By Kasim Isa Muhammad

The donation of 100 computers to Bayero University Kano (BUK) by the Yobe State Governor, Mai Mala Buni, is politically uncalled-for. He should consider the poor institutional standards of his state—millions of indigenous students that voted for him battle a lack of various technologies. The donations to a well-furnished and developed Bayero University Kano could never yield a good result for the governor and the entire students of Yobe State.

However, while this may appear good news for Bayero University, it must be tempered by thoroughly examining Yobe State institutional standards and their critical administrative, social, and academic considerations to resurrect active education in Yobe State higher education institutions.

Yobe State University is among the recently initiated universities in Nigeria and is currently experiencing low student enrollment. Their sources are weak due to a lack of advanced facilities for carrying out academic activities and insufficiently advanced technology to train their thousands of students properly. Meanwhile, BUK is one of the top-ranked and accredited universities by the federal government of Nigeria. The university spends years running enough budgets and acquiring modern techniques with a large student enrollment every year. The university’s library is well advanced, and the federal government continues to meet its demand for achieving standard academic excellence in the country. 

There is something to ask the Yobe state governor. Did he ever visit the Yobe State University library and witness how old it looks? The whole Yobe State University building demands a proper renovation from the lecture rooms to the library, theatres, roads, other practical equipment for the medical and environmental science students to acquire knowledge.

There are similar institutions around the local government areas of Yobe that almost collapsed in infrastructure, while others have been struggling with instructional materials for decades without any state intervention. Such institutions are the College of Administration and Management Technology (CAMTECH), Potiskum, and the College of Health and Technology, Nguru, alongside others with poor infrastructure. The institutions spent years under the state government. Still, neither the governor nor the ministry of education attends to them for regular check-ups to monitor what changed those institutional needs to keep existing. 

In conclusion, it is not a bad idea to donate computers to other universities or limit the governor’s desire on where or who to contribute something to. Instead, it is a call of attention to share with the governor that institutions under his places of primary political responsibilities are structurally and academically collapsing to a great extent. The key factor to saving them lies in the hand of Governor Mai Mala Buni.

Kasim Isa Muhammad, Department of Mass Communication, University of Maiduguri.

By Lawi Auwal Yusuf

Any sympathetic person will surely ask himself these questions over the unfortunate fate of Almajiris: what wrong have they done to deserve such ruthless treatment? Are they not humans? Are they divinely condemned? Is it because we have heartless hearts? Or is it just because we have brainless brains? 

However, the Social Contract Theory extrapolates the relationship between the State, Citizens and Laws. Both the state and citizens have an overwhelming obligation to obey the law. These laws made it possible for leaders to assume the office and couples to marry and have legitimate children. Through these laws, leaders must cater to the needs of people and parents to take care of their children. Ultimately, justice is the philosophical underpinning and moral wisdom behind this idea. 

I wonder why leaders and parents breach the trust bestowed on them. Indeed, we need a professor in the law of trust to prove this before a jury so that the culprits will be locked up in prisons. 

Politicians have made these innocent children scapegoats of their misrule. They are severely castigated for offences committed by the government. Also, the lackadaisical and pitiless attitudes of parents worsen their plight. Even animals don’t dump offspring. On the contrary, they vigilantly look after them and guard them fiercely against any harm until they can take care of themselves.

Everyone abandons these children. They are left on their own to fend for themselves. Therefore, they scavenge through garbage, looking for food, wearing shabby clothes. They wander freely without a specific purpose or destination, with no shoes in the scorching heat. They equally have no one to attend to them when they fall sick. It seems like the ancient Indian caste system is gradually manifesting in 21st century Nigeria, and Almajiris form part of the Dalit (Untouchables) social group. 

When you ask them to define democracy, they will tell you that “it’s a government of the elites, for the elites and by the elites.” This is because it is purposely designed to cater to the needs of nobles only in their perception. It’s nothing to commoners but an inevitable woe. So they see it as subjugation, tyranny and distress. 

Almajiris have carried the cross for too long. They’re tired of this impudent desertion and have endured this problematic situation, and cannot withstand it any longer. Finally, they’ve been pinned down by the neck and are crying out for help with a thunderous scream, “we can’t breathe!” But, of course, this is cruelty in its cruellest form. 

