Nigeria

By Sabiu Abdullahi

A handwritten letter allegedly sent by Boko Haram insurgents to the Sarkin Woro in Kaiama Local Government Area of Kwara State has surfaced, weeks after a deadly attack that left over 170 people dead.

The message, dated January 8, 2026 (19 Rajab 1447 AH), was written in Hausa and requested a meeting with the traditional ruler or his representative before the violence occurred.

According to a publication by a Nigerian online newspaper, SaharaReporters, the terrorists presented the proposed visit as peaceful religious engagement.

Part of the letter read: “After greetings and good wishes, this message is from Jama’atu Ahlis Sunna Lidda’awati wal Jihad to the Sarkin Waro. We are requesting a meeting with you personally, or alternatively with your representative.

“We wish to discuss matters with you and remind you, particularly concerning preaching and guidance among your people. This is not a threat or a declaration of war against you or your people,” they added.

Residents of Kaiama later accused authorities of ignoring repeated warnings before the massacre. Community members said they had reported suspicious movements of armed men in surrounding forests to traditional leaders, local officials, and the state government without response.

One resident said, “Before these attacks happened, our youths went to the traditional ruler many times to report that strange people were gathering inside the forest close to our villages.

“They did not only stop there. They also informed the local government council and the state government. Everybody knew, but nobody came to protect us.”

Another resident said the alerts were also sent directly to government authorities. “We reported to the state government and to the local government authorities that terrorists were around us. We begged them to deploy security operatives to clear the forests.

“They kept assuring us that something would be done, but nothing happened.”

Locals recalled that fear heightened around mid-2025 after unusual activities increased in nearby bushes. One source said, “There was a time the governor even promised that soldiers would be deployed to our area because of what we reported.

“He told some of our leaders that the Army would be sent to secure the community, but till today, no soldier came. We were abandoned.”

Survivors said the attackers later launched coordinated assaults on several villages. Casualties included men, women, and children, while homes were set ablaze. A resident stated, “What happened did not just start overnight.

“These people were around us for months. We warned the authorities. If they had listened, this massacre would not have happened.”

Another survivor described the scale of the raid. “They came in large numbers with guns. They were shouting and shooting. People were running in all directions.

“Our houses were burned. Many families were wiped out. We are still counting the dead.”

Kwara State Governor AbdulRahman AbdulRazaq, who visited the area with service chiefs and cabinet members, condemned the killings and sympathised with affected communities. He said, “Tonight, I arrived in Kaiama in company of service chiefs and cabinet members to commiserate with His Royal Highness Alhaji Omar Mu’azu (Bagidi Kiyaru IV), the Emir of Kaiama, and the entire community on the cowardly attack launched on our compatriots in Woro and Nuku yesterday. I also visited Woro to see things for myself.”

He stated that many victims were killed after rejecting extremist teachings imposed by the attackers. However, some residents faulted the government’s response and casualty figures. One of them said, “The government failed us.”

He continued. “We did our part by reporting early. If they had deployed army when we raised alarm, these terrorists would not have stayed here to plan and kill our people.”

Another resident added, “It is so sad; the governor came here after people died and they even lied that it was only 75 people that died. Anybody that believes those who were killed were not up to 100 should come here and count the corpses themselves. The government was just doing ‘eye-service’ by crying to the media. They knew these people would attack us and they did nothing.”

By Sabiu Abdullahi

The Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) has suspended one of its senior prosecutors, Samuel Chime, over allegations of bribery linked to the sabotage of corruption cases.

The action followed the outcome of an internal investigative panel constituted by the EFCC Chairman, Ola Olukoyede, after multiple petitions were submitted by civil society organisations, non-governmental groups, and concerned individuals accusing Chime of misconduct and financial inducement.

Sources within the commission disclosed that the EFCC leadership expressed strong displeasure over the development, warning that such behaviour could damage the agency’s credibility.

One official said, “Chime was suspended after extensive internal probe revealed that he had compromised some cases due to financial inducements.” Another insider added that “the commission might end up dismissing him, but he has been begging the chairman, and pleading for clemency.”

