Nigeria

By Oladoja M.O

In the grand, often tumultuous, theatre of African politics, a deeply entrenched and insidious narrative persists: the Messiah-Villain Binary. This simplistic, yet devastating, framework casts political leaders not as fallible public servants, but as either divine saviours or malevolent destroyers. It’s a binary that suffocates nuance, stifles accountability, and, in a continent desperate for democratic maturity, acts as a corrosive cancer on the body politic. We must call this what it is: a dangerous delusion that has shackled Africa’s progress for far too long.

This orientation, a relic of post-colonial strongman politics, reduces the complex art of governance to a moral melodrama. Citizens, conditioned to see their leaders as larger-than-life figures, become spectators in a perpetual battle between good and evil. When a new leader emerges, they are instantly elevated to the status of a messiah, the one chosen to slay the dragons of poverty, corruption, and instability. Any opposition is, by default, cast as the villain, a saboteur working against the people’s will. This is not just a rhetorical device; it’s a profound psychological trap that prevents a healthy, critical relationship between the electorate and those they elect.

Look no further than the story of Robert Mugabe in Zimbabwe. In the euphoric dawn of independence in 1980, Mugabe was the indisputable messiah. He had led the liberation struggle, promised the people a new land, and was seen as the architect of a new, prosperous Zimbabwe. But as his rule solidified, dissent grew. His staunchest supporters did not see his brutal suppression of the Gukurahundi massacres and his increasingly authoritarian tendencies as the actions of a flawed leader, but rather as the necessary evils required to defeat the ‘villains’—the opposition, foreign agents, and internal critics. This narrative allowed him to dismantle democratic institutions and cling to power for nearly four decades, all while his country’s economy imploded. The messiah had morphed into a tyrant, but the binary, with its pre-assigned roles, kept many from seeing the reality until it was too late.

A similar pattern can be seen in Rwanda, albeit with a different trajectory. Following the 1994 genocide, Paul Kagame was hailed as the man who pulled his nation from the brink of total annihilation. He is undeniably a messiah figure for many Rwandans, credited with bringing stability, order, and remarkable economic growth. Yet, this messianic status has made it incredibly difficult for a genuine political opposition to emerge. Critics, journalists, and political rivals who question his iron grip on power are often swiftly silenced, accused of undermining national unity or of being sympathisers of the genocidal past. 

The messiah’s narrative, while perhaps initially justified, has become a tool to legitimize the suppression of democratic pluralism. The ‘villain’ is no longer the genocidal regime, but anyone who dares to challenge the man who defeated it. This is a profound danger: when a leader’s infallibility is tied to a nation’s salvation, dissent becomes tantamount to treason.

The messiah-villain binary is a disease that festers in the heart of African electoral politics. It’s visible in the fervent, almost religious, rallies where supporters see their candidate not as a political leader with a manifesto, but as an oracle. The 2017 Kenyan election and the subsequent crisis offered a stark illustration. Both Uhuru Kenyatta and Raila Odinga were cast as messianic figures by their respective supporters. For Odinga’s base, he was the long-awaited liberator, the man who would finally lead them to a promised land of social justice. For Kenyatta’s supporters, he represented stability and continuity, the man protecting the country from the ‘villainous’ forces of instability. This emotional fervour, fueled by tribal and regional loyalties, led to a deeply polarised society where compromise became impossible. The result was not just political gridlock, but a cycle of violence and deep-seated animosity that continues to haunt the nation. The election wasn’t a contest of ideas; it was a crusade.

This issue is not just a problem of the past; it remains alive and well today. In Nigeria, the perennial politics of ‘saviour’ and ‘enemy’ plague the electoral landscape. From the military regimes to the current democratic dispensation, every election is framed as a life-or-death struggle against forces of darkness. A new candidate emerges, promising to sweep away the corruption of the past, and is instantly elevated to a messianic pedestal. Yet, once in power, the same old patterns of patronage and unaccountability emerge. The people, having invested their faith in a person rather than in institutions and processes, are left disillusioned, only to repeat the cycle with the next messiah figure. This prevents the building of strong, independent institutions, a free press, an impartial judiciary, and a non-partisan civil service, because the entire political system revolves around the individual, not the rules.

