Nigeria

By Kabiru Abdullahi Muhammad

The recent decision by the management of Bayero University, Kano (BUK), that bans commercial motorcycle operators (okada riders) from operating within the university community has triggered widespread outcry from both students and business owners.

For decades, motorcycles have been a lifeline for transportation and commerce in the university environment.

But since the ban, traders in the popular Coke Village market say their businesses have suffered unprecedented losses.

Malam Tasiu Hamisu, a foodstuff dealer who has operated in Coke Village for over 30 years, described the impact as devastating.

“I have never experienced such a huge downfall in my business until now when the school management stopped the bike men from working,” he lamented.

There were about 400 motorcycle riders in the university, with roughly 100 operating daily. Many of them were among my most reliable customers.

“Some bought foodstuffs worth ₦3,000 every day, while others bought occasionally. Now that they are gone, my business has been seriously affected. The only time we used to lose customers was during school holidays, but this is worse,” he added.

He also noted that students who previously sent riders to purchase goods on their behalf no longer have that option.

Malam Aliyu Sulaiman Ibrahim, another trader who sells palm oil, groundnut oil, and other household essentials, echoed the same concern.

“This issue has really affected me, and I have lost a lot of customers,” he said.

Similarly, Malam Umar, who operates a café, narrated how the ban has disrupted his daily routine.

“Sometimes when fuel finishes in the middle of work, I used to send a bike man to quickly get petrol. But now I can’t, and students won’t wait for me to go myself because there are many other shops they can turn to. This affects me badly,” he explained.

Students Struggle with Transport

Students are also struggling with the issue. The management introduced on-campus tricycles (adaidaita sahu) as an alternative, but there are only five to six tricycles available to serve thousands of students.

Every morning, long queues form at the university gate, with many students forced to trek long distances to their faculties.

Zainab Lawan, a student from the Faculty of Agriculture, shared her frustration.

“I nearly missed a test because I was waiting for a tricycle. In the end, I had to trek all the way from the gate to my faculty. It is really stressful, especially when you are in a hurry to attend lectures,” she said.

Both students and business owners said that the ban has created more hardship than solutions.

As Malam Tasiu put it: “The university is not just about classrooms; it is also a community. We all depend on one another to survive.”

By Samaila Suleiman, PhD

“No amount of deconstruction and reconstruction, to turn history on its head, can bury the truth” – Sule Lamido.

Writing a review of Being True to Myself, the autobiography of His Excellency, (Dr) Sule Lamido, is, for me, both an intellectual obligation and a profoundly personal reckoning. As a student of historiography and politics of knowledge production, book reviewing is an integral part of my professional calling. At the same time, as a member of the editorial team of the Sule Lamido Autobiography Project (SLAP), along with my colleagues Dr Nu’uman Habeeb and Mustafa Ibrahim Chinade, I lived with the idea of this book, from its conception to the first manuscript drafts, the final typeset, and its printing and public presentation. 

Book reviewers are traditionally expected to be neutral critiques, assessing works with analytical distance and relying largely on their reading of the text. What I offer here, however, is a deeply personal reflection of a tripartite engagement with the author, the text, the context of its production and the reactions it elicited from readers. This is, therefore, not a conventional book review but an attempt, as one of the editorial consultants for the project, to recount the story of thinking (working) with Sule Lamido in the making of Being True to Myselfitself. 

The Context

I first met Sule Lamido in 2019 when the late Professor Haruna Wakili introduced me, along with Dr. Nu’uman Habeeb and Mustafa Ibrahim Chinade, to serve as editorial consultants for his autobiography project. Our role was to facilitate the production of the text through interviews and other editorial interventions. Before this meeting, my knowledge of Lamido was limited. I knew him only as a former Minister and Governor. What I did not immediately realise was how profoundly the project would impact me as a historiographer, constantly negotiating the epistemological questions of truth, power, and narrative responsibility. 

The first lesson I drew from the project was the discovery of Lamido as an intellectual—an aspect of his persona that is often overshadowed by his public image as a forthright politician. At our inception meeting, I was immediately struck by his brilliance and philosophical acuity—following a lengthy conversation about the focus of the autobiography. My initial perception of Lamido was quickly overturned. Beneath the image of a seasoned politician, I encountered a man of deep philosophical substance, whose politics is rooted in a profound knowledge of history and critical thought. 

