Bauchi State

Ex-Foreign Affairs Minister Tuggar Loses APC Governorship Ticket To Ex-Governor Abubakar In Bauchi

By Sabiu Abdullahi


Yusuf Tuggar, former minister of foreign affairs, has failed in his bid to secure the All Progressives Congress (APC) governorship ticket for the 2027 general election in Bauchi State.

The primary election, held on Saturday, produced Mohammed Abubakar, a former governor of the state, as the party’s candidate after he defeated Tuggar and five other aspirants.

John Abang, who chaired the APC governorship and house of assembly primary committee in Bauchi, announced that Abubakar emerged winner with a total of 57,517 votes.

Tuggar came second with 26,001 votes. Nura Manu Soro polled 13,638 votes, while Bala Wunti scored 13,648 votes. Kabir Ma’aji recorded 8,157 votes.

Abang said the votes were collated after the exercise conducted across the state and confirmed Abubakar as the party’s flagbearer for the 2027 election.

On March 30, Tuggar stepped down from his ministerial position following a directive from President Bola Tinubu, which required political appointees seeking elective offices in 2027 to resign.

CITAD Supports Bauchi Nomadic School With Uniforms, Learning Materials, Teachers

The Centre for Information Technology and Development (CITAD) has provided support to pupils of Kondawa Nomadic School in Jama’are Local Government Area of Bauchi State through the distribution of school uniforms and learning materials.

The organisation also recruited three teachers to address the shortage of teaching staff at the school, which serves several neighbouring communities.

The intervention took place on Thursday as part of efforts to improve access to education in remote communities, especially among nomadic Fulani families.

Executive Director of CITAD, Y. Z. Ya’u, explained that educational support remains important for increasing school attendance in underserved areas.

Ya’u, who was represented by Isah Garba at the event, said, “We supported the pupils with 100 uniforms today.”

He expressed concern over the growing number of children without access to education. According to him, poor access to learning opportunities contributes to insecurity in parts of the country because many young people become vulnerable to criminal influence.

The CITAD boss stated that the intervention in Jama’are was part of similar projects the organisation has carried out across northern Nigeria.

He recalled that the organisation earlier intervened in Shara community in Sumaila Local Government Area of Kano State after residents complained about the absence of a primary school. He said advocacy efforts later contributed to government action that led to the establishment of the school.

Ya’u also mentioned another intervention at Bakin Kamanda Nomadic School in Danshoshiya community of Kiru Local Government Area, where pupils received uniforms and other learning materials.

Speaking during the event, the Education Secretary of Jama’are Local Government, Malam Shuaibu Umar, praised the intervention and advised the newly employed teachers to remain committed to their responsibilities.

“We task the newly recruited teachers to uphold their obligations and discharge their duties effectively,” he said.

Umar noted that the support came at the right time and would encourage better enrolment and improve learning among children in nomadic communities.

The Emir of Jama’are, Alhaji Nuhu Ahmad Wabi, MNI, also commended CITAD for supporting nomadic education in the region.

The monarch, who spoke through the District Head of Gilar and Gongo, Alhaji Wada, urged other local and international non-governmental organisations to collaborate with CITAD on similar educational and humanitarian programmes.

CITAD had previously raised concerns about the poor condition of Kondawa Nomadic School, which caters for pupils from Kwandawa, Digawa, Yangamai Ayas, Kundi, Dolede, Talba and Gundumi communities.

The school was established about eight years ago by the National Commission for Nomadic Education (NCNE) for over 100 pupils. However, it currently operates below capacity because only one teacher handles all classes.

The school facilities have also deteriorated over the years. Several walls have collapsed, roofs are damaged, classrooms have been vandalised and the compound has become overgrown. The situation has affected regular attendance because many children now engage in grazing and farming activities.

Why Governor Bala Mohammed’s Records Qualify Him to Become a Senator

A response to Barr Ahmed Umar Farouk.

My dear learned brother, Barr Ahmed Umar Farouk, as I pledged to respond to your post, let me briefly add a few lines, as my learned friend, Barr Hassan Saraki, has already engaged you on the other issues you raised, which I think makes my work easier. 

According to the Nigerian Constitution, any Nigerian aged 35 years and above can contest the senatorial seat. This legal provision makes Governor Bala Abdulkadir Mohammed fully qualified to run for the Bauchi South Senatorial District seat in the 2027 general elections. 