The messiah-villain binary is a trap, a narrative cul-de-sac from which genuine democratic progress cannot escape. It’s a cancer because it preys on hope, exploiting the legitimate frustrations of the populace for political gain. It turns citizens into blind followers and opponents into sworn enemies. This dangerous orientation must be dismantled. We must stop looking for messiahs. There are no magical saviours.

There are only men and women who are fallible, flawed, and accountable to the people they serve. We must demand a politics of substance, not spectacle. We must judge our leaders not by the promises they make on the campaign trail, but by their respect for democratic institutions, their commitment to the rule of law, and their willingness to be held to account.

The true liberation of Africa as a continent and Nigeria as a nation will not come from a single hero, but from a critical and engaged citizenry that understands that the power to govern belongs to them and that no politician, no matter how charismatic, is a god. It is time to retire the messiah, to dismantle the villain, and to embrace the hard, unglamorous work of building a true and lasting democracy.

Oladoja M.O writes from Abuja and can be reached at: mayokunmark@gmail.com.

By Sabiu Abdullahi

There was a lot of panic in communities of the Zuru Emirate of Kebbi State after armed bandits attacked Government Girls Comprehensive Senior Secondary School, Maga, in the Danko/Wasagu Local Government Area.

The assault claimed the life of the Vice Principal and resulted in the abduction of an unspecified number of students.The Vice Principal, Malam Hassan Yakubu Makuku, was said to have confronted the attackers in an attempt to protect the students.

Residents described his death as a heavy blow to the school and the entire community.

A local resident, Murjanatu Hassan Gishiri, confirmed the attack and said the gunmen moved into the school without any obstruction.

She said the community was plunged into fear as the bandits unleashed violence on the premises.

“It is a heartbreaking tragedy that has thrown the entire region into deep fear and mourning,” she lamented.

The number of students taken away has not been officially disclosed.

Families have expressed deep concern as they await updates from authorities.

Security agencies have yet to release an official statement on the incident.

Meanwhile, residents are urging the federal and state governments to intervene quickly to rescue the abducted students and strengthen security in schools across the region.

By Hadiza Abdulkadir

The Department of State Services (DSS) has announced the arrest of Musa Abubakar, believed to be a major supplier of arms to criminal groups in Plateau State and northern Nigeria. The operation was based on intelligence reports leading to his detention on November 12, 2025.

A DSS source confirmed that Abubakar admitted to producing and distributing high-calibre weapons and ammunition used in violent attacks across Plateau and neighbouring regions.

The arrest followed a targeted raid on his weapons manufacturing facility in Mista Ali, Bassa Local Government Area, Plateau State. Authorities reportedly found Abubakar with IED components, chemicals, and manufacturing equipment, all seized by DSS operatives.

This development comes days after the recapture of Abdulazeez Obadaki, alias Bomboy, a prison escapee linked to the Owo and Deeper Life Church attacks. DSS headlined recent successes in counterterrorism efforts, including the detention of nine high-profile suspects involved in incidents in Plateau and Benue states.

Among those detained is Timna Manjol, 46, who pleaded guilty to firearms charges related to the attacks, according to court documents. Manjol is affiliated with First Baptist Church in Mangu, Plateau.

Security analysts view these arrests as part of the DSS’s ongoing crackdown on violent extremism in the region.

By Uzair Adam

Former Kano State Governor, Engr. Dr. Rabi’u Musa Kwankwaso, on Saturday affirmed that Emir Muhammad Sanusi II is the only legitimate Emir of Kano, dismissing all other claims.

Speaking during the 4th convocation ceremony of Skyline University at Amani Event Centre, Kano, Kwankwaso said, “Muhammad Sanusi II is the only Emir recognised by the people and government of Kano State.

“Any other person claiming to be emir, whether appointed from Abuja or elsewhere, is not recognised and is therefore fake,” he added.

The Daily Reality reports that the remarks come amid a longstanding emirate dispute in Kano.

The crisis began in 2019 when the state government split the historic Kano Emirate into five, reducing the authority of Emir Sanusi II.

In 2020, Sanusi II was dethroned and replaced by Alhaji Aminu Ado Bayero as the 15th Emir.

