Nasiru El-Rufa'i

Kaduna revenue agency refutes El-Rufai’s claim, reports growth in IGR under Uba Sani

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

The Kaduna State Internal Revenue Service (KADIRS) has dismissed claims by former Governor Nasir El-Rufai that the state’s monthly internally generated revenue (IGR) has declined, while also refuting allegations of an illegal N100 million diversion from state funds.  

Speaking at a press conference, KADIRS Executive Chairman Jerry Adams stated that under the current administration of Governor Uba Sani, the state has recorded significant revenue growth, surpassing figures achieved during El-Rufai’s tenure.  

“It is necessary to clarify certain statements made by former Governor Nasir El-Rufai. Whether due to incomplete information or a deliberate attempt to mislead, it is important to set the record straight,” Adams said.  

El-Rufai had claimed that Kaduna’s monthly revenue dropped from N7 billion to N2 billion under Governor Uba Sani. However, Adams refuted this, stating that the highest annual IGR recorded under El-Rufai was N59 billion in 2022, translating to a monthly average of N4.9 billion.  

He further explained that a significant portion of the revenue between 2019 and 2022 came from one-off sources, including debt recoveries and government asset sales, which amounted to N45 billion.  

“If these irregular revenues are excluded, the actual monthly IGR at that time was far lower than what is being claimed,” Adams noted.  

Regarding the alleged illegal transfer of N100 million, Adams dismissed it as “completely false,” explaining that Kaduna’s revenue collection system operates entirely through PAYKADUNA, with all payments going directly into the state’s Treasury Single Account (TSA).  

He emphasized that under Governor Uba Sani, Kaduna’s IGR has seen consistent improvement.  

“In 2023 alone, Kaduna State generated N62.48 billion in IGR, which increased to N71 billion in 2024—averaging N5.2 billion and N6 billion monthly, respectively.”  

“In just January and February 2025, the state has already collected N7.46 billion and N6.68 billion, totaling N14.16 billion in two months—without any debt recoveries or one-off revenues.”  

“This demonstrates the commitment and diligence of this administration in driving economic growth and ensuring sustainable development,” Adams stated.

El-Rufai’s defection and APC’s growing fractures

By Abdulhamid Abdullahi Aliyu

In a move that has sent shockwaves through Nigeria’s political landscape, former Kaduna State Governor Nasir El-Rufai has officially parted ways with the All Progressives Congress (APC) and pitched his tent with the Social Democratic Party (SDP).

While party defections are common in Nigerian politics, El-Rufai’s departure from the ruling party carries significant political implications that could alter the dynamics leading up to the 2027 elections.

For a man instrumental in the formation of the APC and a staunch ally of former President Muhammadu Buhari, El-Rufai’s departure raises critical questions. Is this a strategic move to remain politically relevant? A protest against President Bola Tinubu’s leadership? Or does it signal widening cracks within the APC that could deepen in the coming years?

El-Rufai’s political journey within the APC has been marked by loyalty, controversy, and influence. As a key figure in the party’s 2015 victory over the PDP, he was regarded as one of the strongest voices in Buhari’s inner circle.

His tenure as Kaduna governor further solidified his image as a reformist, albeit one who often courted controversy. From restructuring Kaduna’s civil service to his hardline stance on security issues, El-Rufai commanded attention. Under Buhari, he wielded significant influence, not just within Kaduna but on the national stage.

Many expected him to secure a prominent role in Tinubu’s government. However, cracks began to show when he was dropped from the ministerial list, allegedly over security concerns flagged by the National Security Adviser.

El-Rufai’s departure from the APC is not a hasty decision; it represents the culmination of increasing frustration. His rejection as a minister was perceived by many as a calculated marginalization, signaling the start of his estrangement from the ruling party’s core decision-making processes. 

Reports suggest he became increasingly disillusioned with Tinubu’s governance style, particularly in handling economic and security challenges. The former governor is known for his bluntness, and sources indicate that his inability to influence policies within the APC played a significant role in his decision.