Although Lamido is not a career academic, his grasp of political and historical discourse is profound to the extent that some of his academic friends affectionately call him “Professor.”  He is one of the few politicians around who embodies the tradition of first-generation politicians, whose politics are grounded in principles and knowledge.

Over the course of many interviews with the editorial team, Lamido narrated his life story with a precision and wit that often left me marvelling at his hyperthymesia, attention to detail, and critical reasoning. Each time we returned to a topic for clarification, he would recount events with striking consistency, as though he had already internalised the book long before the project began. 

As the project advanced, Lamido took control of the content, style, and narrative flow of his autobiography, insisting on framing his experiences within a broader historical process. Even at the stage of typesetting and design, he remained involved, reviewing passages, fact-checking, and fine-tuning the manuscript. At one point, I jokingly said to him, while the book was already at press: “Your Excellency Sir, bakin alkalmi ya bushe”—implying that no further edits should be made, especially with the launch date approaching.

Some of our most intense editorial discussions went beyond factual accuracy to debates about historical methodology and explanation. When Lamido was advised to moderate some contentious revelations in the manuscript, he posed critical questions around secrecy and privacy in knowledge production, carefully dissecting the distinction between classified and declassified records. I found myself challenged, at times humbled, by his rigour and the depth with which he interrogated established academic assumptions about Nigerian history, politics, and writing. This level of discursive sophistication is rare among people without advanced degrees in historical studies.

There were moments when the manuscript resisted simplification, and we chose to retain its complexities rather than smooth them over, because they were intellectually honest. This demonstrates that a political memoir, at its best, is not merely a legacy-building exercise, as many autobiographies are, but a critical exercise in self-reflection within the context of history. Lamido gave himself that space and, in doing so, gave us the opportunity to reconsider some of our scholarly convictions about the nature of truth, memory, and life writing.

The Text  

Lamido’s distinctive voice is evident throughout Being True to Myself. Those familiar with his discursive signature will immediately recognise his bluntness, candour, and unfiltered expression in the text. 

Unlike many public figures whose autobiographies are primarily shaped by ghostwriters, Lamido maintained a hands-on approach. Each chapter bears his imprint, making the work not only intimate but also a demonstration of authorial agency.

Even the book’s title was not chosen lightly. It was the product of a year-long reflection on what Lamido’s life represents. Ultimately, Being True to Myself was favoured as the narrative’s central theme, mirroring the life of a man of unshakable principles and conscience.  The title comes from a passage where he describes himself as “an independent-minded child, who always stood his ground…not because I felt important, but because I tried to be true to myself.” 

What makes Being True to Myself particularly compelling is its historical nuance and emotional texture. Lamido alternates between humour, vulnerability, and defiance, recounting comical childhood stories, such as his naïve performance during Ramadan tashe, alongside harrowing experiences of persecution and betrayal. His willingness to revisit painful memories, without bitterness but with conviction, creates a text that is both deeply personal and politically insightful. 

The book is divided into eight broad thematic parts, tracing Lamido’s journey from his early life in Bamaina to his career in the Nigerian Railways and Tobacco Company, his involvement with the PRP, his time as foreign minister, and his tenure as governor of Jigawa State. It offers rich commentary on important political events such as the annulment of June 12, his detention under General Sani Abacha, his role in the formation of the PDP, the Obasanjo Presidency, his tenure as Foreign Minister, the Yar’Adua Presidency and how he was succeeded by Goodluck Jonathan, and the intricacies of power, politics and democratic governance in Jigawa state. 

In discussing Nigerian politics, Lamido dons the garb of a political scientist and historian, offering a critical examination of the military’s role in Nigerian politics. He critiques successive regimes, from Buhari’s military rule to IBB’s sophisticated but flawed transition programs, Abacha’s repression, and Abdulsalami’s genuine and successful transitional government, as well as the restoration of democracy. His reflections read as much like political history as autobiography, enriched by his insider perspective. One cannot help but wonder at the contents of his library, given his ability to weave theory and empirical detail with ease. 

