Nigeria

By Lawal Dahiru Mamman

For 13 years, the Zambian national side had acted as a formidable barrier between Nigeria and footballing success, much like an inspirational goalkeeper. But on a fateful day, approximately 80,000 Nigerian supporters made the pilgrimage to the National Stadium, Surulere, in Lagos, to witness a potentially historic occasion.

That day provided the ultimate platform for the challenge, where Nigeria successfully broke the Zambian jinx for over a decade. This is a summary of a piece titled “The Match that Broke the Myth,” written by Uzor Maxim Uzoatu in the 1980s.

Nigeria has participated in international conferences and organized similar events at national and subnational levels. Specifically, national conferences often provide comprehensive reports for implementation after extensive deliberations from stakeholders nationwide.

But much like the imaginary soccer team above, which endured losses for 13 years, outputs from our symposia appear to be hexed. Reports are submitted, but implementation remains shelved due to forces akin to the Zambian inspirational goalkeeper.

For enlightenment, two precedents come to mind. Since 1999, President Muhammadu Buhari is notably the only president who has not convened a national conference. The late President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua is an exception, owing to his brief tenure and subsequent nine-month battle with ill health, which ultimately led to his passing.

In February 2005, President Olusegun Obasanjo convened the “National Political Reform Conference.” The gathering was an avenue to reassess, refocus, redefine, and redesign Nigeria’s political landscape to strengthen the bonds of unity.

Accordingly, it sought to enhance democratic consolidation processes, strengthen structures to solidify values that promote democracy and good governance, and open boundless opportunities for all Nigerians to be and feel part of the evolving political process and socio-economic development.

The committee was encouraged to conduct comparative studies, considering Nigeria’s unique realities, specificities, and historical context, to ensure a comprehensive understanding of the issues at hand during that era.

Four hundred and two delegates attended the conference, held between February and July 2005. Copies of the report from that conference were submitted, but nothing substantial happened afterward.

President Goodluck Jonathan convened another conference in 2014. The panel, chaired by retired Chief Justice Idris Kutigi, was assigned to advise the government on the framework for a national dialogue. To accomplish this, they consulted widely with Nigerians, ensuring that diverse perspectives were represented.

The conference, attended by approximately 500 delegates from across Nigeria, proposed substantial reforms. These included scrapping the current system of 774 local authorities to reduce corruption and save costs, creating 18 new states, revising revenue allocation, decreasing the federal government’s share of national income while increasing those of the states, and modifying the presidential system to include parliamentary elements.

Other key recommendations included power sharing and rotation, specifically advocating for the rotation of the presidency and the circulation of governorship among three senatorial districts in each state. These proposals aimed to promote greater representation, equity, and national unity. However, after passing over 600 resolutions and producing a 10,335-page report submitted to the presidency, the recommendations were never implemented.

On October 1, 2024, President Bola Tinubu, adhering to the tradition of past leaders, addressed the nation. At the time of his national broadcast, the country was uncertain whether the sequel to August’s #EndBadGovernance protest, Fearless in October, would take place.

Among numerous announcements, the president declared a National Youth Conference to assemble youths from across Nigeria for meaningful conversations that drive nation-building. Whether this particular aspect of his speech helped shelve the proposed protest remains uncertain.

What is the model for selecting delegates? What topics will be discussed during the proposed 30-day conference? While every youth awaits a response, it is important to note that numerous issues impact the youth, who constitute over 60% of the federation’s population.

In economic terms, recent statistics indicate that over 40% of Nigerian youths are unemployed, leaving millions of young people feeling disillusioned and despondent. This figure may actually be higher, given the ongoing challenges the nation faces in data collection and storage. Will this pressing issue be addressed at the conference?

According to the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS), an astounding 63% of the population—approximately 133 million individuals, nearly six out of ten Nigerians—live in multidimensional poverty, with the majority being youths. Will poverty be included on the conference’s agenda?

Limited access to quality education, caused by inadequate infrastructure, scarce resources, and a lack of strong support systems, leaves the dreams of many unfulfilled. According to the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), the student loan scheme through the Nigerian Education Loan Fund (NELFUND) does not assist the 20.2 million uneducated young Nigerians. Will this become a subject of debate?

