Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu

By Nasiru Ibrahim

If the economy grows by 4% in Q1 2025, people expect to feel it through affordable food, reasonable wages, more job opportunities, an improvement in the standard of living, and quality education. I agreed with Dr. Usman Isyaku’s recent claim that “Economics is the new rocket science in Nigeria,” because economists are busy presenting abstract models, charts, graphs, GDP growth, and the economic policy debate is centred only on economic jargon and indicators that appear technical and confusing to the layman. The economic policy debate is supposed to be centred on what people earn, what they buy, how the cost of living rises, and what happens to inequality and poverty.

People often ask: if the economy is growing, why is our life getting harder? The answer to all this is the Nigerian economy’s economic growth and inflation paradox, which refers to the presence of economic growth and high inflation at the expense of people’s purchasing power and standard of living. Inflation erodes people’s purchasing power and repeatedly makes them poorer as prices rise.

The economic growth and inflation paradox is the reality of the Nigerian economy, considering that the economy experienced its fastest growth in about a decade in 2024, as pointed out by the World Bank’s lead economist for Nigeria, Sir Alex Sienant, yesterday in Abuja. He said the Nigerian economy grew by 4.6% year-on-year in Q4 2024. This means that in the last three months of 2024, the Nigerian economy produced 4.6% more goods and services than in the same period in 2023. However, even though the country produces more, many people don’t feel any benefit because prices are still rising, and daily life is becoming harder.

Growth figures like GDP are averages and do not address poverty, high inequality, a poor standard of living, or food affordability.

What caused this paradox?  President Tinubu’s economic reforms — removing fuel subsidies, electricity subsidies, and naira devaluation cuts —resulted in fiscal improvement. Government revenue grew by 4.5% of GDP in 2024, the fiscal deficit decreased, and external debt declined. On paper, these achievements are impressive, but they feel different to the common man on the street, as the prices of food, transport, and rent continue to rise.

The immediate cause is the lack of inclusive growth, with a few sectors like oil and banking dominating the GDP. Secondly, weak institutions refer to government agencies and public bodies that are supposed to ensure fairness, transparency, and accountability but fail to do so. When institutions are weak, they allow corruption, inefficiency, and poor management of public funds. This means money meant for roads, healthcare, education, or farming support gets wasted or stolen, and policies that should help everyone only benefit a few elites. This worsens inequality and keeps essential services underdeveloped.

Thirdly, agriculture and supply chain disruptions caused inefficiency in the sector. Insecurity and poor infrastructure, plus the issue of import waivers, contributed to cheap food imports, making it hard for local farmers to compete and causing them to incur losses.

I do not view economics as rocket science dominated by charts, models, and jargon. I see economics in everyday life—prices, wages, job opportunities, choices, affordable food for all, happiness, and a better life for all and sundry.

Economists should explain how policies affect people’s daily lives — not just in GDP numbers, but in real terms like food prices, wages, and employment opportunities. Economists need to engage with the public more directly, explaining key concepts like inflation or interest rates in simple terms. In 2022, the Nigerian government reported economic growth in the oil sector. Yet, unemployment was at a 20% high, and poverty was increasing, with more than 40% of Nigerians living below the poverty line.

Economists and policymakers often discuss GDP growth, real income, or inflation rates—terms that many Nigerians don’t fully understand. Most people are focused on practical issues like food prices, rent, and transportation costs, not abstract economic concepts.

Governments often use economic data to justify their policies, sometimes highlighting growth figures that don’t fully reflect the real situation. In Nigeria, governments usually focus on growth rates in sectors like oil and telecoms, which don’t directly impact most people’s daily lives, while ignoring issues like rising poverty and growing inequality.

What Should Be Done? 

Firstly, fuel subsidy reform must be done to protect ordinary Nigerians. The sudden removal of fuel subsidy in 2023 made life harder—transport became expensive, food prices shot up, and suffering increased. Even big economies like the U.S. still subsidise farmers, energy, and housing. But in Nigeria, our subsidy system was full of corruption and waste. Instead of removing it overnight, the government should have planned a gradual withdrawal and used the savings to support school feeding, health insurance, and public transport. State governors, like those in Lagos and Borno, should use their share of subsidy savings to support poor families. Local government chairmen can help by identifying struggling households and ensuring the help gets to them.