While his supporters argue that his move to the SDP is based on principle, critics suggest it is driven by personal ambition—positioning himself for a possible political comeback in 2027.

El-Rufai’s choice of the SDP, rather than the PDP or a new political movement, is intriguing. The SDP remains a relatively small force compared to the APC and PDP, raising questions about whether he genuinely believes in the party’s ideology or sees it as a convenient platform to negotiate his future.

Some analysts believe El-Rufai is playing the long game—joining a smaller party now to avoid confrontations with APC heavyweights while testing the waters for potential alliances with other opposition figures ahead of 2027. Others argue that he has limited options, given his strained relationship with Tinubu’s camp and his unlikelihood of returning to the PDP, a party he once fiercely opposed.

Expectedly, the APC has brushed off El-Rufai’s departure, with the Presidency dismissing it as driven by “inordinate ambition.” Kaduna’s APC leadership has also claimed they are unbothered, arguing that his influence has waned significantly since leaving office. 

However, political observers note that El-Rufai’s defection could have ripple effects. While he may not command a nationwide political structure, his ability to shape narratives, especially in northern politics, should not be underestimated. Some opposition figures, including former Senator Shehu Sani, have downplayed his move, arguing that El-Rufai’s political relevance has diminished.

El-Rufai’s defection is not just about one man leaving a party—it reflects deeper tensions within the APC. Since taking power in 2023, Tinubu has had to balance competing interests within the ruling party, from former Buhari loyalists to his own political allies. The cracks within the party are becoming more visible, and if not managed properly, they could deepen before 2027.

For El-Rufai, the road ahead is uncertain. Aligning with the SDP may be a strategic step, but it remains to be seen whether it will translate into real political leverage. Is this the beginning of a broader coalition to challenge APC dominance, or will it end up as another failed defection story in Nigeria’s political history?

One thing is clear—El-Rufai’s move has reignited conversations about Nigeria’s shifting political landscape. Whether it leads to a major realignment or fizzles out as an individual protest remains to be seen.

Abdulhamid Abdullahi Aliyu, an NYSC serving corps member, writes from the Center for Crisis Communication (CCC) in Abuja.

Lamido rejects El-Rufai’s call to join SDP, defends loyalty to PDP

By Uzair Adam 

Former Jigawa State Governor, Sule Lamido, has dismissed an invitation from former Kaduna State Governor, Nasir El-Rufai, urging opposition politicians to join the Social Democratic Party (SDP).  

El-Rufai, who recently defected from the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) to the SDP, made the appeal in an interview with BBC Hausa, inviting prominent figures such as Atiku Abubakar, Peter Obi, Rotimi Amaechi, and Rauf Aregbesola to join him in the party.  

Responding in a separate BBC Hausa interview on Sunday, March 16, 2025, Lamido described El-Rufai’s call as an insult, emphasizing that the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) was instrumental in shaping the former Kaduna governor’s political career.  

“The party we built, the PDP, is what gave birth to El-Rufai. He is not in a position to make us abandon it,” Lamido said.  

He also criticized El-Rufai’s leadership approach, questioning his sudden shift to the SDP after years in the APC.  

“Leadership requires patience, vision, and commitment to the peace and stability of the country. It should not be driven by anger or personal interests,” he added.  

Reaffirming his allegiance to the PDP, Lamido stated that he had no reason to leave the party, saying, “If I wanted to leave, I would have done so in 2014 when the APC was formed.”  

He advised El-Rufai to prioritize national interest over political grievances, stressing that the PDP remains focused on rebuilding its strength after losing the 2015 presidential election.

‘Nasir El-Rufai’ game has commenced

By Zayyad I. Muhammad

The 2027 game will not only be interesting but will also mark a significant turning point in Nigeria’s political landscape. The voting patterns and intricate scheming that shaped the 2023 elections will not be replicated in their exact form, yet their influence will still be felt. While the key political figures who played major roles in 2023 will remain central to the unfolding drama, they will adopt new strategies, shift alliances, and engage in different forms of political maneuvering.