The National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) reported in 2023 that approximately 14.3 million Nigerians are involved in drug abuse, with young people predominantly affected. Regrettably, one in four women also participates in this harmful practice. Given its consequences, including widespread unproductivity and elevated crime rates, this critical issue merits discussion at the conference.

Despite youth affirmative action policies aimed at ensuring 30% representation in the public sector—including federal and state executive councils, boards of parastatals and agencies, and local government councils—and 35% representation in political party leadership positions, electoral bodies, and legislative assemblies for individuals between 18 and 35 years, there remains a significant issue of gross misrepresentation and inadequate youth participation in governance and decision-making.

Numerous other issues also impact Nigerian youth, such as migration for better opportunities, cultural constraints, child marriage and early pregnancy, cybercrime, youth radicalization, the role of young Nigerians in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM), and the erosion of cultural identity and values. These topics deserve thoughtful discussion.

As of the time the president promised to work toward modalities for this conference and the selection of delegates in “close consultation with our young people through their representatives,” skepticism looms large.

At the State House in Abuja earlier this month, the president inaugurated the planning committee of the National Youth Conference, tasking the youths—whom he described as the “heartbeat of the nation”—to seize the opportunity to redefine their future. Nigerians keenly await the modalities that the committee will set.

Our hopes lie in the words of Eric Teniola, a seasoned columnist, who said after the 2014 National Conference: “A conference will not solve all our problems, but it will give us a platform to exchange ideas and maybe iron out our differences. A conference may halt our present drift to anarchy.”

Therefore, we hope that this National Youth Conference, proposed by the president and his team, will be ‘The Conference that Breaks the Myth’ of unyielding conferences in Nigeria.

Lawal Dahiru Mamman writes from Abuja and can be contacted at dahirulawal90@gmail.com.

By Sabiu Abdullahi

The Nigeria Customs Service (NCS) has recorded its largest seizure of smuggled Premium Motor Spirit (PMS) in Kebbi State since the launch of Operation Whirlwind.

Speaking at a press briefing in Kebbi on Tuesday, the Assistant Comptroller General (ACG) of Financial Administration and Special Duty, as well as the National Coordinator of Operation Whirlwind, Hussein Ejibunu, made this known on behalf of the Comptroller General of Customs, Bashir Adewale Adeniyi.

Ejibunu noted the dangers posed by fuel smuggling, stating that it results in revenue losses, trade distortions, artificial scarcity, and national security threats.

He stressed that the operation reflects the NCS’s strong commitment to tackling illegal fuel diversion.

“This seizure marks a significant milestone in our efforts to protect Nigeria’s critical resources. The Nigeria Customs Service remains resolute in tackling smuggling activities that undermine government policies and economic stability,” he stated.

According to him, the interception was carried out in the Tsamiya area of Kebbi State based on intelligence gathered after days of surveillance.

He disclosed that among the seized items was a truck with Nigerian plate number DC 7184 RB, which contained 766 jerrycans of 25 litres each and 18 drums of 200 litres each of PMS.

Another truck, with Republic of Benin plate number AT 2457 RUP, was found carrying 1,454 jerrycans of 25 litres each and 18 drums of 200 litres each of PMS. Similarly, a truck with Republic of Benin plate number BV C240 Arubi was intercepted with 1,350 jerrycans of 25 litres each and 18 drums of 200 litres each of PMS.

In addition, 805 jerrycans of 25 litres each were confiscated at various locations, including Dole Kaina, Zaria Kalakala, Tunga Waterside, Lolo, and Tsamiya.

Ejibunu reaffirmed the NCS’s determination to sustain efforts against fuel smuggling and strengthen collaboration with other agencies to secure Nigeria’s borders.

He also disclosed that the seized PMS was sold at a controlled price of ₦10,000 per 25-litre jerrycan to benefit citizens rather than smugglers.Speaking at the event, the Customs Area Controller of Kebbi Command, Comptroller Chidi Nwakureke, assured that his team remains committed to eliminating smuggling activities in the state.

He stated that the agency would continue to facilitate trade and ensure a smooth business environment for legitimate traders while intensifying operations to curb smuggling.

Nwakureke praised the efforts of Customs officers involved in the operation and acknowledged the support of other security agencies in the ongoing anti-smuggling drive.

By Uzair Adam

The Executive Chairman of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), Ola Olukoyede, has stated that corruption poses a significant threat to Nigeria’s development.