As a retired director from the federal service, a senator for about 3 years, a minister for more than 5 years, and currently a sitting governor serving a 2nd 4-year term, these alone are exceptional qualities that make Senator Bala Abdulkadir the best choice for the Bauchi South senatorial district. Could this ring a bell for you?

His contributions to the Senate gave him an edge over all the contestants across all political parties. His brief sojourn in the red chamber was notable for his active legislative role and key administrative positions within the Senate. His contributions during this period primarily focused on committee leadership, advocacy for reform, and a landmark constitutional motion. 

Key among his legislative contributions was the Doctrine of Necessity Motion during the political uncertainty of late 2009. He courageously moved the motion that empowered then-Vice President Goodluck Jonathan as acting president during President Umar Musa Yar’Adua’s illness, effectively resolving a looming constitutional crisis. 

Senator Bala Mohammed was recognised as one of the most outspoken and vibrant legislators during plenary sessions. He championed bills focused on public service reform and anti-corruption, advocating for greater transparency in governance. During his two years in the Senate, Senator Bala Mohammed tackled essential social issues by providing water and sanitation infrastructure, improving health facilities, and addressing youth unemployment and other social challenges, among other initiatives. 

Senator Mohammed served as a member of several committees and held strategic leadership positions, including Vice Chairman of the Senate Committee on Aviation, Secretary of the Northern Senators Forum, and member of the Committees on Communication, Finance and Public Accounts, Rules and Business, Environment, Labour and Productivity, and Senate Ad-hoc Committee on the Jos Crisis. 

As Governor for seven years, Bala Mohammed has implemented a series of reforms and projects aimed at transforming Bauchi State. His administration focuses on a blueprint designed to revitalise critical sectors of the economy. His achievements in health, education, and infrastructural development are clear examples of a representative and responsible government. 

This piece has done justice to the four items you presented as the reasons why Governor Bala Mohammed is the least suited to represent the Bauchi South senatorial district in the red chamber. 

Governor Bala Mohammed is contesting the Senate position not as a retirement home but to continue with the good works he started between 2007 and 2010. Don’t forget that His Excellency defeated a sitting governor, Dr Ahmad Adamu Mu’azu, with a landslide victory to win the Bauchi South senatorial seat in 2007. 

With these few paragraphs, I hope my learned brother can see the differences between His Excellency Governor Bala Abdulkadir Mohammed and the other contestants, which are far below his pedigree, given his educational qualifications and requisite experience in governance and national assignments.

Isyaka Laminu Badamasi is of No 555, Ajiya Adamu Road, Bauchi, Bauchi State.

Bauchi Permanent Secretary Dies During Hajj Pilgrimage in Saudi Arabia

By Hadiza Abdulkadir

Alhaji Shehu Yahaya Jalam, a senior Nigerian civil servant and permanent secretary for special services in northern Bauchi State, has died in Saudi Arabia while performing the annual Hajj pilgrimage, state officials said on Sunday.

Jalam died at Al-Noor Hospital in Makkah early on Sunday morning following a brief illness, according to a statement from the Bauchi State Muslim Pilgrims Welfare Board.

He served as head of information and publicity and secretary of the feeding committee for the state’s 2026 Hajj delegation, managing welfare and logistics for hundreds of Nigerian pilgrims.

“His death is a monumental loss to our state and the nation,” Imam Abdurrahman Ibrahim Idris, the executive secretary of the state’s pilgrims board, said in a statement from Makkah.

Bauchi State Governor Bala Mohammed expressed his condolences, describing Jalam as a dedicated and exceptionally loyal public servant. Jalam also held the traditional title of Turakin Dawakin Misau in his home state.

Funeral prayers are scheduled to be held at the Grand Mosque in Makkah following the afternoon Zuhur prayers, with burial to take place in the holy city in accordance with Islamic rites.

Millions of Muslims arrive in Saudi Arabia annually for the Hajj, a key pillar of Islam. Managing the logistics and health requirements of large international delegations remains a critical task for foreign governments and Saudi authorities.

Ex-Air Force Chief Sadique Abubakar Quits Politics

By Sabiu Abdullahi

Former Chief of Air Staff and ex-governorship candidate of the All Progressives Congress (APC) in Bauchi State, Sadique Abubakar, has announced his withdrawal from active politics.

Abubakar disclosed his decision in a brief statement posted on his official X account on Sunday.

“I say Good bye to the murky waters of Nigerian Politics,” he wrote.

“I no longer belong to any political party and will therefore not vie for any office.

“However I will continue to support ordinary Nigerians to the best of my ability.”