The Praise and the Pushback 

Since its launch in May 2025, Being True to Myself has attracted a wide range of reactions, from praise by the media, scholars and statesmen to criticism from political associates, reflecting the complexity of both the author and the book.

At the high-profile launch in Abuja, political heavyweights celebrated the work. President Bola Tinubu, through his minister, commended Lamido as “a bold, consistent, and principled politician whose personal journey mirrors the story of Nigeria’s democratic evolution.” He described the book as a “significant contribution to Nigeria’s political literature,” encouraging other political veterans to document their experiences for posterity. 

The book reviewer, Dr. Iyorchia Ayu, lauded Lamido’s courage, recalling episodes such as the author telling an IGP, “Who are you?” and a military head of state to his face, “You must resign”. 

The book has not been without detractors. Some critics, including Malam Aminu Ibrahim Ringim, a former Chief of Staff to Lamido during his governorship, criticised the memoir as being rife with “self-glorification, misrepresentation and disrespect for the contributions of others.” 

Taken together, these divergent reactions reveal the dual nature of Being True to Myself as both an intimate self-portrait and a contested historical document. 

On the whole, the Sule Lamido Autobiographical Project is an elegant demonstration of how autobiographies can serve as a space for dialogue between politicians and scholars, working as collaborators in the pursuit of truth.

As former President Olusegun Obasanjo writes in the foreword: “No historian or public affairs officer should be without a copy of the book. I enjoyed reading it.” 

Happy 77^th Birthday and best wishes, Sir!

Samaila Suleiman, PhD, wrote from the Department of History, Bayero University, Kano. He can be reached via smlsuleiman@gmail.com.

By Ibraheem A. Waziri

About three decades ago, at the beginning of my youthful years, around Bakinruwa, Sabongari, Kaduna, I first encountered the idea of “Qur’an-only” Islam. Shaykh Uthman Dangungu, who had passed through the Izala movement, began to promote it in our neighbourhood mosque near Kasuwan Gwari. He was not the first—Muhammadu Marwa Maitatsine had pushed something similar in Kano State in the 1980s, though in a harsher, less workable form. Since then, my philosophical self has wrestled with such currents—Wahhabism, Shi‘ism, Sufism, Boko Haramism, and more. Each encounter has been a struggle for clarity and stability, for faith, and for cultural continuity in our fragile postcolonial Nigerian modernity.

Now, with Shaykh Yahya Ibrahim Masussuka—my generational peer—reviving the Qur’an-only argument, it seems fitting to reflect again. This time, however, I do not begin from theology alone. I lean on the wear and tear of intellectual toil, and on the reflective gifts of experience—what philosophy, logic, and science have taught me about human beings and the trustworthiness of transmission.

Philosophy has long asked: Can knowledge survive without tradition? Plato, in The Republic, warned that truth severed from the teacher–student chain becomes mere opinion. Aristotle, more grounded, argued that reason itself grows from custom, habit, and inherited practice. If Plato guarded against instability, Aristotle reminded us that even rationality needs a body —a living community —to give it shape.

Modern science adds its own perspective. Research in psychology shows that while humans are prone to bias or fatigue, under structures of accountability and community, they are remarkably capable of fairness and truth-telling. Integrity, in fact, often comes naturally. In other words, people can be trusted, though they must be guided.

The Qur’an itself affirms this. It does not portray humanity as unfit to bear the truth. Instead, it honours our moral agency while calling for systems of verification. “And thus We have made you a just community that you may be witnesses over mankind, and the Messenger a witness over you” (2:143). To be a witness requires the ability to observe, remember, and transmit faithfully. Surah Al-Tawbah (9:122) goes further, encouraging some believers to remain behind, study religion deeply, and teach others. That is nothing less than a Qur’anic endorsement of scholarship—the very task Hadith scholars later undertook.

The Qur’an also acknowledges our dual moral compass— “By the soul and He who proportioned it, and inspired it with its wickedness and righteousness” (91:7–10). Hence, the command in Surah Al-Hujurat (49:6) to verify reports before acting. That balance between trust and scrutiny is the same principle that shaped the science of Hadith.