The battle for power will be defined by strong political platforms, influential players, a formidable war chest, scientifically crafted strategies, and carefully calculated negotiations. The presidential race, in particular, will be a high-stakes contest, shaped by a mix of ambition, ideological shifts, and pragmatic political decisions.

An incumbent seeking a second term will be a bulldozer—with an enormous war chest, a solid structure, and the full weight of state power behind them. President Bola Ahmed Tinubu will fight tooth and nail to secure reelection, as mostly, any first term president will do so. However, the APC stronghold – the North, is gradually slipping from the party’s grasp. In fact, 75% of President Tinubu’s second-term resources and energy will be expended in the North—making it a crucial battleground for his team. If the Tinubus have played their card very well, the North would have been firmly in the arms.

The North will be the main battleground, while the Southwest will find itself in a dilemma—torn between supporting their own and upholding their deep-rooted tradition of rewarding excellence. The Southeast will watch from the sidelines with arms akimbo but will ultimately follow their hearts, while the South-South may take a more indifferent stance, adopting a “let’s just move” attitude.

The recent resignation of Nasir El-Rufai from the All Progressives Congress (APC) and his defection to the Social Democratic Party (SDP) is just one of many major developments that will reshape the political terrain in the coming months and 2027 approaches. El-Rufa’i’s early defection serves as a catalyst for the unfolding political drama. The Tinubu team is fortunate to have this early warning, giving them ample time to strategize. Meanwhile, the opposition will be on the offensive, while the APC will be forced into a defensive position.

For the opposition, the biggest challenge will be balancing the interests of four key groups: the Atiku camp, the Kwankwaso camp, the Peter Obi camp, and the El-Rufai/Buhari former ministers’ camp. They must navigate these competing interests carefully if they hope to strike the winning formula.

As political camps solidify and realign, new alliances will emerge, while old ones will fracture under the weight of conflicting interests. The electorate, too, will evolve—demanding more from their leaders and scrutinizing candidates beyond party affiliations.

Ultimately, the 2027 game will be a masterclass in political strategy and power dynamics—one that students of politics, analysts, and observers alike will find fascinating to study for years to come.

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja, zaymohd@yahoo.com, 08036070980

Nasir El-Rufai dumps APC, joins SDP

By Anas Abbas

Nasir Ahmad El-Rufai, the former governor of Kaduna State, has officially announced his resignation from the All Progressives Congress (APC) and his decision to join the Social Democratic Party (SDP).

In a resignation letter submitted to his local ward in Kaduna State on Monday, El-Rufai cited irreconcilable differences with the ruling party’s leadership and expressed disappointment with the APC’s recent direction.

“I have served the APC diligently and have contributed significantly to its viability as a political platform,” he stated. “However, recent developments have revealed a concerning disregard for democratic principles and progressive values that I hold dear.

”As a founding member of the APC, El-Rufai played a pivotal role in securing electoral victories for the party in 2015, 2019, and 2023.

Reflecting on his tenure as governor, he emphasized his administration’s commitment to human development, education, healthcare, infrastructure, job creation, and investment.

He explained that his departure from the APC was motivated by growing concerns regarding governance and internal party dynamics.

“At this juncture in my political journey, I must seek a different political platform that aligns with the progressive values I cherish,” he remarked.

Upon joining the SDP, El-Rufai expressed his gratitude to mentors, colleagues, and supporters, reaffirming his dedication to advancing democratic principles.

“As a member of the SDP, I am committed to building a unified democratic front to challenge the APC in the upcoming elections,” he concluded.

Nuhu Ribadu for President 2031?