The retired air marshal served as Nigeria’s chief of air staff from 2015 to 2021 during the administration of former President Muhammadu Buhari.

After leaving office, he was appointed Nigeria’s ambassador to Chad. He later contested the 2023 Bauchi State governorship election on the platform of the APC after securing the party’s ticket in 2022.

In the election, he polled 432,272 votes and finished behind the incumbent governor, Bala Mohammed of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), who secured 525,280 votes.

Abubakar had recently been linked with possible plans to contest the 2027 governorship election under the African Democratic Congress (ADC) after holding consultations with former Vice-President Atiku Abubakar and other opposition figures.

The former military officer left the APC for the ADC in July 2025 after aligning with opposition coalition leaders.

Why SUG Always Fail in ATBU

By Aiman Fodio

As a concerned rank-and-file student at Abubakar Tafawa Balewa University (ATBU), let me say this. Look around this group. We are on different levels: some have been here for nearly a decade, some for five years, some for six. It is a whole spectrum of experience. But I want you to pause and ask yourself one question: What have you observed about student leadership over your time here?

Aren’t these complaints we are lodging day in, day out, the same old tunes we have grown familiar with? What tangible change have you witnessed across the number of administrations you have seen come and go? The script, sadly, never changes. The concerns are always the same: school fees increment, access to accommodations, and, just recently, the NELFUND refund joined the party. And let’s not forget the usual guest stars—water and light issues—making their regular appearance.

The most painful part? The approach to these problems remains the same every time, so much so that you could write the Students’ Union Government’s response in your sleep. “We are in dialogue with management.” “We implore students to remain calm.” “We are aware of your plight.” It is a tired liturgy. But let us be fair—exempt that issue of protest. The real tragedy is that the SUG is often not given proper regard by the management. An SUG President will struggle to secure a simple appointment with the VC. If a concession will not work out, then… wallahi, this daily complaint cycle will never work out. Nothing will change.

This is precisely why people like me, who once stood a chance, withdrew our interest from the beginning. I speak from the inside: from my time in Gamji Memorial Club to serving as a serial senator, Chief Whip, and even Deputy Senate President in the SUG Parliament. I’ve seen the engine room. I have been asked so many times by those who saw this trajectory. “Why not run for SUG President?” They ask. The answer is these limits and the remote control. They make you lose interest because you know, no matter your passion or plan, you will ultimately fail those who gave you their loyalty and support. The structure is designed to frustrate genuine agency.

Why do our student leaders fail? Or, rather, why does the system ensure they cannot succeed? Both questions are intertwined. Off the top of my head, I can identify at least three (out of one hundred) reasons. One, a leadership selection process based on popularity and empty promises, not pragmatic skill. Two, a university management structure that sees student leadership as a necessary nuisance to be managed, not a partner in welfare. Three, the domination of the SUG space by the politically ambitious, rather than the service-oriented.

In this matter, I will dwell on the first: our own role as students in choosing the wrong pilots. It could be emotional: we vote for the most charismatic orator, the one who throws the biggest parties, the one with the slickest posters. It could be tribal: we vote based on faculty, department, or state of origin. It could also be a result of a poor understanding of the depth of the challenges ahead. We set our leaders up for a verdict of failure from the campaign period onward. We want them to fix in one semester what has been broken for a decade, and when they cannot perform magic, we brand them as sell-outs.

I have been there before. In my first year, I was a staunch supporter of a particular SUG presidential candidate. He spoke like Fela, promised like Obama, and had a slogan that was on everyone’s lips. Upon visiting our hostel to campaign, he was wowed by our living conditions. He said if a student could live like this, then he had his work cut out for him. I started promoting him as the leader who would finally make management listen. At the time, I saw management’s deaf ear as our only problem. I did not take kindly to any criticism of my candidate. But less than three months into his administration, I had turned to his critic. It was a case of disappointed love.

For one, I couldn’t stand some of his executives. I said if this man really wanted to fight for us, as he staunchly promised in his manifesto, some persons should not have been in his cabinet. When he started talking about “understanding management’s constraints,” I was incensed. All my life as a student, I had argued that students, being the reason the university exists, should enjoy basic dignity. I refused to evaluate or accept any administrative arguments. I concluded he had been compromised, as I was more interested in the militant implications. Meanwhile, our water situation got worse. I held him liable for failing to lead a strong protest as he had promised during his campaign.