Secondly, we must secure our farms and support agriculture to fight food inflation. Insecurity in places like Benue, Zamfara, and Niger has chased farmers off their land. No farming means no food, and no food means higher prices. The government should send security teams to protect farmers and work with local vigilantes. State governors must invest in irrigation, storage facilities, and feeder roads, like Ebonyi’s rice project or Cross River’s cocoa plan. Local governments should help distribute seeds and fertilisers, and organise markets in villages so that food can move easily and become cheaper.

Thirdly, Nigeria must stop mismanaging foreign exchange and support local production. The constant rise and fall of the naira, unfair access to cheap dollars, and heavy import dependence have worsened things. The CBN must be open and fair in its forex policy and prioritise local manufacturers. State governments should build industrial hubs and support processing industries, as Ogun State is doing. Local governments can help small producers in things like leather, cassava, and shea butter—so we can reduce imports, create jobs, and lower prices.

Fourthly, state governors and LG chairmen must stop blaming the federal government for everything. Many things affecting people—bad roads, dirty water, expensive local markets—are within their power. Governors should form regional plans, invest in infrastructure, and support small businesses. Local governments should fix boreholes, maintain primary health centres, and organise rural markets. These small actions reduce the daily cost of living and improve lives.

Fifthly, we need proper social protection, not random handouts. Inflation is eating deep into people’s pockets. The government should use verified data (linked to NIN and BVN) to send digital cash transfers to the poor. Local governments must identify real households that need support. States should create public works programs—like road maintenance, tree planting, or waste collection—so people earn a living while helping their communities. That’s how India’s rural job scheme helped millions.

Lastly, no reform will work without fighting corruption and fixing our broken institutions. We can’t keep discussing change while money disappears, budgets are padded, and governors pocket LG funds. The government must pass audit laws, publish how money is spent, and punish corruption. State and local governments should meet transparency targets before receiving federal funds. We must also return full independence to local governments so they can serve people directly. Without these changes, even the best economic plans will fail.

By Maryam Ahmad

President Bola Tinubu has outlined significant gains in national security, youth empowerment, and innovation as his administration clocks two years in office, asserting that the groundwork is being laid for a more secure and prosperous Nigeria.

In a comprehensive national address, President Tinubu said his administration had improved collaboration among security agencies and made substantial gains in previously volatile regions. “In some areas of the northwest, hitherto under the control of bandits, our gallant armed forces have restored order,” he said.

The President emphasised the role of young Nigerians in national development, citing innovative programmes at the National Agency for Science and Engineering Infrastructure (NASENI), such as electric vehicle assembly, drone engineering training for women, and local manufacturing of rapid diagnostic kits.

“These initiatives are creating jobs, restoring dignity to work, and opening up a future of possibilities for our youth,” Tinubu stated.

Under the Renewed Hope Agenda, the federal government has also embarked on large-scale infrastructure projects, including major highway reconstructions, rural electrification through solar initiatives, and enhanced support for farmers to boost food security.

In a nod to cultural diplomacy, the President announced plans for the Motherland Festival—a global event that will showcase Nigeria’s cultural heritage, creativity, and tourism potential.

Tinubu also acknowledged the contributions of the Nigerian diaspora and introduced new policies, including a diaspora bond and non-resident BVN, to encourage greater engagement.

“Our direction is clear, and so is our resolve,” the President said in closing. “The real impact of our governance objectives is beginning to take hold. The future is bright.”

By Hadiza Abdulkadir

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu marked the second anniversary of his administration on Wednesday with an optimistic national address highlighting the government’s achievements and reaffirming commitment to economic reform, national security, and human capital development.

Speaking from the Aso Rock Presidential Villa, President Tinubu declared that his administration had made “undeniable progress” despite the sacrifices demanded of citizens, especially following the removal of fuel subsidies and the unification of foreign exchange rates.

“We are halfway through the journey that began 24 months ago. Today, I proudly affirm that our economic reforms are working,” he said, citing improvements such as easing inflation, increased foreign reserves, and higher state revenues.