Chime had served as lead prosecutor in several high-profile cases across different Federal High Courts, including matters involving former public officials and alleged fraud suspects in Abuja, Kano, and Port Harcourt.

Following his suspension, the EFCC has requested adjournments in the affected trials, informing courts that the prosecutor had “proceeded on a sick leave,” a move aimed at safeguarding the commission’s public image.

Further findings from petitions accused him of duplicating charges in separate courts to frustrate defendants, an act said to contradict established prosecutorial standards and EFCC policy.

Consequently, the commission has directed other prosecutors to review both pending and concluded cases previously handled by Chime as investigations continue.

By Isyaka Laminu Badamasi

Recently, an Imam at Kurmin Dorawa in Karofin Madaki, Bauchi state, led a joint Maghrib and Isha’i prayer due to credible fears of a possible attack by suspected thugs in the area. This decision, though unusual, was taken as a precautionary measure in response to rising insecurity—either as retaliation for earlier clashes involving local youths or as part of the resurging menace of ‘Yan Sara Suka’.

Ordinarily, the combining of prayers occurs during the rainy season, while travelling, during festivities, or for other lawful reasons as permitted in Islam. That such a step was taken purely for security reasons speaks volumes about the level of fear and uncertainty now confronting residents.

These mobs, largely composed of young people between the ages of 15 and 25, move around armed with dangerous weapons. Contrary to popular belief, they are not street children, nor are they sponsored by politicians, cult groups, or gang leaders. Rather, they are products of deeper structural failures: poor parental care, societal decay, government neglect, weak application of criminal justice, and, most critically, the widespread abuse of drugs and other narcotic substances openly sold in our neighbourhoods.

In recent years, decisive actions by security agencies, vigilante groups, and community committees have significantly reduced Sara Suka’s activities, creating a relatively safer environment. Unfortunately, the problem has resurfaced with renewed intensity, spreading across almost all parts of the state, including both old and newly established settlements. As a result, some neighbourhoods have become partially or completely inaccessible due to the violent activities of these groups.

This piece does not seek to introduce a new narrative. Rather, it aims to draw attention to existing academic research that examines the role of drug abuse in expanding the frontiers of thuggery. These studies consistently highlight how narcotics fuel aggression, lower inhibition, and sustain cycles of violence among vulnerable youths. More importantly, the literature proposes evidence-based policy frameworks and intervention strategies for addressing the menace through inclusive, humane, and logical approaches.

Only by grounding our responses in research, strengthening social institutions, enforcing the law fairly, and confronting the drug economy within our communities can we hope to stem the resurgence of ‘Yan Sara Suka’ and restore lasting peace.

Academic literature proposes several multidimensional strategies to address the drug abuse crisis in Nigeria, focusing on prevention, management, and systemic reform. These papers advocate the integration of compulsory drug education into secondary and tertiary institution curricula to enlighten students on the physiological and social dangers of substance misuse.

The literature also suggests establishing associations and clubs to promote healthy lifestyles at the community and family levels. Additionally, several studies highlight the critical role of effective family communication and proactive parental monitoring in reducing children’s exposure to drugs, as well as leveraging traditional and religious institutions for grassroots mobilisation and public sensitisation.

While these measures are critical in addressing the menace of drug abuse, the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA), as the regulatory body charged with combating this serious social problem, must be more proactive. For decades, the agency has engaged in efforts to curb drug abuse, including supply and distribution control; however, the situation continues to deteriorate. This reality calls for serious policy adjustments to enable a multisectoral approach involving relevant ministries, Departments, and Agencies (MDAs), such as the NDLEA, the Pharmacists Council of Nigeria (PCN), NAFDAC, security organisations, and host communities, alongside the honest and consistent application of criminal justice.

Governors, on the other hand, should, as a matter of public interest, establish platforms that complement the efforts of the NDLEA through innovative initiatives aimed at eradicating drug abuse in our communities. This can only be achieved through strong political will and sincerity of purpose.

Isyaka Laminu Badamasi is of No 555 Ajiya Adamu Road, Bauchi, Bauchi State.