These children are the future custodians of our society. Their desolation denotes that we undermine its continuity, progress and prosperity. We will bequeath to them a country that negligently failed to help them, forsake their welfare and future. They will take over a nation unable to develop humans, plagued by injustice and misery. Hence, it is unlikely that they will be patriotic to Nigeria. Is this what we are preparing for the next generation?

Indeed, they will remember us as imprudent forefathers that ruined their lives, put them in dismay and plotted the doom. The ones that disappointed them, those that couldn’t save them from grief. Those ancestors whose labour had been in vain. Indeed, they will utterly forget us, let alone pray for our eternal rest. 

We expect Tsangaya schools to consistently roll out erudite personalities, honourable scholars like late Dr Ahmad Bamba, Sheikh Ja’afar Mahmud Adam, Prof. Isa Ali Pantami or prof. Muhammad Sani R/Lemo. Unfortunately, we saw something entirely different. 

Nowadays, Almajiris are not purposely taken to Tsangaya for learning. Due to a lack of awareness concerning contraceptives, parents incessantly born children they can’t support. At long last, they discard them. How will a minor learn without provision for his necessities, vehement supervision of parents and also fend for himself far away from home? It can NEVER be possible.  

Let’s assume there are only one million Almajiris in the North, and only 5% ended up in criminality. Hence, there will be an additional 50,000 criminals to terrify the region, which is about 15% of the police workforce. So, how many more millions are there? 

Consequently, we are paying the price for our actions and inactions. We are suffering due to failure to resolve this criminogenic problem. We’ve undergone the agonies of Maitatsine dogmatism, and now we are in the bondage of Boko Haram, banditry, kidnappings, to mention a few. Have we learned lessons, or we will remain indifferent? Or are we now determined to dispel the injustice and save these downtrodden children? 

Lawi Auwal Yusuf wrote from Kano, Nigeria. He can be reached via laymaikanawa@gmail.com. 

By Zakari Abubakar

It is evident that whenever there is an upsurge in criminal activities in parts of northern Nigeria, a perennial debate usually rears its head among those interested in the root causes of the problem. This is understandable. Without identifying the cause of a problem, its solution may not be in the offing. Like virtually every year, this debate is also gaining traction in this early part of 2022.

Admittedly, this view adds to the existing number of discussions on this topic. Those who are following the debates are not unaware that there are a group of people who link the rise in criminal activities in the north and the rate of excruciating poverty among its people, mainly to the large number of children born in virtually every family in the region. This group of people base their argument SOLELY on the superficial and generalised assumption that people with a large number of children, more often, engage in irresponsible parenting.

Another reason why this group of people see an individual with a large number of children as a potential source of criminality and economic stagnation is that Nigerian authorities have for long been finding it difficult to provide social services such as education, electricity and other life essentials to these growing number of citizens which leads to more people becoming poor. This is where I find their argument too simplistic. Because the same authorities are providing these services to themselves, their families or their cronies.

Going back to their first argument, it is glaringly verifiable that for every individual with many children who fail to cater for them, hundreds, if not thousands, bore many children and saw to their responsible upbringing. This example is on the level of individuals. There are many more such examples on the societal level. For instance, several countries and regions of the world have nearly the same population as northern Nigeria or are more populous but are not facing the same challenges.

Those societies have considered such a phenomenon as a gift and therefore utilise it positively. To buttress this point, the five most populous countries in 2021, according to sources, are China, India, the United States, Indonesia, and Pakistan. Although these countries may be facing their security and economic challenges, the standard of living in those societies is by far more robust than what is obtainable in northern Nigeria.

To cite a specific example: about 90% of China’s population is Han Chinese. They are over a billion people, yet, there is no accusation from the rest of the population in that country or the Hans themselves that the Hans are a potential source of poverty or criminality. Similarly, the most populous state in India is Uttar Pradesh, with over 200 million inhabitants. But go to India. How does Uttar Pradesh fare compared to the rest of Indian territories in terms of economic prosperity?