According to the President, the federal government recorded over ₦6 trillion in revenue in Q1 2025 and successfully reduced the fiscal deficit from 5.4% of GDP in 2023 to 3.0% in 2024. Additionally, the country’s net external reserves rose sharply to over $23 billion by the end of 2024, a fivefold increase from the previous year.

In the energy sector, Tinubu noted a 400% increase in oil rig activity since 2021 and over $8 billion in new investments. “We have stabilised our economy and are now better positioned for growth and global shocks,” he added.

The President also highlighted reforms in taxation, infrastructure development, and the health sector. He announced the expansion of primary healthcare centres, the establishment of new cancer treatment centres, and a tax policy overhaul aimed at supporting low-income households and small businesses.

“Together, we are creating a system where prosperity is shared, and no one is left behind,” he said.

By Muhammad Sulaiman

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has reiterated his administration’s commitment to inclusive economic growth, declaring that the country’s economic resilience is beginning to yield tangible benefits for citizens across sectors.

Addressing the nation on the second anniversary of his government, President Tinubu described 2025 as a year of fiscal turnaround and recovery, driven by bold reforms under the Renewed Hope Agenda.

“Despite the bump in the cost of living, we have made undeniable progress,” he stated, noting improvements in inflation, food prices, and investor confidence.

A key highlight of the President’s remarks was the government’s aggressive tax reform agenda, which pushed the tax-to-GDP ratio from 10% to over 13.5% within a year. Tinubu explained that this success was made possible by simplifying tax policies and offering relief for low-income households and small businesses.

“We are eliminating the burden of multiple taxation and introducing a fairer tax system. Essential services like food, healthcare, and education will attract 0% VAT,” he announced.

President Tinubu also underscored the importance of sustainable national finances, stating that wasteful and opaque tax waivers had been abolished in favour of targeted incentives supporting high-impact sectors such as manufacturing, agriculture, and technology.

The administration is establishing an independent Tax Ombudsman to ensure accountability. The President says this move will protect small businesses and vulnerable taxpayers.

“We are creating an economy where investment is welcome, businesses can thrive, and every Nigerian can benefit from shared prosperity,” he added.

The President noted that subnational governments had also reaped the benefits of the reforms, with an increase of over ₦6 trillion in state revenues in 2024. This has enabled them to meet debt obligations and invest more in critical infrastructure.

“Our reforms are not just fiscal adjustments. They are about restoring confidence, strengthening institutions, and building a foundation for future generations,” Tinubu concluded.

By Haroon Aremu Abiodun

April is traditionally a month of pranks and laughter. But in Nigeria, the joke was on no one except, perhaps, on a nation whose security architecture is under siege from terrorists, bandits, and kidnappers.

Far from fearing our security operatives, criminal elements across the country displayed shocking audacity, reminding us that the battle for Nigeria’s soul remains bloody and unresolved.

In a horrific display of lawlessness, notorious bandit leader Bello Turji celebrated Eid in Sokoto by executing kidnapped victims, recording and broadcasting the gruesome act without fear of consequences. Across parts of Katsina, Kaduna, and Zamfara, bandits not only continued their reign of terror but have begun levying taxes and operating parallel governments in areas still supposedly under state control.

Compounding public anxiety, National Security Adviser Nuhu Ribadu made headlines when he advised families of kidnapped victims to “stop paying ransom.” While theoretically sound, the reality is far more brutal. Without swift and credible government intervention, desperate families have no option but to finance their tragedies. Until state forces can decisively rescue captives, this vicious cycle will continue.

In just one month, attacks escalated across Plateau, Kwara, and Benue States, leaving communities in mourning. Boko Haram and ISWAP insurgents resurfaced with deadly ambushes, signalling their continued relevance in Nigeria’s security equation.

April’s bloodshed has revealed operational lapses and a deep strategic and moral crisis. The Office of the National Security Adviser (ONSA) must urgently intensify efforts, especially by working discreetly with rescued victims to extract intelligence, boost surveillance systems, and dismantle criminal networks worldwide.

While commendable successes by security operatives, such as rescuing hostages and recovering illegal arms, were recorded, they were dwarfed by the scale of atrocities witnessed within just 30 days.

The Department of State Services (DSS), often criticised and even facing calls for disbandment, must seize this moment to redeem itself. Encouragingly, recent commendations from the Plateau State Government and Governor Uba Sani of Kaduna for the DSS’s contributions to curbing insecurity suggest a glimmer of institutional reliability. Their successful arrests of gunrunners and dismantling of kidnapping syndicates are steps in the right direction.