Even in worldly matters, the Qur’an demonstrates confidence in structured testimony. The long verse of debts in Surah Al-Baqarah (2:282) lays out detailed rules for recording contracts with witnesses. If humans can be entrusted with preserving financial records, surely they can also be tasked with documenting the Prophet’s words—so long as there is a system of accuracy and verification.

This brings us to the heart of the matter. The Qur’an-only stance insists that Hadith is unnecessary. Yet the Qur’an itself says otherwise: “We revealed to you the Reminder so that you may explain to people what was sent down to them” (16:44). The Prophet’s explanatory role is not contained in the Qur’an’s text—it lives in his sayings, actions, and approvals. Surah Al-Ahzab (33:21) refers to him as “an excellent example” for believers. But how would later generations know his example without the Hadith?

Other verses go further: “Whoever obeys the Messenger has obeyed Allah” (4:80); “Whatever the Messenger gives you, take it; and whatever he forbids you, abstain from it” (59:7). These are not time-bound commands. They apply to all Muslims across generations. And they assume access to the Prophet’s guidance—something only Hadith provides.

Seen this way, Hadith is not an intrusion upon the Qur’an but its necessary partner. The Prophet was sent not only to recite but to teach and model. His companions and the generations after them, through discipline and painstaking verification, preserved that model. The Hadith tradition is not perfect—no human endeavour is—but it was forged as a check from within Islamic culture, not imposed from outside. It is part of the Qur’an’s own vision of a community of witnesses.

At its core, then, the debate is not only about scripture but also about how we see human beings. If we assume people are too weak or biased to preserve truth, the Hadith collapses. But if we recognise—as both the Qur’an and science do—that humans, when guided and structured, can be reliable witnesses, Hadith stands on solid ground. The Qur’an-only position misses this deeper point. It mistrusts human agency in a way the Qur’an itself never does.

In Nigeria, where cultural streams converge and clash—Sahelian traditions meeting global influences—the Qur’an-only approach risks severing us from the rich heritage that has sustained Muslim communities through colonialism, civil strife, and modern pressures. My own journey—from that mosque in Kaduna to today—has taught me that certainty lies not in subtraction but in integration: the Qur’an as foundation, illuminated by the Prophet’s Hadith, upheld by our God-given moral agency.

As this debate resurfaces in our time, we would do well to remember: the Qur’an trusts us, commands us, and makes our testimony central to its unfolding. To follow the Qur’an, then, is to follow the Prophet. And to follow the Prophet is impossible without Hadith.

Ultimately, as Surah Al-Baqarah reminds us, we are called to be witnesses. Let us honour that calling by trusting the mechanisms Allah has provided—including Hadith, which brings the Prophet’s example to life for every generation 

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

The Ministry of Mines and Minerals Development has suspended operations at two Chinese-operated mines in Kasempa for illegally processing gold and copper ore.

The affected mines, Sino Octascone Mine and Ken Reliable, were found to be operating without the mandatory mineral processing licences.

The ministry’s Permanent Secretary, Hapenga Kabeta, led an inspection with officials from the Mine Safety Department that uncovered substantial stockpiles of gold and copper ore ready for processing on the premises.

“Investigations revealed that the mines had been conducting unauthorised processing of minerals for an unspecified period,” Dr. Kabeta stated.

“When questioned, mine officials failed to provide satisfactory explanations and relevant documents for their operation.”

He confirmed that the sources of the ore stockpiles will be further investigated, warning that any related illegalities would be “sternly dealt with.”

In response, the ministry has seized the ore stockpiles and directed law enforcement to secure the materials until the companies can present proper documentation.

BY Nazeer Baba Abdullahi

Imagine holding a Nigerian passport, symbolising pride, identity, and opportunity. However, effective September 1, 2025, the fee doubles from ₦50,000 to ₦100,000 for the 32-page version and from ₦200,000 to ₦ 400,000 for the 64-page version. This isn’t just an administrative change; it breaches the social contract.

Converting a basic identity document into an expensive luxury creates a two-tiered citizenship system, penalising ordinary Nigerians and restricting access to opportunities. A passport is a right of citizenship, like the free National ID and voter’s card, not a privilege for the wealthy. Why should a global identity extend to a commodity? 