No one is disputing that northern Nigeria is recently replete with a high rate of criminality occasioned by poverty among its growing population. But to solely link this problem with the region’s birth rate is to accord the topic attention that is less than it badly desires. For example, what about the other seemingly systemic problems that have to do with governance and political leadership?

One may say, why do people resort to adding problems for themselves by producing more children since the government failed to sustain their needs? Then I would say, instead of blaming those who fail to provide those essentials (though they are providing them for themselves and their families), we resort to blaming the poor, despite his effort to always get himself out of the effects of poor/bad political leadership?

Elsewhere, other regions of the world are complaining of a decline in their population. Thus, they outsource other remedies for their problems, like encouraging men and women to engage in economic activities. Therefore, no matter how small, we should demand accountability from our political leaders and seek other possible options that are more viable than resorting to birth control, which has its implication on man’s overall health.

Zakari Abubakar is with the Department of Physical and Health Education, Aminu Saleh College of Education, Azare. He can be contacted via zakariabubakarnng@gmail.com.

By Lawan Bukar Maigana 

The Nigerian government was lucky enough to salvage itself from the intractable calamity it wanted to put itself in—the implications of removing subsidies on petroleum products from July this year. Whoever advised FG to suspend their noxious plans to remove subsidies on the products mentioned above is a true lover of the vast majority of Nigerians and Nigeria as a country.

Even though virtually every country in the world today battles an economic downturn, it is still unjustifiable for the FG to remove subsidies on petroleum products at this critical point. The country is fighting ethnoreligious conflict, refuse-to-end Boko Haram, kidnapping, banditry, mass employment, non-quality education, poor health services for the masses, illiteracy, and unpatriotic leaders, which other countries or most don’t. 

I said it even before the government took a second look at its ugly plan to make subsidies on petroleum products history at the detriment of patients citizens. Had the plan come true, the country would have scattered, and perhaps the avoided fear would have been unavoidable because no one can bear the impact of removing subsidies on petroleum products, not even the haves can. 

Nigeria would have had an unprecedentedly historic hike in foodstuff prices, transportation fare, building materials, medication, among others. And there would be a collapse of many companies in the country because they too cannot bear it, and the cost of living would be unbelievably unexplainable. 

The inflation rate has never been so alarming as today in the country, and it keeps rising every day. Yet, the FG wanted to turn a blind eye to it and remove subsidies on petroleum products from July this year until a group of genuine professionals reviewed the plan and finally rejected it because of the nation’s current state. 

Kudos to the considerate committee for being truthful to themselves. Every reasonable person knows that doing anything that will result in a hike in prices of commodities and services in Nigeria is untimely because most people are still ‘youth.’ Anyone who is economically unestablished is a youth regardless of their age. 

In 2021, the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) extrapolated that “ Nigeria’s annual inflation rate rose to 15.63% in December of 2021, after eight straight months of decline, amid a slight acceleration in prices of major component food (17.4% vs 17.2% in November), linked to the increase in demand during the festive season. Upward pressure also came from non-food products, including transport (15%, the same as in November); clothing & footwear (15.1% vs 14.8%); miscellaneous goods & services (14.1% vs 14%); housing & utilities (11.1% vs 10.6%), among others. 

The annual core inflation rate, which excludes the prices of agricultural produce, rose further to 13.87% in December, the highest since April of 2017, from 13.85% in the prior month. Monthly, consumer prices inched up by 1.82%, the most since May of 2017, after a 1.08% increase in the prior month.

The Consumer Price Index (CPI) measures the change over time in the prices of 740 goods and services consumed by people for day-to-day living. The index weights are based on expenditures of both urban and rural households in the 36 states. The most important categories in the CPI are Food and Non-Alcoholic Beverages (51.8 per cent of total weight); Housing, Water, Electricity, Gas and Other Fuel (16.7 per cent) and Clothing and Footwear (7.7 per cent). 

Transports account for 6.5 per cent of the total index and Furnishings and Household Equipment Maintenance for 5 per cent. Education represents 3.9 per cent of total weight. Health is 3 per cent, Miscellaneous Goods and Services 1.7 per cent, and Restaurants and Hotels 1.2 per cent. Alcoholic Beverages, Tobacco and Kola account for 1.1 per cent of the total index, Communications for 0.7 per cent and Recreation and Culture for the remaining 0.7 per cent.” 