Notably, the DSS also intercepted a British Army Major in Delta State attempting to smuggle 50 AK-47 rifles and ammunition—a major bust, and a signal that the service can perform under pressure. Their ability to withstand calls for the suspect’s release further strengthens public confidence.

Going forward, DSS and ONSA must strengthen collaboration through real-time joint operations, intelligence sharing, and visible outcomes. The Nigerian Intelligence Agency (NIA) also must integrate its overseas capabilities with ONSA’s domestic strategies. Today’s criminals are sophisticated—our response must be smarter.

Beyond the battlefield, Nigeria’s fight against corruption also demands attention. The Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) must intensify efforts with ongoing arrests of internet fraudsters and by pursuing justice in high-profile cases involving figures like Betta Edu and Sadiya Umar Farouq.

Regarding Aisha Achimugu’s case, the EFCC must adhere to due process and uphold its promise to act with diligence and integrity. Recent arrests, including that of Bauchi State Accountant General Sirajo Muhammad Jaja, show the commission is active, but visibility and transparency are critical.

Despite receiving accolades, such as the Government Spokesperson Award and the Courage in Justice and Transparency Award from the Nigerian Human Rights Community, EFCC must do more to recover funds stolen through schemes like CBEX. Collaborating with Interpol to dismantle international fraud networks and prevent future scams using forged EFCC certificates will reinforce the commission’s credibility locally and abroad.

Transparency is the only antidote to growing public cynicism about the Commission’s integrity.

The Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC), though laudably organising programs like its stakeholders’ meeting on accountability in local government, must now transition from talk to action. Corruption within Ministries, Departments, and Agencies (MDAs) remains rampant. A recent ICPC report showed that over 60% of corruption cases involved diverting healthcare funds—a scandal demanding decisive intervention.

April has ended, but the wounds it inflicted are still fresh. If we’ve learned anything, it is that the fear of the Nigerian state must be restored—not with hollow rhetoric, but through coordinated, courageous, and relentless action.

The enemies of Nigeria no longer fear our uniforms, our institutions, or the name “government.”

The time to act was yesterday. Today is already a dangerous gamble. Tomorrow may be too late.

Haroon Aremu Abiodun is a PRNigeria Fellow and author. He can be reached via exponentumera@gmail.com.

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

President Bola Tinubu has approved the appointments of several prominent Nigerians to head key federal agencies and institutions. The appointments, which reflect a mix of political, professional, and regional considerations, aim to strengthen governance and service delivery across sectors.  

Among the notable appointees are former Senate President Sen. Ken Nnamani (Enugu) as Chairman of the Nigerian Institute for Policy and Strategic Studies (NIPSS), and former Edo Deputy Governor H.E. Philip Shaibu as Director-General of the Nigerian Institute of Sports.

Other appointments include Omobolanle Akinyemi Obe (Ondo) as DG of the National Senior Citizens Centre, Dr. Segun Aina (Osun) as DG of the Academic Staff College of Nigeria,

and former Senate President Sen. Anyim Pius Anyim (Ebonyi) as Chairman of the National Merit Award Committee. 

Additionally, Hon. (Dr.) Asabe Vilita Bashir (Borno) was named DG of the National Centre for Women Development, while Sen. Jalo Zarami (Yobe) and Hon. Dr. Joseph Haruna Kigbu (Nasarawa) were appointed as Federal Commissioners in the National Population Commission

The President expects the new appointees to bring their expertise and commitment to advancing Nigeria’s developmental goals in their respective roles.

By Oladoja M.O

 There is a sickness far graver than malaria, deeper than cancer, and deadlier than an undiagnosed pandemic: it is the sickness of perception. A tragic, self-inflicted malaise where men and women, intoxicated by their bitterness, misread the vital signs of a nation and call it death. 

Nigeria, that African giant, that phoenix that has refused to be buried by dust or drowned by storms, stands misdiagnosed not by its enemies, but by its sons and daughters. They call for good governance, a sacred right, yet in the same breath, they auction the dignity of their fatherland for applause from foreign balconies. Climbing the stages of international conferences not as ambassadors of hope, but as broadcasters of decay, believing that to light their ambitions, the whole house must first be burned.