By Zayyad I. Muhammad

The Nigerian political landscape is never short of intrigue, speculation, and high-stakes maneuvering. The latest storm centers around Mallam Nuhu Ribadu, Nigeria’s National Security Adviser (NSA), and allegations made by his ‘former’ ally and friend, Mallam Nasir El-Rufai, the former governor of Kaduna State.

El-Rufai has accused Ribadu of secretly positioning himself for a presidential bid in 2031, alleging that he is working to eliminate key northern politicians before the elections. In an Arise TV interview, El-Rufai said:

“Somebody wants to destroy my reputation. Why? Nuhu Ribadu wants to be president in 2031. He has to eliminate every northerner that he thinks is on the radar.”

These allegations have sparked intense debate, given Ribadu’s current position as the NSA, one of the most powerful offices in the country. The role demands absolute loyalty to the sitting president, and any sign of personal political ambition would be politically dangerous.

However, Ribadu has vehemently denied the claims, dismissing any suggestion that he is planning a presidential run in 2031. In his response, he stated:

“For the avoidance of doubt, I want to put it on record that I have never discussed running for president in 2031 with anybody.”

Currently, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu is in the second year of his first term and is widely anticipated to run for reelection in 2027. If he wins, his administration would extend until 2031. Considering this timeline, it seems premature for anyone in Tinubu’s inner circle—particularly someone in such a sensitive position as the NSA—to be planning a presidential bid so early.

To be fair to Ribadu, every seasoned political observer knows he is too intelligent and experienced to make such a politically reckless move. Launching a presidential campaign while still serving in a crucial role would create unnecessary distractions, fuel rivalries, and generate deep animosities within the government. It would also call his loyalty to Tinubu into question.

So why is Ribadu being linked to 2031?

First, his close relationship with President Tinubu has earned him the title of Tinubu’s golden boy (Dan Fulani). His reputation as a disciplined, intelligent,  experienced, and competent leader makes him a natural contender in any discussion about potential successors. Any rising political figure will inevitably attract speculation in a political climate where future ambitions are often carefully managed behind closed doors but widely discussed publicly by everyday people.

Second, the political class understands that succession planning is always at play, even when not publicly acknowledged. While Ribadu may not currently campaign for the presidency, political opportunities can arise unexpectedly. Nigerian politicians are known for their ability to seize the moment when the circumstances align, even if it was not originally in their plans.

Politics is unpredictable, and today’s denials can quickly become tomorrow’s declarations. Whether or not Nuhu Ribadu harbors presidential ambitions, the reality is that he possesses the qualities of a strong contender—experience, credibility, and proximity to power. If the opportunity presented itself, would he take it?

Only time will tell. But one thing is sure: The road to 2031 has already begun, and the political maneuvering will only intensify in the coming years.

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja via zaymohd@yahoo.com.

A letter to Mallam El-Rufai

I would like to start by expressing my profound admiration for your work. I must admit that I have always been a great fan of yours, appreciating your leadership skills and vision more than any politician in Kaduna State.

Your impressive work ethic, policy foresight, demonstrated competence, and ability to resist criticism and implement what you consider the right thing earned you a place in my heart.

(Un)fortunately, I’m not the kind of fan who always praises his favourites and considers any criticism an attempt to discredit his master.

Sir, your recent actions, remarks, and holier-than-thou attitude have led some to speculate that you are suffering from Out-of-Office syndrome. However, I prefer not to believe them.

In your recent interview with Arise TV,  you said things that, had I not watched the interview, I would have dismissed as typical political propaganda.

Firstly, you defined “friendship” as  “someone that has the fidelity to some ethical and moral standards, and will be there for you when you need him, not when it’s time to party or enjoy.”

Of course, I agree with you to some extent. However, in this context, are you suggesting that you prioritise loyalty over accountability, even if it means ignoring the concerns of those who elected you?

I believe that, by your definition of “friendship,” Uba Sani should prioritise being a “friend “ to the people of Kaduna who are struggling to get a meal due to these “economic reforms “ (which you said you supported and are the right orthodox policies…) rather than showing loyalty to his predecessor.