That was how our dear messiah began to unravel. Ahead of the next election, I had found another messiah in a final-year student known for his fearless critiques of management on social media. I said this was the fighter we needed! By then, I was already in the parliament, seeing the gap between fiery speeches on the floor and actual results from the executive. I remember arguing for him in a hostel lounge. My friend, who was in the School of Environmental Technology, called to ask me, jokingly: “So how much did he pay you for this?” With that candidate’s dream going nowhere, I gave up on my search for a student messiah. Instead, I started thinking: “Let’s make do with what we have.”

That was why, when the next candidate was being marketed as the “bridge-builder” and “technocrat,” I was calm. I had become a realist. My worldview had evolved. Even later, as Chairman of the Bauchi Axis for NAUS, I saw how student politics at every level face the same structural walls. I had looked deeply at ATBU’s power dynamics and its complications. I said this candidate, relatively connected, would only try, but not much would change. The water problem he inherited only worsened as more hostels were built. Rather than face this common threat, the SUG and management resorted to politicking and finger-pointing. Meanwhile, frustration grabbed us by the neck, but only the SUG President carried the blame.

As we later saw, all the politicking was geared towards securing a peaceful tenure and a good recommendation letter from management. The cycle continued. That is how overmarketing begins again every election. People who previously abused and rejected a candidate become pilots of their campaign, creating fables and fantasies. I am so worried for the next set that I will say this: God help the next SUG President if, by their second semester, hostels still lack water; if the electricity is more off than on; if the NELFUND issue is still unresolved; and if accommodation is still a blood sport. They won’t find it funny!

Let me be very clear: there is nothing wrong with having expectations. In fact, to expect nothing will be a tragedy. However, ATBU will not change overnight—no matter what any SUG candidate promises, or how their supporters sell them. The management structure is rigid. We can’t reduce fees or increase water supply within the twinkling of an eye. Many good things take time and persistent, intelligent pressure. We don’t need to be deceived, or to deceive ourselves, at election times.

What then? We need to temper our pre-election expectations and sharpen our post-election engagement. We need to vote for the gritty pragmatist with a three-point welfare plan (Water. Light. Health.) over the flamboyant orator with a 50-page manifesto. We must look out for signs of diligent pressure and creative advocacy to avoid concluding within a month that a leader has failed. A President who fails to secure a fee reduction but installs and maintains 10 new boreholes has not failed entirely. Selling every candidate as a messiah is the issue, but even if they were the messiah, could they succeed in this system? That is the question.

But we must also demand that management stop seeing the SUG as a kindergarten government. A student leader who must beg for three weeks to see the VC is set up for ridicule and failure. Until that relationship is recalibrated into one of respectful engagement, we will remain here, singing the same songs of lament. It is all politics—and, sadly, politics in which the most important voters, the students, often empower the very system that frustrates them.

AND FOUR OTHER THINGS…

THE CV CANDIDATE

We must be wary of the candidate whose entire campaign seems designed to add a glossy line to their CV. You can spot them by their focus on “organising flagship events” and “international partnerships” while being vague on hostel water pressure. Their tenure is often a series of photo-ops with management, culminating in a glowing reference letter while the student’s condition remains unchanged. Ambition.

THE QUIET LOBBYIST

Conversely, let us not discount the quiet lobbyist. The one who may not be great on Twitter but is always in the Dean’s office, presenting costed proposals for water tankers or negotiating small but real wins on exam deadlines. This approach lacks drama and doesn’t fuel the “activist” brand, but it sometimes yields the only tangible results we see. Pragmatism.

MANAGEMENT’S BLIND SPOT

The university management often forgets that a frustrated, disrespected student body is a tinderbox. By neutering the SUG and denying it genuine agency, they create an environment in which peaceful channels are seen as useless, making spontaneous, unmanageable unrest more likely. It is a profound failure of strategic thinking. Shortsighted.

OUR COLLECTIVE AMNESIA

Finally, we, the students, suffer from collective amnesia. Every new election cycle, we get swept up in new promises and forget the lessons of the past three administrations. We refuse to hold candidates to their predecessor’s failed promises. Until we develop an institutional memory and vote based on record and realistic plans, we will be forever disappointed. Cycle.

Aiman Fodio is the former Executive Chairman of the National Association of University Students (NAUS) Bauchi Axis and a serial legislator during his time in ATBU Unionism. He is currently a final year student of ATBU.

Gov. Kaura’s Defection to APM: A Political Suicide or a Stitch in Time?

By Usman Muhammad Salihu

In politics, timing is everything; at the same time, timing alone is never enough.