By Ahmed Usman

The global economic order is no longer merely under strain; it is fragmenting in ways that are particularly costly for countries like Nigeria and much of the Global South. Across continents, economic anxiety is feeding political instability, geopolitics is reshaping markets, and institutions once designed to stabilise the world are struggling to remain relevant. What we are witnessing is not a temporary downturn or a cyclical adjustment, but a deeper structural breakdown, driven by forces once assumed to guarantee global stability. For many emerging and developing economies, this moment is not just about global disorder; it is about survival within it.

Global economic power is shifting rapidly. Liberal market-oriented democracies are facing unprecedented domestic turmoil, and the deep integration of trade and finance that defined recent decades is steadily unravelling. From supply-chain fragmentation to trade wars, sanctions, and tariff escalation, the global economy is retreating from openness toward fragmentation. The question is no longer whether the post–World War II economic order is weakening, but how it reached this point and what, if anything, can replace it.

Ironically, the very country long believed to anchor global stability is now fueling its destabilisation. Globalisation was supposed to spread prosperity, deepen interdependence, and reduce the likelihood of conflict. Instead, it has widened inequality within countries, eroded the middle class in developing economies, and concentrated gains among a narrow elite. These imbalances have stoked political backlash, empowered populist movements in developed economies, and turned trade into a political weapon rather than a shared economic good.

This shift became unmistakable during the Trump administration, when tariffs, once viewed as relics of a protectionist past, returned to the centre of global economic policy. The imposition of broad tariffs on China and other trading partners signalled a decisive break from the rules-based trade order. What began as “America First” protectionism quickly reshaped global behaviour, legitimising unilateral trade actions, encouraging retaliation, and accelerating the erosion of multilateral discipline. Trade policy, once anchored in cooperation, became openly confrontational, and the precedent has proven difficult to reverse.

Nowhere is this erosion more evident than in the weakening of trust in liberal democracies themselves. Economic dislocation has bred social resentment. In developing countries, repeated external shocks such as oil price shocks, global interest rate hikes, and pandemic disruptions have led to inflation, currency depreciation, and shrinking real incomes. Rising living costs, youth unemployment, and fiscal austerity have weakened trust in democratic institutions and fueled social unrest.

Domestic politics, in turn, have become more constrained, limiting the policy space needed to pursue long-term development strategies. Political polarisation has weakened governments’ ability to sustain coherent economic policies. As domestic politics grows more volatile, foreign economic policy becomes reactive and confrontational. Trade barriers rise, industrial policy replaces market openness, and economic nationalism becomes a political necessity rather than an exception in many Western countries.

At the same time, the global institutions meant to manage these tensions have failed to evolve. The International Monetary Fund, the World Bank, and the World Trade Organisation, the cornerstones of the post–World War II economic architecture, were designed for a world dominated by a small group of advanced economies. Today, they struggle to respond to capital-flow volatility, technological disruption, climate risk, and the growing power of emerging markets. Their rules remain largely intact, but their legitimacy and effectiveness are increasingly questioned. Their frameworks are still anchored in assumptions that often underestimate social costs in developing countries. Conditionality, delayed financing, and inadequate attention to inequality and structural transformation have weakened their credibility across the Global South. The World Trade Organisation, meanwhile, has struggled to prevent powerful economies from bending trade rules in their favour through subsidies, tariffs, and industrial policy practices that have become more entrenched since the normalisation of tariff-based trade conflict under Trump.

For a time, the rise of emerging markets such as India, Brazil, Nigeria, and Turkey seemed to promise a more balanced and stable multipolar world. These nations benefited from globalisation without fully aligning with any single power bloc, acting as bridges between North and South, East and West. But today, that space is narrowing. Intensifying rivalry between the United States and China has turned trade, technology, finance, development assistance, and even currency choices into tools of geopolitical competition, forcing emerging market economies to pick sides in a contest they did not create.

For countries like Nigeria, this strategic squeeze is especially critical. Dependence on imported technology, foreign capital, and external energy markets makes neutrality costly. Sanctions regimes, supply-chain fragmentation, tariff escalation, and financial market volatility now transmit geopolitical tensions directly into domestic inflation, exchange rates, and public finances. What appears as global disorder at the international level is experienced as household hardship at home.