Yes, there are wounds, visible scars of leadership missteps and bureaucratic fatigue. Yes, the body occasionally limps, gasping for cleaner governance, for a fresher breath of accountability. But to declare her terminally ill? To parade her on global platforms like a festering corpse before she has even sneezed her last? This is malpractice of the highest order.

And yet, even as they wail, Nigeria births victories so luminous they should blind the eyes of every doubter.

In 2024, while cynics sharpened their tongues, Nigeria quietly pulled off the Dangote Refinery miracle. The largest single-train refinery in human history roared into operation. Built on African soil, by African hands, it shattered the historic curse of crude export dependency. Now, Nigeria refines for itself, and soon, for much of Africa. That is not a dying breath. That is the heartbeat of an empire in rebirth.

Even as global markets shook and economies shrank, Nigeria executed one of the most daring economic surgeries in modern African history: unifying its foreign exchange market in 2023, consolidating multiple exchange rates into a single one. The International Monetary Fund, the World Bank, and even the Wall Street Journal stood still in reluctant applause. The Nigerian naira, which was once battered by artificial valuations, finally had its freedom to fight fair. It stumbled at first, as all warriors do. However, today, stabilisation is becoming a new reality, not a distant hope.

In health, the same nation that armchair critics mock has scored historic breakthroughs. Under the leadership of Professor Muhammad Ali Pate, Nigeria has launched one of the world’s first national rollouts of the Oxford R21 malaria vaccine, a game-changing move in a country that accounts for the highest malaria deaths globally. 

Again, Nigeria has turned pain into policy. The federal government, under this administration, declared a Health Sector Renewal Compact in late 2023 (PVAC), marshalling partnerships with global giants like the World Bank and Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation, channelling billions into revamping healthcare delivery, local vaccine production, and training health workers at an unprecedented scale. No more is health an afterthought; it is now a frontline battle Nigeria is visibly winning. While others talk, Nigeria saves lives. While others point fingers, Nigeria vaccinates its future. 

Infrastructure? While “first-world” cities debate electric railways, Nigeria’s megacity, Lagos, launched its Blue Line Rail in late 2023, the country’s first electric-powered intra-city rail system. A steel artery now pulsing through a once-choked metropolis, easing congestion, breathing new possibilities. In Kano, Rivers, Abuja, and Ebonyi States, massive roads, bridges, airports, and industrial parks rose from the dust — monuments to silent nation-building.

Policy? Courageous policies thundered through governance corridors: the subsidy removal in 2023, ending decades-old economic black hole that bled over $10 billion annually. In its place: strategic investments in health insurance for the vulnerable, transport subsidies for the poorest, and agricultural revolution initiatives. The world’s harshest critics acknowledged it, but the nation’s sons spat on it, too drunk on their self-righteous venom.

In education? Nigeria has ripped the old rulebook. In 2023, the Student Loan Act was signed into law—an audacious leap toward democratising education. For the first time, children of farmers, traders, and artisans now have a gateway into universities, polytechnics, and colleges of education without fear of crushing tuition fees. 

As of 2024, the first batch of beneficiaries has received their loans under the Nigerian Education Loan Fund (NELFUND), breathing hope into homes where education once felt like a broken dream. Now, a total of 525,936 students have registered on the loan platform, with 445,015 applicants successfully applying for financial assistance, representing an 84% success rate for student loan applications under the scheme.

Meanwhile, the accreditation of degrees has also been digitised, with Nigeria becoming the first in Africa to automate this critical gatekeeping process fully. New private universities have sprouted like fresh shoots, expanding access and excellence, whilst Nigerian universities are climbing global ranks. 

They call for “change” yet campaign on the ruins of hope itself. They drape themselves in victimhood, seeking pity instead of respect. The so-called “obedient” torch-bearers, the tribe of Peter Obi, shout of patriotism while waltzing through global forums, slandering their homeland, reducing Nigeria, a giant stirring from slumber to the caricature of a failed state, just to score a few cheap political points.

Calling out leadership is democracy; Denigrating your nation is betrayal.

One builds; the other burns.