He reaffirmed the commission’s commitment to tackling the menace and urged all stakeholders to support the anti-corruption campaign.

Speaking at the launch of the EFCC’s “Integrity Club” in primary and secondary schools across the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) on Tuesday, Olukoyede, represented by the Director of Public Affairs, Wilson Uwujaren, said the initiative aims to instill values of integrity, honesty, and diligence in young Nigerians.

“The EFCC is determined to bring corruption to its knees in Nigeria, and together we can achieve this goal,” he said.

He explained that the Integrity Clubs serve as platforms for interaction, enlightenment, and empowerment, helping students cultivate ethical values.

He noted that children at this stage are still receptive to guidance and can be molded into responsible leaders through proper mentorship.

“Our children can only become the leaders we desire if we equip, mentor, and guide them with the right values. Integrity Clubs will provide them with the foundation to resist corruption,” he added.

Olukoyede urged schools to actively engage students in discussions on ethical conduct and regularly provide feedback to the EFCC on the club’s activities.

In his remarks, the acting Executive Chairman of the FCT Universal Basic Education Board, Hassan Sule, commended the EFCC for the initiative, stating that prevention is the best approach to tackling corruption.

“This initiative will shape children’s character and influence their peers positively. If we can implement it effectively, we will have responsible adults in the future,” he said.

He assured that the board would institutionalize Integrity Clubs in at least 30 schools within the FCT, emphasizing that education remains the most effective tool in the fight against corruption.

By Isyaka Laminu Badamasi

As the wave of politicians leaving various political parties, especially the ruling party, to join the SDP gains momentum, remember that not everything that glitters is gold.

During the buildup to the 2015 general elections, some politicians capitalized on the failures of the PDP administration at that time. They formed what is now known as the All Progressives Congress (APC), a decision we all regret in unison. 

As observers, and considering the caliber and number of individuals joining the Social Democratic Party (SDP), I must confess that the county’s political landscape leading up to 2027 will be fascinating in the days, months, and years ahead. 

Before then, we should not fold our arms while watching the gullibility of our people and how it has led us to where theAPC administration has brought us today. It is crucial that we examine the actors involved in this process of decamping, reminding ourselves not to be swept away by the razzmatazz of this drama and to avoid making another unforgivable mistake, as not all that glitters is gold. 

We should be very observant of who joined SDP from our states and from which political party. What are their contributions to the development of the state? Are they relevant to the party they left? Are they capable of changing the narratives in the scheme of things, or is it just to make headlines? 

While they have the right to make whatever political decisions regarding 2027, we shouldn’t be naive enough to believe that the ongoing alignments and realignments are unrelated to us. Remember the pervasive nature of politics.

Isyaka Laminu Badamasi wrote from Bauchi State via makwalla82@gmail.com.

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

Angry youths in Gombe State have looted Ramadan palliative supplies reportedly meant for distribution by Seyi Tinubu, son of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu.

The incident occurred as part of a Ramadan feeding program launched by Seyi Tinubu during his visits to northern states for Iftar celebrations with residents and political leaders.

Seyi’s initiative, aimed at assisting the less privileged during the holy month, has sparked a wave of mixed reactions on social media.

While some welcomed the gesture, others criticized it, arguing that the north deserved more sustainable support than temporary palliative aid.Shamsuddeen Bala Mohammed, son of Bauchi State Governor, voiced his displeasure on Facebook, urging Seyi to implement long-term empowerment programs.

He suggested that the youths in Bauchi needed job opportunities, business startups, and digital skills training rather than food parcels.

“Teach our youths how to fish rather than feed them for one day,” he said.

In Gombe, the distribution of palliative items, including rice, sugar, oil, salt, and pasta, quickly turned chaotic.

Video footage showed youths unloading and carting away cartons of food from a truck, with some throwing the items to others on the ground.

Two trucks containing 3,500 cartons of food had been allocated to the state, but while one was reportedly distributed, the other was intercepted by the angry youths.

Observers have suggested that the distribution might have been sabotaged by those left out of the initial handout event, which took place at the state’s APC Secretariat.

Seyi’s outreach initiative, while framed as part of the Renewed Hope Youth Engagement program, is also seen by some as a strategic political move to strengthen his father’s political foothold in the northern region, where there is still some resistance to his re-election.