What emerges from this landscape is a destructive feedback loop between economics, domestic politics, and geopolitics. Economic shocks fuel political instability; political instability drives inward-looking policies; those policies heighten geopolitical tensions; and geopolitical tensions, in turn, further destabilise the global economy. Each turn of the loop reinforces the next, making disorder self-perpetuating.

This is why familiar prescriptions no longer suffice. Calls for more trade liberalisation, fiscal discipline, or institutional reform are not wrong, but are no longer enough. The world has changed too profoundly. Technology is reshaping labour markets faster than institutions can respond. Climate change is imposing costs that markets alone cannot price. Capital moves instantly, while political accountability remains national. Old solutions were built for a slower, more predictable world.

Breaking out of this cycle requires abandoning the comforting illusion that existing global arrangements will eventually self-correct. Calls for more liberalisation, deeper financial integration, or stricter fiscal discipline ignore the lived realities of developing economies. The old playbook was written for a world of expanding trade, cheap capital, and geopolitical cooperation. That world no longer exists.

What is needed instead is a fundamentally new approach. For Nigeria and the Global South, this means redefining integration on terms that prioritise resilience over efficiency. It means reforming global financial institutions to provide faster, more flexible support during shocks. It means investing in domestic productive capacity, regional trade, and human capital rather than relying on volatile external demand. And it means recognising that economic policy must be politically sustainable to endure.

The global economy is spiralling into disorder, not because globalisation failed entirely, but because it evolved without fairness, adaptability, or legitimacy. For countries like Nigeria, the stakes could not be higher. Remaining trapped in the doom loop will deepen vulnerability. Escaping it demands new thinking, new institutions, and a development model rooted in resilience rather than dependency.

The future of the Global South will not be secured by waiting for the old order to return. It will be shaped by how boldly countries confront the reality that the old solutions can no longer solve today’s problems.

The world is not spiralling into disorder by accident. It is doing so because the systems governing it have failed to adapt. Recognising this is the first step. The harder task of building a new framework for global cooperation in an age of rivalry, inequality, and uncertainty is now unavoidable.

The choice ahead is unambiguous: continue circling the doom loop, or accept that the old economic order cannot save us and begin the difficult work of inventing something new.

By Muhsin Ibrahim

We could not sleep one night in 2008. Instead, we sat in front of the TV, watching and praying for ‘our’ favourite candidate to coast to power and be declared the winner of the election. We wanted to witness history, not of any relative winning any election in Nigeria, but of Barack Obama winning the United States presidential election.

Of course, we witnessed the history of the first non-white man becoming the president of the most powerful country in the world. We were delighted. We thought that, henceforth, black people would be more respected globally. Henceforth, our race would not be associated with backwardness. Henceforth, we would have more opportunities not only in the US but far beyond.

We also thought President Obama would do more for Africa (where his father came from) and for Muslims (his father’s ‘relatives’), especially in the Middle East. Again, his association with towering academics, such as Edward Said and Rashid Khalidi, gave us some extra hope. No, we got it all wrong. Obama was like the rest of them.

Obama’s role in destabilising Libya is still felt not only within the country but also far beyond, including in Nigeria. Obama authorised more drone strikes in the Middle East than any other US president. He did not bring peace anywhere, though he controversially won the Nobel Peace Prize.

Despite the above and more, I was disturbed to see President Donald Trump sharing the infamous Obamas’ “meme”, depicting them as apes. This was Trump’s new low. Its implications are also broad, extending beyond the Obamas. It, among other things, risks normalising racism, especially in the West, towards black people.

Trump is unlike any leader anyone has ever seen in the White House. Yet, we should not overlook this brazen attack on us; we must call him out for this naked racism towards black people. We are not apes. We are human beings like him, if not better. We deserve respect. He owes us an apology.

By Sabiu Abdullahi

The Nigeria Police Force (NPF) has handed over the sum of $23,000 recovered from an alleged international romance fraud suspect to the British High Commission in Abuja for onward return to the victim in the Cayman Islands.

Police authorities said the money was retrieved from Achufusi Obioma, a Nigerian national who was under investigation for allegedly defrauding a resident of the Cayman Islands through an online romantic relationship scam.