The defection of Governor Bala Abdulkadir Mohammed (Kauran Bauchi) to the Allied Peoples Movement (APM) has continued to generate debate. With key loyalists reportedly moving with him, what initially appeared as a risky political leap is now being interpreted by some as a calculated repositioning.

But beneath the surface of strategy lies a more complex electoral reality, one that could ultimately decide whether this move succeeds or collapses. At the heart of the argument is the voter.

While Bauchi State has seen moments when lesser-known parties gained traction, particularly at the legislative level, where individuals have won seats in the State House of Assembly outside dominant party structures, statewide or nationwide politics operate on a far wider and more demanding scale.

The dynamics are different. The visibility is broader. The stakes are higher. And most importantly, party identity still carries significant weight.

At the level of electoral reality, however, the risks cannot be dismissed. Nigerian elections—especially at the governorship level—are still heavily influenced by party identity. Voters, particularly in rural strongholds, often associate credibility with established platforms rather than emerging ones.

In that sense, defecting to a less dominant structure, such as the Allied Peoples Movement, introduces an immediate disadvantage: the loss of automatic party loyalty.

Campaigning under such conditions creates a double burden. It is no longer just about selling a candidate—it is about introducing and legitimising a political platform simultaneously. That dual responsibility can stretch time, resources, and political influence thin, especially in a competitive race involving the All Progressives Congress (APC) and the emerging coalition around the African Democratic Congress (ADC).

From this view, the move carries a real risk of political isolation if voter perception does not align quickly enough with elite-level strategy.

Yet, it would be premature to interpret the move purely as risk. Nigerian political history also rewards early structural repositioning. Movements that eventually became influential often began as unpopular or misunderstood alignments.

In that context, Gov. Kaura’s move may be less about immediate electoral gain and more about long-term political architecture—building a platform where loyalty is personal, structure is controlled, and direction is defined internally rather than inherited from party hierarchies.

There is also a strategic possibility that this move is an attempt to build or shape a movement similar in political culture, if not in scale, to the Kwankwasiyya associated with Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, a structure rooted in identity, loyalty, and grassroots emotional connection rather than party stability alone.

If sustained, such a model can evolve into a political identity strong enough to survive beyond a single election cycle. But like all movements, it requires time, consistency, and deep voter penetration.

If the electorate does not understand or accept the new platform in time, the strategy weakens. If the structure grows slowly but steadily, the strategy strengthens. Either outcome is possible.

Because while elite political calculations move fast, voter acceptance does not. And in elections, voters, not strategy rooms, ultimately decide outcomes. So, is Gov. Kaura’s defection a political suicide or a stitch in time?

From one angle, it introduces clear electoral risks that cannot be ignored. From another, it suggests a longer-term ambition to build something more controlled and identity-driven. Both interpretations hold weight.

So whether this move is a masterstroke or a misstep remains uncertain. The calculations may be clear. The intentions may be bold. But in politics, certainty is a luxury.

For now, all eyes remain on the unfolding reality… because, in the end, time will tell.

Usman Muhammad Salihu writes from Jos, Nigeria, via muhammadu5363@gmail.com.

Bala Wunti and Bauchi-Qatar: A High-Drama Comparison

It is no longer surprising, though still highly debatable, that any political outing by Dr Bala Maijama’a Wunti unsettles opponents and triggers a wave of commentary. Such reactions often generate more noise than substance, with some analysts offering arguments that appear less objective and more dismissive. At times, this tendency reflects a reluctance to confront observable realities or to revisit history in ways that enable a more informed understanding of current developments.

Wunti’s second major appearance since declaring his interest in the gubernatorial race has sparked fresh debate. Central to the discussion is his comparison of Qatar and Bauchi State, which he supports with logical reasoning and verifiable data. For me, this was not the first time I had heard him draw such parallels. I recall a previous engagement where he elaborated extensively on this comparison and shared some insights.

One striking point he raised is the contrast in population. As of January 2026, Qatar has an estimated population of about 3.3 million, while Bauchi State is home to over 8 million people, more than double Qatar’s population. Yet, despite its smaller population, Qatar boasts one of the highest GDPs per capita in the world, supporting a high standard of living, robust infrastructure, and extensive social services. In contrast, Bauchi and Nigeria more broadly continue to grapple with unemployment, inadequate electricity supply, limited access to clean water, and a struggling economy.