Nigeria does not need saviours who love her only when she shines. She needs sons and daughters who hold the line when the storms rage, who sing her greatness even when she falters, who plant seeds of hope, not thorns of despair, into her soil.

To those who mistake criticism for patriotism, remember:

The world does not respect nations that cannot respect themselves.

Call out your leaders.

Demand reform.

March for justice.

But never sell your mother for the price of your pride.

Because when the dust of time settles, and history opens her immortal ledger, it will not be your complaints she remembers, it will be your loyalty.

Oladoja M.O writes from Abuja and can be reached via mayokunmark@gmail.com.

By Abdulhamid Abdullahi Aliyu 

To many Nigerians, the security allocations in national budgets often appear inflated. Year after year, billions are allocated to the military, defence procurement, intelligence operations, and internal security initiatives.

Yet, the level of insecurity across the country continues to raise eyebrows. The common question remains: “Where is all this money going?” It is a valid concern.

However, beyond the budget lines and official pronouncements lies a more complex reality—one that is often overlooked by the average citizen. The actual cost of warfare and intelligence operations is not just steep—it is staggering.

Take air operations as an example. Military insiders have long noted that flying an Alpha Jet for a single mission can gulp up to a million naira in aviation fuel alone.

This figure excludes routine maintenance, spare parts, logistics, or crew allowances. Multiply these flights across days and theatres of operation, and it becomes easier to understand why security efforts are financially demanding.

On the ground, the story is similar. Armoured vehicles, patrol vans, and tanks require constant fuelling, often idling for hours during missions. Soldiers deployed to remote areas require food, clothing, and equipment.

Medical support must be on standby, and when fatalities occur, families of the fallen deserve compensation. These are not occasional expenses—they are daily operational necessities.

Yet, beyond the financial weight of military engagement lies an even more fragile dimension: intelligence gathering. In parts of the country, particularly the North East, North Central, and North West, attacks by insurgents and bandits continue with frightening regularity.

People often ask: Why aren’t these attacks being preempted? Where is the intelligence? These questions are justified. Comparisons are frequently drawn to agencies like the FBI or Israel’s Mossad, known for preemptive actions.

But intelligence is no miracle tool. It relies on actionable information—gathered, processed, and relayed with accuracy. In many of Nigeria’s conflict zones, such information is scarce.

Locals often fear reprisals and refuse to share what they know. Rural and forested areas remain difficult to monitor due to the absence of surveillance infrastructure.

Moreover, intelligence work is not the sole burden of the military. It requires seamless coordination among the police, DSS, NSCDC, and even vigilante groups. Where this collaboration falters, intelligence fails.

That is not to absolve our agencies of their failings. Reports of negligence, delayed responses, and poor communication abound. However, these shortcomings, while real, are not insurmountable.

Nigeria urgently needs to rethink its approach to intelligence. There must be fresh investment in surveillance tools, inter-agency communication systems, and the training of personnel in modern techniques.

Citizens, too, must become active partners by volunteering timely and truthful information. This war cannot be won solely by the military. It requires collaboration, from the government to the grassroots.

Technology, including drone surveillance and satellite imagery, must be embraced. But more than anything else, there must be political will to treat intelligence not as a side note, but as the beating heart of our national security strategy.

Balanced expectations are also important. While it is tempting to measure Nigeria’s intelligence systems against those of global powers, such comparisons can be misleading.

Nations like the US and Israel have built theirs over decades with enormous financial commitment. Nigeria, by contrast, is still building its base. Still, quiet victories exist—many of them deliberately kept from the public domain for strategic reasons.

Terror plots have been foiled, camps dismantled, and lives saved through intelligence-led operations. These successes rarely make headlines. What are the failures, the losses, and the anguish they leave behind?

That is why we must keep asking questions—but with an understanding of the context. Accountability, yes. But also support, reform, and renewed trust. National security is not a spectator sport. It is a shared duty.

And if Nigeria is to triumph over its many threats, it must first accept that intelligence, not just guns, is its most potent weapon.

Abdulhamid Abdullahi Aliyu writes from the Centre for Crisis Communication (CCC) in Abuja.