In a statement issued on Friday, Force Public Relations Officer, Benjamin Hundeyin, disclosed that the complaint was first received by the INTERPOL National Central Bureau (NCB) Abuja from the Royal Cayman Islands Police Service.

He explained that the recovered funds were later transferred to the Royal Cayman Islands Police Service through Shaun McLeary, who represented the British High Commission in Abuja.

“The repatriation followed a request received from the Royal Cayman Islands Police Service seeking assistance of the INTERPOL NCB Abuja to investigate a Nigerian national, Achufusi Obioma Ikenna, who defrauded a resident of the Cayman Islands through an online romance scam,” the statement reads.

“Acting on the request, INTERPOL NCB Abuja conducted discreet, intelligence-led investigations which led to the arrest of the suspect and the recovery of the sum of $23,000.

“Following the completion of all necessary documentation and in collaboration with international partners, the recovered funds were formally handed over to the Royal Cayman Islands Police Service, through the British High Commission in Abuja, represented by Mr. Shaun McLeary, for secure delivery to the victim. Meanwhile the suspect will be arraigned at the conclusion of investigation.

“This successful repatriation underscores the Nigeria Police Force’s sustained commitment to intelligence-driven policing, effective international collaboration, and the disruption of transnational cybercrime networks.”

The Cayman Islands is a self-governing British Overseas Territory located in the western Caribbean.

By Muhammad Sulaiman

The Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), Kano Zonal Directorate, on Thursday, February 5, 2026, arraigned a former Vice-Chancellor of the Federal University Dutsinma (FUDMA), Professor Armaya’u Hamisu Bichi, before the Katsina State High Court over an alleged N19.7 million bribery scheme.

Bichi was docked before Justice Musa Danladi Abubakar alongside two others—Lawal Tukur Mani and Aliyu Lawal Jari—on a five-count charge bordering on bribery.

According to the EFCC, Bichi, while serving as Vice-Chancellor, allegedly received kickbacks from contractors through the two co-defendants in exchange for the award of contracts at the university. One of the charges alleged that he obtained N5 million in July 2023 from a contractor as gratification for contracts involving the supply of medical equipment and laboratory furnishing, with the funds paid into a bank account belonging to one of the co-defendants.

All three defendants pleaded not guilty to the charges.

Following their pleas, prosecuting counsel, Salihu Sani, requested a trial date, while defence counsel moved applications for bail. Justice Abubakar granted each defendant bail in the sum of N5 million with one surety in like sum and adjourned the case to March 12, 2026, for the commencement of trial.

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

Former vice President Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, on Friday in Saudi Arabia, received a courtesy visit from Hajiya Aisha Buhari, the wife of the former Nigerian President, Muhammadu Buhari.

The former First Lady was accompanied by her daughter, Hanan, and other family members during the meeting.

According to a statement from Atiku Abubakar, both he and the Buhari family are currently in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia to perform the lesser Hajj, known as Umrah.

Alhaji Atiku Abubakar noted that he was honoured to host the visit, which underscores the continued cordial relationship between two the families.

By Abubakar Muhammad

Crime is a prominent feature of the city. The mitigation of crime and other social vices is a responsibility that falls not only on the government. The health of society is a responsibility that spans multiple dimensions, from authorities with direct power to families and residents of the community as a whole. The social health of the city is also the work of architects and planners. 

Physical planning is an important factor in influencing the social health of society and its inhabitants. Respected voices in urban planning note how a great urban environment, in terms of design and social services, can enhance people’s quality of life and foster a sense of community. In this piece, I set out to use Zauren Mallam Aminu Kano as a social repair tool and a planning theory for combating crime and other social ills in our society. 

We have recently heard the gruesome murder of an entire family in Kano, first in Tudun Yola and then in Ɗorayi, by the same alleged criminals. Cities are characterised by petty and violent crimes. The job of residents and governments is to implement policies that prevent crime to ensure the safety of inhabitants and the prosperity of the city. Sustainable urbanism involves governments at various levels, as well as city residents. 