By Hadiza Abdulkadir

A postgraduate class at Bayero University faced an unexpected turnout issue during a recent lecture on social media’s role in popular culture. 

Professor Abdalla Uba Adamu, from the Faculty of Communication, scheduled his M.Sc. Popular Culture lecture for 2:00 p.m. on Monday, March 24, 2025. However, when he arrived, he was met with an empty classroom.

In a candid post on his Facebook page, Professor Adamu described the situation, expressing disappointment at the absence of his students, many of whom are mature individuals committed to their education. 

“I will wait one more hour, all by myself,” he wrote, revealing the gravity of the situation as he sat alone in the lecture hall.

The incident raises concerns about student engagement and commitment in higher education, particularly among postgraduate students who are expected to take their studies seriously. 

Professor Adamu’s experience reflects a growing trend of attendance issues in classrooms, prompting discussions among his social media followers about students’ attitudes to learning in Nigerian universities.

As the academic community reacts to this situation, it remains to be seen how institutions will address these challenges in the future.

By Abdulhamid Abdullahi Aliyu

In a move that has sent shockwaves through Nigeria’s political landscape, former Kaduna State Governor Nasir El-Rufai has officially parted ways with the All Progressives Congress (APC) and pitched his tent with the Social Democratic Party (SDP).

While party defections are common in Nigerian politics, El-Rufai’s departure from the ruling party carries significant political implications that could alter the dynamics leading up to the 2027 elections.

For a man instrumental in the formation of the APC and a staunch ally of former President Muhammadu Buhari, El-Rufai’s departure raises critical questions. Is this a strategic move to remain politically relevant? A protest against President Bola Tinubu’s leadership? Or does it signal widening cracks within the APC that could deepen in the coming years?

El-Rufai’s political journey within the APC has been marked by loyalty, controversy, and influence. As a key figure in the party’s 2015 victory over the PDP, he was regarded as one of the strongest voices in Buhari’s inner circle.

His tenure as Kaduna governor further solidified his image as a reformist, albeit one who often courted controversy. From restructuring Kaduna’s civil service to his hardline stance on security issues, El-Rufai commanded attention. Under Buhari, he wielded significant influence, not just within Kaduna but on the national stage.

Many expected him to secure a prominent role in Tinubu’s government. However, cracks began to show when he was dropped from the ministerial list, allegedly over security concerns flagged by the National Security Adviser.

El-Rufai’s departure from the APC is not a hasty decision; it represents the culmination of increasing frustration. His rejection as a minister was perceived by many as a calculated marginalization, signaling the start of his estrangement from the ruling party’s core decision-making processes. 

Reports suggest he became increasingly disillusioned with Tinubu’s governance style, particularly in handling economic and security challenges. The former governor is known for his bluntness, and sources indicate that his inability to influence policies within the APC played a significant role in his decision.

While his supporters argue that his move to the SDP is based on principle, critics suggest it is driven by personal ambition—positioning himself for a possible political comeback in 2027.

El-Rufai’s choice of the SDP, rather than the PDP or a new political movement, is intriguing. The SDP remains a relatively small force compared to the APC and PDP, raising questions about whether he genuinely believes in the party’s ideology or sees it as a convenient platform to negotiate his future.

Some analysts believe El-Rufai is playing the long game—joining a smaller party now to avoid confrontations with APC heavyweights while testing the waters for potential alliances with other opposition figures ahead of 2027. Others argue that he has limited options, given his strained relationship with Tinubu’s camp and his unlikelihood of returning to the PDP, a party he once fiercely opposed.

Expectedly, the APC has brushed off El-Rufai’s departure, with the Presidency dismissing it as driven by “inordinate ambition.” Kaduna’s APC leadership has also claimed they are unbothered, arguing that his influence has waned significantly since leaving office. 

However, political observers note that El-Rufai’s defection could have ripple effects. While he may not command a nationwide political structure, his ability to shape narratives, especially in northern politics, should not be underestimated. Some opposition figures, including former Senator Shehu Sani, have downplayed his move, arguing that El-Rufai’s political relevance has diminished.

El-Rufai’s defection is not just about one man leaving a party—it reflects deeper tensions within the APC. Since taking power in 2023, Tinubu has had to balance competing interests within the ruling party, from former Buhari loyalists to his own political allies. The cracks within the party are becoming more visible, and if not managed properly, they could deepen before 2027.