By Prof. Abdussamad Umar Jibia

Sometime in 2023, after the APC presidential primaries, I wrote to advise the flag-bearer of APC, Alhaji Bola Ahmad Tinubu, on the need to appoint a Muslim as his running mate. The reason I gave is still valid. Northern Christians (read opportunists) are a tiny minority compared to their Muslim counterparts. 

Additionally, northern Nigerian Christians are known to unleash violence against Muslims in the few areas where they form a majority. Any presidential ticket with a Northern Christian was thus dead on arrival.

Taking Nigeria as a whole, Christians are fewer than Muslims. A Muslim-Muslim ticket is thus a winning ticket. A Christian-Christian ticket will always lose. If it could win, Nigerian Christians would never allow us access to even the most insignificant positions in Government. 

But even as we were talking about Islam and Christianity, we ignored a statement credited to former President Olusegun Obasanjo that to the Yoruba man, Yoruba culture is more important than religion. We also ignored notes from other Muslims that Tinubu was married to a pastor who had an excessive influence on him. Whereas, going by the teaching of Islam, Bola Ahmed, a Muslim male, did nothing wrong by marrying a Christian woman, the undue influence of his wife had not been established. Hence, we ignored those notes.

Now, with a Muslim as the head and another Muslim as his deputy, what are the expectations? 

Since democracy is a game of numbers in which the majority have the way, it is highly unexpected that a minority will populate a government that came to power with the votes of the majority. That is what President Tinubu has done. 

Tinubu, a Muslim who came to power with the votes of the Muslim majority, travelled to the Vatican “with a bragging right of 62% Christian appointees”. This figure was shamelessly released by the Presidency, according to the Thisdaynewspaper. 

The presidential entourage itself is Christian. There is no single Muslim name in it except the President himself. If I may ask, is the president still a Muslim? Is he practising double religion? 

Islam doesn’t allow a person to practice two religions. You are either a Muslim or something else.  Is President Tinubu going there to worship? Of course, the Vatican is a Catholic city with no single Muslim. Why can’t he send the president of the senate, if at all, Nigeria has to honour the “Pope’s invitation”?

But appointment to public offices is only secondary. What is fundamental is the right of every Nigerian Muslim to practice their religion without let or hindrance and without another religion being imposed on them. A Muslim-Muslim presidency is useless if it cannot remove, or at worst attempt to remove, the aspects of Christianity imposed on non-Christian Nigerians in our national life. 

Only a few weeks ago, the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN) protested the closure of schools by some Northern states during Ramadan, claiming an attempt to “Islamize” the country. Instead of the Tinubu/Shettima government seizing the opportunity to conduct a total review of the influence of the colonial Christian religion in our national life, this government, like some cowards, succumbed to CAN’s position and asked the Federal Ministry of Education to “discuss” with the Muslim states that closed schools. 

A simple review of our working and work-free days would reveal that we are being forced to observe Christian holy days of Saturdays and Sundays as weekends, a total of 104 days per year. Again, our schools close twice a year for Christmas and Easter Christian celebrations. Yet, the Muslim-Muslim Government is not even looking in that direction. Is it timidity or deception? Either way, the disappointment is stinking.

Out of laughable ignorance, Nigerian Christians consider Israel a Christian country and Israelis as their brothers. Yes, the same Jews who proudly claim the murder of Jesus and consider his mother a whore. This ignorance is what led Pastor Adeboye to pray for Israel against the occupied Palestine. At the point the entire freedom-fighting nations like our own South Africa were filing a petition at the International Criminal Court, we saw the President’s wife receiving the Israeli ambassador at the state house.

Assuming the land and blood of Gazans were lawful for Israel, which is what Mrs. Tinubu seems to believe, what of the valid claim that Israel has a hand in the failure of our internal security by giving military training to Christian militia in the North Central? Why can’t President Tinubu launch an honest investigation into it? 

Mr. President, have we not made the wrong choice? 

On a final note, I still believe that it could have been worse if Tinubu had chosen a Northern Christian as his running mate. Of course, he would have lost the presidential election. 

Professor Abdussamad Umar Jibia wrote via aujibia@gmail.com.

By Prof. Abdelghaffar Amoka

Breaking news yesterday was that Consultant Psychiatrist Comrade Chris Piwuna has been elected as the new president of the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) for a two-year term. The fact that he is a psychiatrist is unsettling to the political class, who, rather than injecting the necessary funds to improve our education sector, choose to embezzle money they do not need.