So, tell me how we can endure the impact of removing subsidies on petroleum products in Nigeria? I am happy that the Nigerian government has indefinitely suspended the planned removal of subsidies on petroleum products. 

Lawan Bukar Maigana writes from Maiduguri, Borno State, and can be reached at lawanbukarmaigana@gmail.com

By Uzair Adam Imam 

Suspected political thugs have stormed the campaign office of former Vice-President Atiku Abubakar, situated some few kilometres away from the Gombe metropolis.

The Daily Reality gathered that the office had its windows broken by the thugs while taking away valuable items like air conditioners.

The thugs were also reported to have set the Gombe State Secretariat of the opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) ablaze. 

Confirming the incident, an eyewitness said that men in the area extinguished the fire with the help of Fire Service personnel.

Addressing reporters, PDP Chairman General Audu Kwaskebe (Rtd) blamed Youth Leader of the All Progressives Congress (APC) in the state, Kawu Lero, saying he was the one who led youths to burn the secretariat.

He added that they had already written a petition to the state police command for the appropriate action.

Meanwhile, State PRO of the APC, Mr Moses Kyari, alleged that it was PDP members that set their office ablaze “due internal crisis over control of the party structure.”

Efforts made to speak to the Police Public Relations Officer (PPRO) in Gombe, SP Obed Mary Malum, were fruitless.

• Director: Ali Gumzak
• Producer: Abubakar Bashir Maishadda
• Screenplay: Jameel Nafseen
• Language: Hausa
• Company: Mai-Shadda Global Resources Limited
• Release Date: 28/01/2022

Mai Shadda Global Resources Limited, a film production company that recently emerged as Kannywood’s powerhouse, has produced many blockbusting comedies with the veteran director, Ali Gumzak. Their last release, Kayi Nayi, was the biggest hit of the previous year. However, as the new year arrived, they came in with another comedy entitled LAMBA.

The film is a social satire set against the backdrop of ‘Audio money’ (a slang term for the fake display of wealth). It tells how some three young men (Adam A. Zango, Umar M. Sharif and Ado Gwanja) flaunt false riches to impress the classy girls they meet on social media. They look for the girls who post their filtered, stylishly snapped pictures on the platforms.

Quite incidentally, the girls, too, are living under false pretences. They rent all the trendy clothes and latest phones they use. They hire everything from a dubious merchant, Salo (Aminu Shareef Momo), at any price. The unveiling of their true identity and what transpired later is shown in brilliantly executed hilarious scenes that get the audience laughing throughout.

The film bears some striking similarities to Makaryaci and Kalen Dangi (both directed by Ali Gumzak in 2017), but this doesn’t make it a clichéd one. It’s, in fact, somewhat of an unconventional comedy for having up to three choreographed song and dance routines. The songs are pretty melodious and well shot. But Zango’s dance in the last one, which has thumping music, impresses the most.

Also, due to the film’s need for multiple actors, the producer (Mai Shadda) didn’t cast his favourites (M. Shareef and Maryam Yahaya) alone. He, this time, featured Adam Zango alongside many others. This is particularly interesting for, until this film, the star (Zango) has not appeared in any big production since Karamin Sani (Dir. Falalu Dorayi, 2020).

Moreover, Ado Gwanja, Aminu Sharif (momo), Maryam Booth, Amal Umar and Aisha Najamu acted in pivotal roles. Dubbing artist-cum-actor, Sultan Abdurrazak and rising starlet Ummi Rahab also play supporting roles along with many new faces.

All the leading cast show great comic timing. Zango is larger than life, and Gwanja amuses with great gusto. M. Shareef shows a vast improvement as an actor. Aisha Najamu shines with her signature look, and the new faces seem promising. The credit should go to the director (Ali Gumzak), who handles them effectively.

In sum, though LAMBA lacks an innovative script, it’s an excellent comedy that succeeds in tickling the funny bone. It will surely entrance you and leave a long-lasting smile on your face. Watch it!