In your interview with Charles, you mentioned that the Late Yar’adua invited you to join his cabinet, an offer you declined. This remark reminded me of another instance in which you used his death as a mocking tool to brag about your resilience.

Your allegations against Nuhu Ribadu and his subsequent response reveal a lot about your dynamics with him. They raise questions about who has maintained the values of true friendship and who has not. I won’t elaborate further.

Sir, as you are probably approaching the last decade of your active political career, I would advise you to focus on nurturing your private life (considering your frequent references to prioritising it) rather than investing time and energy in making new (or perceived) enemies.

Do not dwell too much on criticism and allegations; do what Kwankwaso did: allow your track record to speak for you.

Lastly, may your famous political slogan — “MURUS” — not be used against you.

Best regards,

Ukasha Sani Idris

Facebook: Ukasha a Kofarnassarawa.

The fractured compass: El-Rufai, Ribadu, and the quest for Nigeria’s “North Star”

By Ibraheem A. Waziri

I am a son of Northern Nigeria, born into the 5th generational cohort—those of us ushered into life between 1968 and 1983, as the civil war’s echoes faded. From here, I’ve watched two giants of the 4th cohort, Nasir El-Rufai and Nuhu Ribadu, shape my homeland’s fate. They’ve lifted it at times, fractured it at others. To me, they’re more than names—they’re lodestars. Their brilliance has guided my hopes and, too often, left them drifting. 

El-Rufai has fueled my writing since 2013; his ideas have been a steady muse. Ribadu entered my life that same year, stepping into my Zaria home during my wedding week celebration, his vision setting my spirit ablaze. Now, in February 2025, their legacies show a compass split—its needle quivering between rival trails. For the North, for Nigeria, their reunion isn’t a wish. It’s a lifeline.

My tie to El-Rufai is ink, not intimacy. We met once, briefly, after he claimed Kaduna’s governorship in 2015—a moment too quick for him to recall. His ideas, though, I’ve known deeply. His 2015 election plans for Kaduna stunned me—clear, ambitious, a reformer’s blueprint. I dissected them as a commentator, later mapping his neoconservative path in my 2019 reflections. 

El-Rufa’i’s nine-page manifesto promised education, security, and infrastructure. He mostly delivered. I saw justice in his 2015 demolition of illegally grabbed lands at Alhudahuda College—even as friends grieved homes I’d known, now dust. El-Rufai is the architect and the systems man. A neoconservative who bets order can revive a stumbling North.

Ribadu came with a handshake and a dream. In my wedding week, through Abdulaziz Abdulaziz and Gimba Kakanda, he arrived at my Zaria doorstep, joining the celebration and seeking my support. Over tea and warmth, he sketched a Nigeria free of corruption’s grip. With my friend Dr. Waziri Garba Dahiru (now a professor), we told him how Dr. Aliyu Tilde’s pre-2011 presidential elections essay about him won us—and many Northerners—to his side over Muhammadu Buhari, the people’s hero then. His EFCC days had already made him a legend—a crusader chasing the mighty with a fire that echoed the North’s heart. He left my home with admiration, hoping that his progressive flame could guide us.

As a commentator, I’ve watched him and El-Rufai since—two men who once moved in harmony under President Olusegun Obasanjo. El-Rufai restored Abuja’s master plan with a surveyor’s eye. Ribadu hunted corrupt titans. Together, they danced a tandem of renewal. Both of the 4th cohort, born amid the civil war’s shadow, inherited a Nigeria of strife and potential. But ambition and ideals broke them apart. By 2011, Ribadu’s Action Congress of Nigeria presidential run clashed with El-Rufai’s loyalty to Buhari’s Congress for Progressive Change. The North’s compass cracked—progressive zeal versus conservative steel. 