I was particularly happy weeks ago when I learned that communities around Dala have mobilised to construct a police station around Kuka Bulukiya cemetery to combat persistent phone snatching that has cost countless lives of innocent passersby. The idea of constructing security outposts in crime hotspots has been a productive strategy for combating crime. It is not only about fighting crime; it also replaces crime with security and constant human presence and activity. It not only prevents crime and protects lives but also brings life and economic activity to beleaguered areas.

My friend once took me to an area of the ancient city to pay my condolences. It was a long time ago I cannot remember the name of the neighbourhood. Those who know Kano intimately can piece together snippets from my narration to figure out the area. I can vaguely say that the area was around Mandawari, Yar Mai-Shinkafi, Gyaranya, Baƙin Ruwa, or Gwauran Dutse. We walked through the alleys after the condolence and appeared at the Aminu Kano Way. 

The neighbourhood has a shelter christened Zauren Mallam Aminu Kano. It is an open pavilion in the heart of the neighbourhood. I was intrigued not only by the discovery but also by the place’s name and social function. This was the first time I had ever heard of the place, or any shelter named Zauren Mallam Aminu Kano in the city. I began to think about the connection between the place and the famed radical politician. 

I did not ask the naming history behind the shelter, but my imagination wagered that this must be the spot where Mallam Aminu Kano hung out with friends and conducted his public life. It must be the local context where he started his political career, a gathering place for the nightly schooling and political organising. My guess was supported by my assumption that the place is located within the ancient city, and not far from his initial dwelling at the Aisami/Sani Mainagge axis. I was intrigued by the place for its great potential to build a community.

The Zauren Mallam Aminu Kano is a mini square and public space for the community. It enables the residents to perform social and religious functions. Residents of the neighbourhood, particularly the elderly and retirees, use the pavilion to hang out. The community uses the open space to perform the funeral salat for the deceased. The main street around the space serves as a collector road, receiving people from nearby alleys and neighbourhoods. Thus, the open space becomes vibrant with life. Residents and visitors use the space to park their vehicles. Around the square, activities sprang up: informal people, vendors, and small entrepreneurs set up stalls offering services, various wares, delicacies like tsire and awara, and other household items that cater to the neighbourhood’s hospitality and social needs. The shelter becomes a living room of the community. My reading is that Zauren Mallam Aminu Kano is an open space that allows residents to do things that they cannot perform in the narrow alleys of their neighbourhood.

Part II

For this reason, Zauren Mallam Aminu Kano stays with me. I want to suggest an expanded version of this space be built in as many places as possible in the ancient city, its suburbs and major towns across the state. This is based on key spatial ideas for sociability and security of communities and neighbourhoods. 

Ancient cities like Kano had been built around their traditional institutions. The city spread out from the Emir’s Palace, surrounded by other civic buildings such as the court and the central mosque, which eventually formed the city centre. Spreading in a radial pattern, subsequent expansions and settlements of the city and major towns followed the same tradition. All roads lead to the city centre. And the civic centre, or city centre, is almost always located in the vicinity of the traditional ruler’s dwelling. Outside the city, the Maigari’s or Dagaci’s house sat at the centre of the settlements.

The best location for the Zauren Mallam Aminu Kano is to look for the ugliest and most dangerous part of the neighbourhood and tear it down to create a large enough open space to build the shelter. This place should be the heartbeat of the area by consolidating basic services in one building: a small local clinic, a school, a library, administrative offices for Mai-unguwa, Dagaci, and security agents, and a conference room for important community meetings and non-partisan civic engagements.

A strong civic component and social life are essential. The idea is to overwhelm crime, blight and unsightly facades. The building can serve as a venue for adult literacy classes, mass education and public orientation centres for social mobilisation and political awareness. As a multipurpose building, the place can host activities such as elections, immunisation campaigns, skills and personal development training for local youth. 

A mosque can be located close to the shelter. Around the mosque, the elderly sit, dine, and eat. It is where they enjoy calm, festive hours by day and night. Zauren Mallam Aminu Kano should be the agora and living room of the community. Clusters of civic buildings, residential and commercial uses can create sociability. This is not new; it is something that needs to be consciously improved upon existing traditions. Several Hausa villages have a santa or tsakar gari, which serves mixed purposes and brings people together. Since the shelter is located near the mosque, it should also serve as an open space for conducting funeral prayers. Commercial activities can be encouraged around the area to provide a more vibrant economic life. In Kano city, many neighbourhoods have ƴar kasuwa within walking distance, allowing residents to make purchases for their daily needs. 