Land size presents another compelling contrast. Bauchi State spans approximately 45,837 square kilometres, making it more than four times larger than Qatar, which covers roughly 11,600 square kilometres. Despite its smaller size and limited arable land, Qatar has built a thriving economy. Bauchi, on the other hand, is richly endowed with vast agricultural land, offering significant potential to diversify and expand its economic base.

In terms of natural resources, Qatar produces approximately 2 million barrels of oil per day, forming the backbone of its economic strength. Bauchi State also holds promise in this regard, particularly with the Kolmani oil reserves, though these remain largely undeveloped. The contrast, therefore, is not one of absence but of utilisation. While Qatar has effectively harnessed its resources, Bauchi’s remain underexploited.

Dr Bala Wunti’s experience in the oil and gas sector adds weight to his argument. His perspective invites a reconsideration of what is possible, urging stakeholders to reflect more deeply on the state’s untapped potential.

With strategic planning and a commitment to good governance, transformative progress is achievable. Qatar’s success story is, at its core, a product of deliberate policy choices, effective leadership, and sustained investment. Bauchi State, with its abundant human and natural resources, possesses the foundational elements required for similar advancement.

Mallam Musbahu Magayaki writes from Sabon Fegi, Azare.

Tragedy in Bauchi: Federal Polytechnic Lecturer Dies in Motorbike Accident

By Muhammad Abubakar

The Federal Polytechnic Bauchi has announced the death of one of its staff members, Malam Ahmadu Maidorawa, following a motorbike accident along the ATBU Gubi campus road in Bauchi.

According to the institution, Maidorawa died on Monday afternoon as a result of injuries sustained in the accident. His sudden passing has been described as a profound loss to the Polytechnic community, where he served in several key academic and administrative roles.

Maidorawa was a former Head of the Department of Computer Science and the immediate past Dean of the School of Science and Technology. Until his death, he was the Deputy Director of the ICT Geospatial Centre of the Polytechnic.

Family members have announced that his janaza (funeral prayer) will take place later today at his family residence in Unguwar Bauchi, Bauchi.

Colleagues, students, and well-wishers have expressed grief over his death, praying for Allah’s forgiveness and eternal rest for the deceased, and for strength and comfort for those he left behind.

[OPINION]: Gov. Bala’s Political Clock Is Ticking — And His Men May Pay The Price

By Nasir Yakub

As time races toward May 29, 2027, when Bala Mohammed exits office, uncertainty has become the loudest voice in his political camp.

Those around him who harbour ambitions for governorship, National Assembly seats, state assembly positions, or other elective offices may be heading into avoidable doom — not because they lack aspiration, capacity or relevance — but because they remain tied to a leader who now appears politically unattached, operating like a freelance politician with no clear party destination.

The questions are no longer minor. They are urgent.

Will they remain in an “alive but dead” Peoples Democratic Party, a platform steadily losing strength, structure and national momentum?

Will they gamble on the emerging African Democratic Congress and hope it grows fast enough into a serious electoral vehicle before the race fully begins?

Or will they attempt the near-impossible route into the ruling All Progressives Congress, where tickets are neither cheap, automatic, nor freely handed to late arrivals?

These are not ordinary questions. They are questions of political survival.

As for Bala himself, the road ahead appears just as uncertain.

Does he remain in PDP and risk sinking with a weakened structure?

Does he seek refuge in APC, where political realignment may offer renewed relevance, stronger federal connections, and breathing space against looming anti-corruption scrutiny?

Or does he move into ADC, positioning himself as a heavyweight opposition figure ready for a fresh national bargaining table?

Every option carries gain. Every option carries danger. But delay now carries the highest danger of all.

Politics rewards movement, not hesitation.

While some are still waiting for signals, others are already building structures. While some remain loyal in silence, rivals are already negotiating alliances. While some hope for last-minute direction, others are quietly securing delegates, mobilising resources, and planting their flags ward by ward.

That is how elections are won long before voting day.

Those waiting endlessly around Bala should understand one hard truth: loyalty without direction can become political self-sabotage.

Aspirants need time. Structures need nurturing. Supporters need certainty. Defections need timing. Campaigns need preparation. None of these things flourish in confusion.

The tragedy ahead may not be that Bala loses influence. The real tragedy may be that many around him lose opportunities simply because they waited too long for one man to decide.

Time waits for no one.

And the earlier Bala chooses a road, the better for those whose futures still hang on his next move.

Because when the final whistle sounds, excuses will not be on the ballot.

Nasir Yakub writes from Bauchi State Nigeria and can be reached via nasiryakub990@gmail.com.