The typical justification of ‘cost recovery’ is invalid. Essential state services should be subsidised to ensure equal access, not turned into profit centres at the people’s expense. This is especially true amid Nigeria’s economic struggles with inflation, unemployment, and rising costs. The new ₦100,000 passport costs more than the ₦70,000 minimum wage, making it unaffordable for a civil servant’s monthly salary. When a passport exceeds one month’s earnings, citizenship access is effectively priced out. This isn’t governance, but punishment. Officials say the hike maintains quality and integrity, but Nigerians only want access to a valid ID, not luxury features. Raising fees without service improvements monetises desperation. Nigeria ranks 91st globally in terms of passports, highlighting the need to improve its international standing.

The irony becomes even more glaring when compared with the voter’s card. That document is distributed free of charge, delivered to electoral wards, and made as accessible as possible. The reason is simple: it benefits the political elite by ensuring mass participation in elections. The passport, however, offers no direct political benefit. Instead, it empowers citizens to seek opportunity abroad, to level themselves in mobility and access with the very elite who govern them. Empowerment is seen not as a service to the state, but as a threat. Your vote is free because they need you. Your passport is expensive because they fear you. This is not an accident of policy; it is a deliberate strategy of control. It reveals a government more concerned with revenue extraction than with service to its people. 

A recent pattern shows the government increasing passport fees again after the August 2024 hike, indicating a trend of using vital documents for quick revenue rather than rights. Compared to neighbouring countries, Nigeria’s fees are disproportionately high. For example, a 34-page passport costs approximately ₦80,000 in Kenya, equivalent to a minimum wage of ₦ 15,000, and around ₦46,900 in Nigeria, both of which are less than the Nigerian cost. While Kenyans and Ghanaians with minimum wages can obtain passports in days or weeks, Nigerians face fees that exceed their monthly income, creating a severe financial burden.

The Nigerian passport should never be treated as a luxury item. It is a necessity in a globalised world and a symbol of national identity. To price it beyond the reach of ordinary citizens is to betray the very essence of governance, which is service, dignity, and protection of rights. What kind of nation are we building when we put a price tag on our citizens’ ability to seek a better life? What does patriotism mean if leaders measure it not by how they serve the vulnerable but by how much they can extract from them? Proper governance is not about profit; it is about fairness, opportunity, and respect for citizens.

Nazeer Baba Abdullahi wrote via babanazeer29@gmail.com.

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

The Kebbi State Government has officially appointed Alhaji Sanusi Mika’ilu Sami as the new Emir of Zuru.

The appointment was confirmed on Thursday in Zuru when the State Commissioner for Local Government and Chieftaincy Affairs, Hon. Garba Umar Dutsin-Mari, presented the letter of appointment to the new monarch.

Dutsin-Mari stated that the appointment, approved by Governor Comrade Dr. Nasir Idris, followed the recommendation of the Zuru Emirate’s election committee. The committee screened three candidates for the revered throne, with Alhaji Sanusi Mika’ilu Sami emerging victorious by securing the highest number of votes.

The stool became vacant following the passing of the former Emir, His Royal Highness Alhaji Muhammad Sani Sami Gomo II, who died on August 16, 2025, in a hospital in London.

The commissioner congratulated the new Emir and urged him to justify the confidence reposed in him by the government and the people of the emirate. He advised the monarch to discharge his duties diligently and with the fear of God.

Alhaji Sanusi Mika’ilu Sami now assumes the leadership of the Zuru Emirate, succeeding his late predecessor.

By Hadiza Abdulkadir

The Federal Government has approved an upward review of passport fees for Nigerians, effective September 1, 2025.

This was announced in a statement issued on Thursday by A.S Akinlabi, the spokesman for the Nigeria Immigration Service.

He said the increment aims to ensure the quality and integrity of the Nigerian Standard Passport, set to take effect from September.

“The review which only affect Passport Application fees made in Nigeria, now set a new fee thresholds for 32-page with 5-year validity at ₦100,000 and 64-page with 10-year validity at ₦200,000.