For El-Rufai, the road ahead is uncertain. Aligning with the SDP may be a strategic step, but it remains to be seen whether it will translate into real political leverage. Is this the beginning of a broader coalition to challenge APC dominance, or will it end up as another failed defection story in Nigeria’s political history?

One thing is clear—El-Rufai’s move has reignited conversations about Nigeria’s shifting political landscape. Whether it leads to a major realignment or fizzles out as an individual protest remains to be seen.

Abdulhamid Abdullahi Aliyu, an NYSC serving corps member, writes from the Center for Crisis Communication (CCC) in Abuja.

By Uzair Adam

The Presidency has refuted allegations that the suspension of Governor Siminalayi Fubara and other political figures in Rivers State was a power grab, asserting that President Bola Ahmed Tinubu took action to prevent the state from plunging into chaos.

In a statement on Sunday, Special Adviser to the President on Information and Strategy, Bayo Onanuga, explained that the intervention was necessary to restore stability, arguing that waiting for a complete breakdown of governance would have been reckless.

The political turmoil in Rivers State, fueled by a power struggle between Governor Fubara and State House of Assembly members loyal to FCT Minister Nyesom Wike, had paralyzed governance.

Despite Supreme Court rulings affirming constitutional authority, tensions persisted. Intelligence reports, according to the Presidency, indicated that militants in the creeks were prepared to attack critical oil infrastructure, threatening national economic security.

“Had President Tinubu failed to act, Rivers State could have descended into violence, with lawmakers and vital oil facilities at risk. Schools and hospitals would have shut down, investors would have fled, and the economic consequences would have been severe,” the statement read.

By March 18, the Presidency said, the crisis had escalated beyond political negotiations, making intervention unavoidable. Critics have described the suspension of Governor Fubara and others as undemocratic, but the Presidency insists it was a temporary measure to reset governance, not an attempt to seize power.

“This is not a power grab,” the statement noted.

“The intervention is temporary, aimed at stabilizing governance. The six-month suspension is designed to de-escalate tensions and restore order.”

The Presidency also accused some critics of hypocrisy, noting that many who condemned the President’s decision remained silent on Fubara’s alleged refusal to cooperate with the legislature.

“Democracy cannot function in lawlessness—anarchy is its enemy,” Onanuga stated.

Citing Section 305 of the Nigerian Constitution, which grants the President the power to act in times of crisis, the statement referenced past emergency rule measures in Plateau and Borno States as precedents for Tinubu’s decision.

“The President swore an oath to safeguard national stability. Rivers State is a vital economic hub, and any political disruption in its oil sector has nationwide consequences,” it added.

With the appointment of Vice Admiral Ibok Ibas (Rtd.) as the Administrator of Rivers State, efforts are already underway to restore peace and governance. One of his first steps was engaging traditional leaders to find lasting solutions.

The Presidency assured Nigerians that the emergency measures would be lifted once normalcy returns, allowing elected officials to resume their duties.

Defending Tinubu’s decision, the statement quoted philosopher Edmund Burke: “The only thing necessary for evil to triumph is for good men to do nothing.”

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

A recent analysis of how medical professionals are spread across Nigeria’s 36 states and the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) has uncovered some striking differences in the number of doctors available to meet the needs of the country’s growing population.

Leading the pack is Lagos, the nation’s bustling commercial center, boasting an impressive 7,385 doctors. Following closely is the FCT with 4,453 doctors, and then Rivers, which has 2,194 doctors.

Other notable states include Enugu with 2,070 doctors, Oyo with 1,996, and Edo with 1,777, all of which highlight the correlation between urbanization and the demand for healthcare services.

These areas tend to attract more healthcare workers, drawn by the opportunities in metropolitan settings.

However, the report also sheds light on a troubling disparity in healthcare professional availability across different states.

While southern and southwestern states generally enjoy a better doctor-to-population ratio, the northern and northeastern regions are facing a significant shortage of medical personnel.

Taraba, situated in northeastern Nigeria, has the fewest doctors, with only 201, which raises serious concerns about the challenges of providing adequate healthcare in that area.

Other states like Yobe (275 doctors), Adamawa (280 doctors), and Kebbi (273 doctors) further illustrate how the distribution of medical staff is heavily tilted towards more urbanized and economically prosperous regions.

