulous practices. The Commission will continue to deploy lawful enforcement measures to deter exploitative and obnoxious business conduct across the nation,” Adeyanka concluded.

By Zayyad I. Muhammad 

1. Immediate Actions: Dispatch a high-level delegation to Washington: President Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu should immediately send a high-powered delegation composed of respected Nigerian statesmen, business leaders, and senior government officials to engage with U.S. authorities.

The team should include former President Olusegun Obasanjo, former Head of State General Abdulsalami Abubakar, Chief Bola Ajibola, business mogul Aliko Dangote, Rev. Hassan Matthew Kukah, and the President of the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN), Most Rev. Dr Daniel Okoh, His Eminence Sultan of Sokoto, representatives of Religious groups, NGO, etc.

From the government side, the delegation should include the Minister of State for Foreign Affairs, the Secretary to the Government of the Federation, and the Governors of Benue,  Plateau, Niger, Katsina, Kaduna, Zamfara, Borno, Yobe and Adamawa States, given the security relevance of their regions.

2. Re-engage the U.S. Mission in Nigeria: The Presidency should task the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and other well-placed Nigerians with deepening communication with the U.S. Mission in Abuja and the Consulate in Lagos to strengthen diplomatic rapport, address misperceptions, and align mutual strategic interests.

3. Reach out to U.S. allies and partners: Nigeria should actively engage with other influential U.S. allies across Europe, the Middle East, and Asia to rally broader international support for Nigeria’s security and development agenda.

3. Seek U.S. assistance in defence cooperation: President Tinubu should formally request more support from the Donald J. Trump administration in providing modern weapons, intelligence-sharing technology, and counter-insurgency training to bolster Nigeria’s fight against terrorism and violent extremism.

4. Immediate appointment of ambassadors: Nigeria’s diplomatic missions have remained without substantive ambassadors for too long. Swift appointments of competent, credible, and globally respected diplomats will help restore Nigeria’s voice and visibility on the international stage.

5. The Minister Yusuf Tuggar should be reassigned to another portfolio, and a new Minister of Foreign Affairs, preferably one with strong international connections and more diplomatic weight, should be appointed. This will send a clear signal that Nigeria is repositioning its foreign policy and engagement strategy.

6. Launch a global public relations drive: Nigeria must embark on a robust, well-coordinated international PR campaign to reshape global perception. This should highlight the Tinubu administration’s economic reforms, anti-corruption measures, and counter-terrorism efforts, while showcasing Nigeria as a stable, investment-friendly democracy that protects all faiths and ethnicities

7. On the Security and Communication Front: The office of the National Security Adviser and the high military command are doing well; thus, to further boost the effort, they should further re-align the war against insurgency and banditry. The battle against bandits, terrorists, and other insurgent groups must be comprehensively restructured. This includes better coordination among the armed forces, improved intelligence gathering, community-based security initiatives, and enhanced welfare for frontline troops. A unified national security strategy will yield faster and more sustainable results.

8. Strengthen media visibility of Nigeria’s counter-terrorism efforts: Nigeria’s efforts in the fight against terror are often underreported or misrepresented internationally. There should be massive, transparent media coverage, both traditional and digital, to showcase the government’s ongoing efforts, victories, and human stories of resilience. This will help counter misinformation, boost public morale, and attract global understanding and support.

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja via zaymohd@yahoo.com.