“Meanwhile, Nigerian Passport Application fees made by Nigerians in diaspora remain unchanged at $150 for 32-page with 5-year validity and $230 for 64-page with 10-year validity”, he said

The Service reaffirms its commitment to balancing high-quality service delivery with the necessity of ensuring Passport services are accessible to all Nigerians.

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has departed Brasília for Abuja after a state visit to Brazil aimed at deepening bilateral ties between the two nations.

The presidential jet departed the Brasília International Airport Air Force Base at 12:57 pm local time on Wednesday.

The brief departure ceremony was attended by senior Brazilian diplomats, including Secretary for Africa and the Middle East Amb.

Carlos Sérgio Sobral Duarte, and featured a guard of honour.

The visit, which began on Monday, August 25, was marked by a formal welcome ceremony at the Palácio do Planalto, where President Tinubu was received with full military honours by his Brazilian counterpart, President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva.

The core of the diplomatic engagement was a meeting between the two leaders, who oversaw the signing of five Memoranda of Understanding.

The agreements cover critical sectors for Nigeria’s development, including aviation, foreign affairs, science and technology, and agriculture.

The Nigerian delegation included the Minister of State for Foreign Affairs, Bianca Odumegwu-Ojukwu, who was present at the airport for the President’s departure.

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

A group known as the Concerned Kaduna Central Constituents has initiated a process to recall their Senator, Lawal Adamu Usman, citing poor representation and neglect of duties.

In a statement to the press, the group accused the senator of failing to advocate for the constituency, being persistently absent from legislative duties, and providing no tangible projects for the people.

They claimed he has been disconnected from the realities of his constituents since taking office.

The group has begun gathering signatures from registered voters to petition the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) for his recall.INEC has not yet responded.

By law, a recall requires signatures from at least half of the registered voters in the senatorial district before a verification and referendum can be held.

Mohammad Qaddam Sidq Isa (Daddy) 

The recent revelation that three Nigerians, recently detained by Saudi authorities on allegations of drug trafficking, had been framed by an international drug trafficking syndicate operating at Malam Aminu Kano International Airport (MAKIA) further confirms the persistence of such nefarious activities, bringing to mind a similar scandal in 2019 that nearly cost an innocent woman her life in the Kingdom. 

The syndicate’s modus operandi begins by targeting unsuspecting travellers at MAKIA who appear to have little or no experience in international air travel protocols. 

Exploiting the fact that such travellers rarely turn up at the airport check-in counter with enough luggage to take up their full luggage allowance, if they are even aware of it, the syndicate members covertly tag and check in drug-containing luggage under the travellers’ names.

On arrival in Jeddah or Madinah, the syndicate’s Saudi-based Nigerian accomplices monitor the luggage processing. If the bags make it through undetected, they somehow manage to claim them, sometimes with, and other times without, the traveller’s knowledge or involvement.

However, if the bags are flagged, the accomplices vanish, leaving the unsuspecting travellers to be apprehended and subjected to the Kingdom’s strict judicial system, where drug trafficking can carry the ultimate punishment: public beheading.

Despite Nigerian authorities’ assurances since the 2019 scandal that all structural and operational loopholes exploited by the syndicate had been addressed, the latest incident demonstrates that these measures were insufficient. It also underscores the growing notoriety of the otherwise reputable MAKIA as a hub for international drug trafficking syndicates specialising in framing unsuspecting travellers. 

If organised crime of this sophistication can occur at the relatively less corruption-prone MAKIA, one can only imagine what might be happening at Murtala Muhammed International Airport in Lagos or Nnamdi Azikiwe International Airport in Abuja. 

Only Allah knows how many innocent people, framed in this way and too unlucky for their ordeals to be publicised or their innocence to be proven, ended up publicly beheaded in Saudi Arabia. 

Although the Nigerian government has assured that it will leave no stone unturned to secure the exoneration of these innocent Nigerians currently facing drug trafficking charges in Saudi Arabia, it should not take the situation for granted. 

Meanwhile, it should also take decisive action to address this menace at MAKIA and other airports across the country. After all, the few individuals apprehended may represent only a fraction of the culprits, with many others likely still out there.

Mohammad Qaddam Sidq Isa (Daddy) wrote via mohammadsidq@gmail.com.