The NNPP-led government in 2023 later reversed the changes, abolishing the new emirates and reinstating Sanusi II, sparking ongoing disagreements over the legitimacy of the emirship.

By Ibrahim Aisha 

Across much of Northern Nigeria, girls still face an invisible wall after secondary school. Parents’ fears, tight household budgets, and the pull of early marriage keep many daughters at home. Yet, data and role models reveal what is lost when the ambition of a female child is clipped.

For generations, education has been regarded as the key to progress and empowerment. Still, in conservative societies, the education of girls beyond the basics is often seen as unnecessary or even a threat to tradition despite government campaigns, NGO interventions, and success stories of women who have broken barriers.

The world has become a global village. Technology, digital communication, and international mobility have reshaped how we live and work. In this new reality, uneducated girls are left voiceless, powerless, and excluded from the spaces where contemporary women now thrive sitting in parliaments, leading global institutions, directing multinational companies, and innovating in science and technology.

Why, in 2025, do some communities still resist girls’ education?

The answer often lies in illiteracy. Parents who never had the privilege of education sometimes fail to see its value. Many fear what they do not understand. To them, sending a daughter to university feels like losing her to an unknown world.

Data from the National Bureau of Statistics as at 2017 defined literacy as the percentage of people aged 15 and above who can read, write, and understand simple expressions in any language. A Punch Editorial Board report from September 2023 highlighted Nigeria’s poor education outlook: although the government claimed a national literacy rate of 69%, this figure hides wide regional disparities. 

According to a UNICEF report on the state of Nigeria’s children, 10.2 million primary school-aged children and 8.1 million secondary school-aged children are out of school in the country.Reports indicate that between 2020 and 2025, Northern Nigeria consistently recorded between five and seven million out-of-school girls, with only minor fluctuations despite ongoing efforts.

Socio-Cultural Impediments 

Household-level constraints on access to education are not entirely economic. Studies and surveys identify several socio-cultural factors: erosion of extended family solidarity, weakening societal values, and gender-related issues such as teenage pregnancy, early marriage, and perceptions about the “proper role” of women.

Northern Nigeria is still shaped by cultural practices harmful to women’s emancipation, including early and forced marriage, wife-inheritance, widowhood practices, lack of access to education, low enrollment rates, poor funding, inadequate facilities for persons with disabilities, and frequent disruptions caused by conflict and seasonal migration.

Stories from the Ground

The experiences of girls and women across the North reveal both the struggles and the possibilities of education.

Rahama Dajuma, a graduate, said that education had done everything for her. She now works with an NGO and is about to get married. She relieved her father from the stress of buying furniture for her wedding, and her fiancé is allowing her to keep her job.

Zainab Abubakar, a student, mother and a resident of Sabuwar Gwammaja, argued that girls should be asked their opinions because “you can force a horse to the riverbank but you cannot force it to drink.” She added that many parents above 60 in her community do not want their sons to marry women educated beyond secondary school, fearing such women will not be submissive.

Zakiyyah Al-Hassan, a resident of Chiranchi, shared that she is not educated but wants her child to go beyond secondary school. According to her, the world is changing and women should not be stuck in the kitchen, as educated women contribute to the home even before bringing in their salaries.

Fatima Abubakar, a student of the School of Hygiene, explained that she is the only one schooling out of nine children. Her father could not afford fees for all, so her siblings sacrificed for her.

Iya Aminatu, a resident of Kurna Kwachiri, revealed that none of her seven daughters went beyond junior secondary school because her husband is completely against it, and she could not object to his decision.

Malam Rafa’i, a local Islamic teacher and resident of Tsakuwa, said during a telephone interview that it is a waste of time and resources to send a girl to school when she should stay home and learn how to cook so as to be a perfect wife to her husband.

Fatima Haruna, a secondary school graduate, recalled that her elder sister Khadijah finished with flying colours and was promised that she could continue schooling. After marriage, her husband refused, saying he had no intention of letting her further her education. He had only used that promise to lure her into marriage. Since then, their father insists that no daughter can further her education unless her husband agrees.