The small clinic located in the centre should offer first-aid services and cater to the health needs of the most vulnerable. It should deliver basic drugs and inexpensive medications, medical advice and other services that might not require a trip to the hospital. Local people with training in medical fields can volunteer to operate the place. They can also request NYSC corps members to be posted there. Funding can come from donations from wealthy residents of the community. People who have retired from active service in various walks of life can participate. Skilled individuals can also ask to set up offices and contribute their services to the community. Community services can serve as a clear benchmark for future political leaders. People can see what potential representatives have contributed to their local communities before they enter politics – what they have done for the people before asking for their votes.  

It would not be a bad idea to allow car owners to park their vehicles in and around the shelter. Community-owned assets, such as donated vehicles for transporting the deceased, a power transformer, and water sources like a borehole, can be sited there. The underlying assumption is that communities would actively work to protect their assets and improve their neighborhood. Their commitment or otherwise to safeguarding their assets is clear proof of their collective responsibility, leadership, accountability and readiness for sustainable development. 

The idea is to use Zauren Mallam Aminu Kano to make the targeted area active and vibrant with human activity. The dwelling of the traditional ruler should be sited there to continue to facilitate administrative functions and liaison with various levels of governments for record-keeping, issuing birth certificates and documents, and other civic engagements. The closest idea to this is Ofishin Wakili, which can be upgraded where they already exist. If built with magnificent architecture, places like this can become historic sites that represent the community and its traditions.  

The building should house an office for joint security agencies, including the police and Hisbah. This is where disputes will first be reported. It will enhance coordination and timely reporting of suspicious activities to support early crime prevention. Emphasis is placed on civil matters and on preventing violent crimes. The activities and involvement of the security should be largely civil and minimal. The point is to increase safety through informal supervision. Security agents, the elderly, and small business operators are public figures who keep an eye on the neighbourhood. Retirees and the elderly also fill the void and silence when others are at work or school. They can alert parents – and the security agents – to what is happening in the neighbourhood. Sustainable urbanism can be achieved by densifying social life in hitherto dark corners without militarising the neighbourhood. The refurbishment of the neighbourhood is a valued alternative to blight, providing security through communal social space. Services and buildings can be distributed according to the community’s needs and resources. The purpose is to chase away the thugs from the heart of the community and bring light to the dark corners and crevices. In the process, services are brought closer to the people. Traditional institutions are involved more closely and meaningfully in public service for their immediate communities.

Stakeholders – government, traditional institutions, and community members – should work together to realise the Zauren Mallam Aminu Kano as a state-supported, neighbourhood-funded civic infrastructure across Kano State. Zauren Mallam Aminu Kano should be conceived as a community and family resources centre for the neighbourhood’s residents. It should be designed as a crime-prevention tool through visibility, social life, and shared spaces that strengthen grassroots governance and access to basic services.  It is also an embodiment of the spatial practice of good neighbourliness, the warmth, and the communal character of the Mutumin Kirki society. 

 Abubakar Muhammad is from Kano, Nigeria. 

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

Kwara State Governor and Chairman of the Nigerian Governors’ Forum, AbdulRahman AbdulRazaq, met with President Bola Ahmed Tinubu at the Presidential Villa in Abuja on Thursday. The meeting followed a recent attack on the Woro community in Kaiama Local Government Area of the state.

According to a statement released by the Governor’s Senior Special Assistant on Media, Akeweje Olayinka Fafoluyi, Governor AbdulRazaq expressed gratitude to the President for establishing the “Operation Savannah Shield” security initiative and deploying military reinforcements to the area.

The Governor stated that this decisive action would help restore peace and security to the region.

Prior to the presidential meeting, Governor AbdulRazaq had visited Kaiama to assess the situation on the ground following the attack. He was accompanied on the visit by top security officials and some members of the State Executive Council.