The post on the Facebook page of Mahmud Jega, a media aide to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu during the campaign for the 2023 election, is an indication that the news of the newly elected president is unsettling. He said Chris should examine the heads of ASUU members for choosing a strike as an option to make the government perform its responsibility to the university they willingly established and are still establishing. Earlier today, someone was thanking his Senator on Facebook for his bill to establish the Federal University of Agriculture, Kura in Kano State. 

Whose head needs to be checked by a psychiatrist? The one fighting for the survival of public universities or the one who makes all the promises, then gets to the office, but chooses to steal public funds, an amount they can’t spend for the rest of their life. In the 21st century, we have one of the worst education and health sectors. Our people now travel to Ghana, as well as to Niger and Sudan, to study. Hunger is now a pride. One of them recently acknowledged that they are aware we are hungry and referred to it as “Hunger for Change.”

Who should we take to Prof. Piwuna’s psychiatric clinic for a mental health evaluation? As people wonder about the cause of the massive and mindless corruption in the country, as we watch public institutions collapse, they feel that corruption within the political class may be a mental issue. According to Punch of 16th December 2016, the first person who made this recommendation over 30 years ago was Prof. Adeoye Lambo, a famous psychiatrist and a former Vice-Chairman of the World Health Organisation. He was astounded by the level of corruption at the time. 

Well, the corruption was child’s play then compared with what we have now. Mrs. Farida Waziri, the former EFCC boss, was reported to have also recommended psychiatric examination for politicians, citing the reason that the grand corruption we see in our public life is a hackneyed recommendation. So, the psychiatric test recommendation for politicians is not a new call. 

Despite the justification for the strike over the last two years and the members’ vote in a referendum, the ASUU leadership has attempted to apply diplomacy to avoid the strike. That has produced a strike-free 2 years. They have been lobbying and begging for the last 2 years. But what have academics got? Many people can’t afford to fuel their cars to go to work. So, what’s the alternative to the strike? Maybe instead of striking to force the government to fund tertiary institutions they willingly established, we should just manage what we have like that till they are no longer manageable, like our public primary schools? Please educate us on a practical alternative to strike. 

The Nigerian university system was once a beacon in West Africa. If corruption is the reason why there are not enough funds to make our universities what they used to be, who needs to queue in their Agbada to see a psychiatrist? The people (political class) who have kept the universities in their present state, or the people (ASUU) whose fight over the years gave our universities a semblance of a university? 

Irrespective of our political affiliation, I think we need to set our sentiment and hatred for ASUU aside and sit back to reflect on the state of education. As a former academic, journalist, and associate of the political class, Mahmud Jega should join hands with ASUU to urge the government to take the necessary steps for the education sector. The North is the worst hit, and coincidentally, Mahmoud Jega is from the North. We need public education institutions at all levels that are of high quality for their students. As the immediate past president of ASUU stated during the ASUU NDC in Benin a few days ago, we cannot build a knowledge-based economy without a sound education system.

We can’t continue this way. The status quo is unsustainable. The most powerful weapon against poverty, extremism, and ignorance is not the bullet, but the book. The time to act is now. Nigeria must return to the classroom—rebuild it, empower it, and invest in it—for therein lies the salvation of the nation.

I don’t like strikes, Mahmud Jega doesn’t like strikes, but I was left with no other options aside from a strike. And a strike is the only thing that has kept our universities functional to date. So, can Mahmud propose an alternative that will work even better than a strike? 

The test I think we need to do for ASUU members is to find out why they are fighting very hard to ensure that public universities do not collapse. They could have chosen to be like our refinery workers who watch the collapse of the refineries and earn a fat salary without refining a drop of crude oil. 

In conclusion, no matter the hatred, Mahmud Jega cannot pretend that he does not understand the situation of our educational institutions. I would like to encourage him to utilise his influence and pen to help facilitate an education summit by this government. As Prof Attahiru Jega proposed at ASUU NDC at the University of Benin a few days ago, the stakeholders of the Nigerian project need to meet and discuss the sort of tertiary education system they want and then agree on the funding model. 

Prof. Amoka wrote from Ahmadu Bello University (ABU), Zaria.