The Road Ahead

These stories show that the real question has shifted from “Should girls be educated?” to “How fast can Northern Nigeria catch up?” Education experts and stakeholders warn that if the situation does not improve, Northern Nigeria risks falling further behind, with dire consequences for national development. The region needs more investment in infrastructure, security, and teacher training. Cultural reorientation campaigns must also be intensified to promote the value of education, especially for girls.

The answer lies in stronger government commitment, sustained community awareness, and the courage to challenge harmful traditions. Education is no longer a privilege. It is a necessity for survival in the global age. 

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

Fighters from the Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP) ambushed a Nigerian Army convoy in Borno State on Friday night, reportedly kidnapping a serving brigadier general and killing several soldiers.

According to a report from HumAngle, a publication focused on conflict zones, the senior officer is a brigade commander who was leading the troops at the time of the attack.

Members of the Civilian Joint Task Force (CJTF) were also among the casualties.If verified, this incident would mark the first known instance of an extremist group in Nigeria capturing a serving general directly from the front lines.

While insurgents have killed high-ranking officers in the past, the abduction of one is exceptionally rare.

Nigerian military authorities have not yet issued an official statement on the ambush.

The number of soldiers killed remains unclear, and the Army spokesperson did not immediately respond to requests for comment.

By Ishaka Mohammed

A man serving under the National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) has come under fire for publicly threatening to sleep with his female secondary school students, whom he considered voluptuous.

According to a Nigerian Army officer and Facebook user, Kolawole Oludare Stephen, the Corps member, Oyaje Daniel (KD/25A/0494), currently serves at Judeen International School, Mando, Igabi Local Government Area, Kaduna State. The officer tagged the NYSC in a Facebook post for urgent action.

Another Facebook user, Ọluchi Eze, who tagged the NYSC in a post, mentioned Oyaje Daniel as a Corps member in a secondary school in Kaduna State.

Reacting to Ọluchi Ezeʼs post, the Corps member, with the Facebook name Comr Oyaje Daniel, confirmed his local government of national service and tendered an apology, but expressed shock at people’s judgment of his character.  “I am shocked by the news surrounding my character, and I want to assure everyone that I am not a rapist or a perpetrator of any form of abuse,” part of the post reads.

While some Facebook users considered him remorseful and deserving of forgiveness, others called for penalties. 

The Daily Reality gathered that Comr Oyaje Daniel had earlier commented on a Facebook post in which he had threatened to sleep with any SSS 3 female students who failed to “coordinate” themselves, stressing how their bodies were more voluptuous than those of 400 level undergraduates.

At the time of filing this report, the National Youth Service Corps has yet to comment on the matter.

By Ibrahim Yunusa

One day before the elective convention of People’s Democratic Party, PDP, a Federal High Court in Abuja ordered the party to stop it is planned convention preparations and sell the form of the chairman to the former governor of Jigawa state, Alhaji Sule Lamido, and screen him.‎‎

The seating was presided by Justice Peter Life by 2:12 pm and the judgement added that the tomorrow’s convention of the party will be null and voided if the party failed to adhere with the court judgement and the judge asked INEC to distance itself with the convention.

‎‎Sule Lamido who is a former governor of Jigawa and former minister of Foreign Affairs during Obasanjo’s democratic regime and one of the founding fathers of the party has disagreed with the consensus of Northwest Caucus of the party under Zamfara state governor, Lawal Dare in which the caucus unanimously agreed that Tanimu Turaki is the consensus candidate of the chairman of the party that is zoned to northwest, the agreement that resulted in denying to sell the chairmanship form to Lamido.‎‎

By Lawal Dahiru Mamman

Nigeria has long been a fascinating case study. Over the past two years, citizens have endured austerity. Government officials, whenever handed the microphone, have often likened the experience to that of a child who must first endure the prick of a needle before receiving the protection of a vaccine.

At the macro level, things are taking shape. The Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) recently reported the highest Net Foreign Exchange Reserve (NFER) in over three years. According to the April report, the figure marked an increase from $3.99 billion at the end of 2023 to $8.19 billion in 2022 and $14.59 billion in 2021. 

Analysts say this reflects a substantial improvement in the country’s external liquidity, reduced short-term obligations, and renewed investor confidence. The naira, which had been on a steep downward path toward ₦2,000, has rebounded to around ₦1,400—its strongest level in months—as it rallies against the dollar in both official and parallel markets. 