Among the states with lower doctor counts, Zamfara (267 doctors), Jigawa (255 doctors), and Gombe (485 doctors) also highlight a significant gap in healthcare access.

This uneven distribution means that many areas in Nigeria, especially in the north and rural regions, are struggling to deliver quality healthcare services to their communities.

In contrast, southern states like Akwa Ibom (888 doctors) and Abia (829 doctors) show a more favorable situation, underscoring the ongoing challenges in achieving equitable healthcare access across the country.

By Ibrahim Sulaiman (Jama’are)

In circa 1993, my late maternal grandfather, Malam Musa Nagari (d. circa 2017), took me to Malam Idi Nakamaku’s Makarantar allo (a traditional Quranic school) in the Gandun Sarki quarters of Jama’are town, where I was enrolled as a Titibiri (an elementary student). He purchased a new allo (a wooden slate used as a hand-held writing board by students) for me, which I guessed he bought from the Jama’are weekly market. 

Even though they weren’t the same age, I realized that Allaramma Malam Idi and my Malam Musa Nagari were good friends. 

I was already enrolled in Abdulkadir Ahmed Primary School (formerly known as Zango Kanti Primary School). I usually attend the afternoon session at Malam Idi’s school alone with his regular Almajirai (students), most of whom come from nearby and distant towns and villages around Jama’are. 

That was a foundational journey I first had in Islamic studies. 

Sometimes, my maternal grandfather, Malam Musa Nagari, would lead me to school, hand me over to Allaramma, and jokingly say, ‘Ga dalibinka, Dan Izala’ (here is your student, member of Izala). This is because my father had already been a member of Izala (JIBWIS) since the early 1980s. (For an exploration of this statement and the struggle for religious space between Izala and other Sufi groups in Jama’are, see my MA thesis, ‘A History of JIBWIS/Izala in Jama’are, 1986-2015,’ submitted to the Department of History at Bayero University Kano in 2022.)

That was the start of it. Since then, whenever Malam sees me or I pass by him, he calls out, ‘babban dalibi’ (a senior student), even though I stopped attending his school when I was at the Titibiri level. True to form, he asks, ‘ya karatu’ (how’s studies), now referring to conventional education, and concludes with, ‘Allah ya yi albarka’ (may God bless).

As Malam is no longer with us, I will miss his prayers. Whenever I’m in Jama’are, I can hardly pass by Malam without stopping to greet him, and he has always been generous with his usual prayers.

Malam Musa Nagari and Malam Nakamaku have been a school for me. They have been a veritable source of inspiration. 

Malam Nagari, though a grandfather, was a no-nonsense type. We rarely exchanged banter, unlike typical grandparents in a Hausa/Fulani setting like Jama’are. He was a disciplinarian in the real sense of the word. Although we spent a lot of time together at home, on the farm, and in his vocation of building houses, that familiarity did not breach any contempt, as they say. Malam Musa Nagari once told me something I knew was intended to inspire me. ‘Ibrahim, let me tell you. Do you see my farms in their numbers? I only inherited one from my parents…’. This is a way of telling a teenager to ‘be hardworking’!

From Malam Idi Nakamaku, I learned the principle of goodwill. Even though I left his school to probably join Izala Islamiyya, Malam Idi has never stopped considering me his student, referring to me with the term baban dalibi. This has never been a source of concern for him; he simply wants to know how I’m progressing, even at the conventional school level. Malam never ceases to ask such questions; the last time we met was last year during Eid el-Kabir. 

To me, Malam Idi Nakamaku’s life epitomized an enduring commitment to promoting Quranic studies (what a blessed life!). It symbolizes selflessness and service to humanity, along with complete submission to the will of God. I believe Malam Idi Nakamaku embodies the traditional classical eclectic ascetic lifestyle characterized by Zuhd (asceticism or self-denial to achieve Ridhal Allah, meaning God’s pleasure) of early Sufi scholars, which continues to endure into this century.

The demise of Allaramma Malam Idi Nakamaku on March 4, 2025, was a great loss and, indeed, irreparable to the entire Jama’are Emirate. May his soul, along with that of his good friend Malam Musa Nagari, continue to rest in Janna til Firdaus.

Ibrahim Sulaiman (Jama’are) wrote from Abuja via ibrahimsulaiman193@gmail.com.