El-Rufai’s rise in Kaduna cemented his neoconservative crown. Ribadu’s drift to the PDP and 2015 Adamawa loss dimmed his star. Yet his 2023 ascent as Tinubu’s National Security Adviser reignited it—tackling banditry and Boko Haram with a seasoned hand, though not without stumbles. Now, I see their rift clearly. 

El-Rufai’s Kaduna triumphs in 2015 earned my praise then. Ribadu’s path has shifted over time. Their jabs—subtle or stark—echo a generational clash I explored in my 2023 piece on the 4th cohort overtaking the fading 3rd. El-Rufai’s 2023 attack on Buhari’s inner circle, claiming they sabotaged Tinubu, and Ribadu’s quiet rise in Abuja hint at distance—yet also hope they might align again.

Why does this split haunt me? Northern Nigeria, my home, is a paradox—brimming with promise, torn by poverty, insecurity, and neglect. Bandits mar its forests. Boko Haram stalks its northeast. Education lags despite a proud past. 

As I wrote in 2019, the North’s fate is Nigeria’s pulse; its 19 states beat with the nation’s life. El-Rufai and Ribadu, with their tested mettle, stand among its best shots—but only together. El-Rufai’s Kaduna model—retooling institutions, lifting schools—maps a revival. Ribadu’s anti-corruption past and NSA role could strangle chaos at its source. Alone, they falter. Ribadu’s moral blade needs El-Rufai’s structural frame.

Reconciliation demands humility—something both have shown in fleeting glimpses. Why now? Nigeria’s security bleeds worse in 2025—bandits bolder, insurgents entrenched—while Tinubu’s early presidency offers a window for bold moves. Their Obasanjo-era alliance proves they can align. Back then, they were reform’s twin engines under his steady hand. Obasanjo could call them to the table again, his voice a bridge. 

Tinubu, as Ribadu’s boss and one whom El-Rufai respects, could push them too, melding Ribadu’s security clout with El-Rufai’s administrative spine. Friends like Abdulaziz or Dr. Tilde might spark it, but these giants could seal it. A Northern summit could fuse their strengths: Ribadu choking chaos at its roots, El-Rufai rebuilding what’s left. Nationally, their pact could drive devolution—state police, fiscal federalism—easing the North’s woes and binding Nigeria’s seams.

I’m no bystander. El-Rufai’s policies reshaped the Kaduna streets I walk. Ribadu’s 2013 visit lingers in my home’s walls. Their rift cuts me because I’ve staked my words—hundreds since 2013—on their promise. The compass lies broken but not lost. El-Rufai, the builder; Ribadu, the purifier—two halves of a whole I’ve followed for a decade. Their reunion could heal the North’s scars, pointing it toward hope. 

For Nigeria, it’s a shot at a shared destiny. As a 5th cohort voice, I plead in 2025: Mend the rift, reforge the compass, and let El-Rufai and Ribadu rise as our North Star. The stakes are mine. The hour is now. Our future demands it.

Buhari, El-Rufai, Amaechi absent at APC NEC meeting

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

The ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) leaders gathered at the party’s headquarters in Abuja for the National Executive Committee (NEC) meeting.

Armed security officers, including soldiers, in collaboration with other security agencies, barricaded all roads leading to the venue on Blantyre Street. Vehicle and pedestrian movement around the area was restricted, and journalists were denied access to the venue. 

However, APC spokesperson Felix Morka released a list of accredited journalists for the event on Wednesday morning.

Among those who arrived early for the meeting were members of the National Working Committee (NWC), state party leaders, former Zamfara State Governor Abdulaziz Yari, Minister of Budget and National Planning Atiku Bagudu, and Deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives Benjamin Kalu.

Governors from Edo, Benue, Ondo, Ekiti, Kaduna, Jigawa, Nasarawa, Yobe, Niger, Lagos, Kogi, Ogun, Imo, Deputy Governor of Ebonyi, and former governors of Kogi, Kebbi, Niger, Zamfara, and Plateau also attended.