It is on track to end the year on a firm note, buoyed by the growing forex reserves. Additionally, the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) reported that Nigeria’s headline inflation rate dropped to 18.02% in September 2025, while also announcing an increase in its Consumer Price Index (CPI)—a measure of the change in prices paid by consumers for a basket of goods and services.

The Gross Domestic Product (GDP) has also recorded a growth rate of 3.13 per cent, particularly following the rebasing exercise. Despite these improvements, the common argument remains that such progress has not truly trickled down to the micro level.

Most recently, however, food prices in markets across the country have begun to decline—particularly for rice, a staple that holds a special place in Nigerian households. While consumers have welcomed the news with relief, there is a flipside: farmers are crying out.

In truth, while lower prices delight the markets, they have left many farmers struggling to recover their investments. The government attributes the decline to increased local production through its interventions. Although the federal government opened a window for zero-duty importation of food items, the Minister of State for Agriculture and Food Security, Aliyu Sabi Abdullahi, insists that the fall in prices is due to large-scale agricultural investments under the National Agricultural Growth Scheme (NAGS) Agro-Pocket programme.

Farmers, however, tell a different story. They argue that the massive importation of food items has driven down local prices and left them incurring heavy losses. This is why, as a nation, we must proceed with caution. In reality, low prices can discourage cultivation—especially during periods of high input costs—threatening future harvests and deepening food insecurity.

There must be a balance between food security, farmers’ prosperity, and government intervention. Farmers should be supported through affordable credit, agricultural extension services, and guaranteed market access. The distribution of fertiliser to smallholders and the deployment of new tractors to Agricultural Mechanisation Service Centres will further help to reduce production costs and increase efficiency.

The current situation presents an apparent dilemma. While lower prices may bring short-term relief to consumers, prolonged losses could cripple agricultural productivity and strengthen dependence on imports—placing Nigeria’s food future at risk.

In all that we do, we must choose our approach carefully. Do we import food items to slash prices and win temporary public approval, if indeed such imports are genuine? Or do we double down on domestic production to achieve true self-sufficiency—especially in crops we can grow ourselves?

We must choose our pills carefully. Agriculture was once abandoned for oil, and we paid dearly for importing refined products while neglecting local refineries. Now that there is renewed interest in cultivation, we must not repeat the same mistake.

Lawal Dahiru Mamman writes from Abuja. He can be reached via dahirulawal90@gmail.com.

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

The Federal Government has raised an alarm that the widespread consumption of animal hides and skins, popularly known as ponmo, is endangering Nigeria’s leather industry, valued at approximately $5 billion.

Speaking at the National Campaign Against the Consumption of Ponmo in Abuja on Thursday, Professor Nnanyelugo Ikemounso, Director-General of the Raw Materials Research and Development Council (RMRDC), stated that the practice strips local industries of the vital raw materials required for leather production and export.

Ikemounso revealed that the Nigerian leather goods market, valued at $2.79 billion in 2024, is projected to grow to $4.96 billion by 2033.

He warned that this projected growth is at risk if the diversion of hides for food continues.“From an economic and industrial standpoint, cowhides are one of Nigeria’s most valuable raw materials,” Ikemounso said.

“Sadly, the continuous diversion of hides for ponmo consumption denies our industries access to quality raw materials, weakens our tanning and leather manufacturing sector, and diminishes Nigeria’s competitiveness in the global leather market.”

He emphasized that the campaign, tagged “Wear, Not Eat Your Leather,” is a strategic move to channel hides and skins into industrial use for national economic benefit, not an attack on cultural or dietary preferences.

Beyond the economic argument, the DG raised significant health concerns, describing ponmo as a food item with little to no nutritional value. He cautioned that many hides processed for consumption are treated with toxic substances like formalin and diesel.

“These pose serious health risks ranging from organ damage to increased risk of cancer,” Ikemounso warned.

The leather industry is considered one of Nigeria’s most promising non-oil sectors, with the potential to be a major source of export revenue and job creation, but the government fears the popularity of ponmo is stifling its full potential.