Notable absentees at the NEC meeting included former President Muhammadu Buhari, former Kaduna State Governor Nasir El-Rufai, and former Rivers State Governor and ex-Minister of Transport Rotimi Amaechi.

Party leader, President Bola Tinubu, Vice President Kashim Shettima, Senate President Godswill Akpabio, and Speaker of the House of Representatives Tajudeen Abbas arrived at the meeting around 12 PM. The party’s national chairman, Abdullahi Ganduje, presided over the meeting.

This was the first NEC meeting since Tinubu assumed office as president in May 2023, following a party high-level meeting held at the Presidential Villa in Abuja.

Some party stalwarts, including El-Rufai and former Deputy National Chairman of the APC Salihu Lukman, have expressed concerns about the ruling party’s lack of internal democracy.

El-Rufai’s feud with Uba Sani and the lessons learned

By Ukasha Sani Idris

Recently, strange “activism “ by former governor of Kaduna State, Malam Nasiru El-Rufai on his social media platformshas reaffirmed the rumor that he’s no longer on good terms with his successor, the current governor of Kaduna State.

On X (formerly Twitter), El-Rufai responded to a follower’s claim that he would be arrested if he returned to Nigeria.

Malam responded by saying, “ …Your post below refers. I have been hearing these same rumors of arrest, detention and torture in some dungeon in the NSA’s office (where Emefiele was allegedly tortured to resign as CBN governor), since July 2024 when the so-called report of the Kaduna Assembly began circulating…”

El-Rufai VS His benefactors

This development has sparked renewed interest in El-Rufai’s history of betraying his benefactors. Farooq Kperogi’s August 2023 column highlighted El-Rufai’s “serial betrayals,” noting that he turned against former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, who brought him into the national spotlight, and later betrayed former President Obasanjo. In it, he mentioned:

“Of course, El-Rufai later betrayed Obasanjo—and everybody else that has propelled his career or extended favors to him.”

“El-Rufai seems congenitally incapable of being loyal to people who feather his aspirations. “

“What’s happening to El-Rufai now actually pales in comparison to the depth of his serial betrayals of his benefactors. It’s a case of live by the sword, die by the sword.”

Who is the biggest casualty?

When Madina Maishanu questioned Bello El-Rufai on BBC Hausa about the current feud between his father and former boss, the worry lines suddenly appeared on his face. Still, he tried to maintain a neutral stance and replied, “It’s not most desirable, but it’s part of life. Couples divorce. Friends fall out…”

When pressed on whether he would mediate a reconciliation between them, he stated that it is not his responsibility to mediate between his father and Governor Uba Sani; his responsibility is Kaduna North.

He also reaffirmed that Uba Sani is still his boss after reemphasising his strong bond with his father.

Where is Dadiyata?

In another response to the same diehard fan, Malam wrote:

“Be careful, Imran @IU_Wakilii……the Kaduna Kidnapping Team (I will reveal this next week, in sha Allah) will either try implementing the Danbilki Commander (abduct, whip and then offer money) or the Bashir Saidu (abduct and imprison) treatment on you. Please keep away from Kaduna and stay safe wherever you are.”

MALAM shouldn’t only reveal the “Kidnapping Team” without telling us when and how it started and the architect behind this torture, perhaps his information would take us back to Dadiyata’s abduction that occurred when he was the sitting governor of the state where Dadiyata was abducted.

Life Lesson:

“Do unto others as you would have them do unto you.”

  1. El-Rufai’s recent social media outbursts seem to be a reflection of his own bitter experiences. Many are suggesting that he’s facing the consequences of his own actions.
  2. If the biological son of MALAM can maintain a neutral stance, at least in our view regarding this matter, why are the sons and daughters of “Nobody” so eagerly rushing to inherit other people’s feud?

I cherish the virtues of honour, respect, and integrity; however, I am in no way justifying betrayal and distrust. I also pray I never find joy in someone’s downfall.

Ukasha Kofarnassarawa wrote via ukasha_sani@yahoo.com.