Habibu Ma’aruf Abdu wrote from Kano via habibumaaruf11@gmail.com.

By Kabiru Danguguwa

January 15, 1966, was the beginning of ethnopolitical division in Nigeria, followed by a civil war a year later. One may argue that colonialists initiated this division when they amalgamated the two, perhaps unrelated, protectorates for easy administration and exploitation in 1914. This manifested in the political parties formed on ethnic lines as a prerequisite for self-rule. Whatever the genesis of our division might be, January 15 1966, has been instrumental.

Different regimes have made several attempts, perhaps in vain, to create unity in diversity to address the above issue. Unfortunately, our democracy has not been a solution either. In a book chapter published in 2018, I argued that Nigeria’s democracy had recorded only one achievement. That’s the sustenance of “democratic rule” since 1999 without the return of the military. This is an outstanding achievement indeed. Thus, I conceptualised Nigeria’s democracy as an electoral democracy.

One of the most critical steps in electoral democracy is the transfer of power from the military to civilians, which happened in Nigeria in 1999. The remaining significant features are conducting elections as provided by the constitution and governing citizens with at least some concern of the process of law. From 1999 to 2019, we witnessed six general elections every four years as the constitution demands. The government also, to some extent, care about the citizens. Political science students may agree that we are operating above a facade democracy and, of course, below the liberal democracy found in the West. Put simply, unlike some countries in Africa and Latin America; we keep our military in the barracks and other places they constitutionally belong.

On the other side of the coin, the 23-year old Nigeria’s democracy is full of conundrums. The democracy is so illiberal that some citizens think of going back to the colonial era or the least, returning to military dictatorship. We often celebrate former military heads of state, especially when comparing them with civilian leaders. We almost unanimously prefer the military personalities of the people that ruled as military heads of state to their characters as civilian leaders. What is wrong with our democracy?

As 2023 approaches, just like the previous general elections, Nigerians are being divided over the choices of political parties and candidates that will govern the county. Several divisions emerged; some have been with us since the 1960s, while others were recently created. The North-South division might have come to stay. Southwest-Southeast has also been there for decades. There’s also Igbo versus the rest of Nigeria, mainly connected to January 15, 1966, and the Civil War.

There are at least two recently created or popularised divisions: Yoruba versus the rest of Nigeria and Yoruba versus the North. The duo, especially the former, is connected to the alleged concentration of the present government’s efforts on the welfare and well-being of Lagos and Lagosians.

Other popular divisions are APC-PDP and intra-political party rivalry between camps and political groups. I don’t believe in the religious division, for there are many Christians in the North and numerous Muslims in the South. There is Nigerian youth versus old-timers rift.

Political trends show that Northern Nigeria is more united politically. The North showcased its unity in 2015 when Boko Haram was on the verge of crippling socio-economic activities in the region. Out of optimism, people hated the regime of the day in favour of a Northern candidate. Forgive my conceptualisation of the North to include those who see themselves as Northerners.

There is a need for another unity as the region faces another severe problem mightier than pre-2015 general elections. In 2023, we must gear our unity using our strengths to present candidates who can deliver irrespective of their backgrounds and political parties. The South has never, since 1999, been united, but Yorubas have been. Look at how Southwest (Lagos), with Vice President, has been benefiting from this administration at the expense of the entire country. I firmly believe that we should only be united, not too ambitious. They say “politics is a game of numbers”, and we have the “numbers”.

Kabiru Ibrahim Danguguwa lectures at the Department of History and International Studies, Yusuf Maitama Sule University, Kano. He can be reached via kabiru.ibrahim87@gmail.com.

By Ambali Abdulkabeer

On January 22, 2022, a seemingly terse letter by one Muhammad Rabiu Jibril to the perennial critic of Nigeria’s asphyxiating political system and its enablers was published by The Daily Reality, an online news medium headquartered in Kano. In the letter, Bashir writes about Kperogi’s consistent verbal umbrage at Nigeria’s geriatric political stagers and asks him to recommend a candidate for Nigerians in the 2023 elections. Bashir implicitly hints that faulting our leaders alone won’t suffice. More worryingly, several people who commented on the letter challenge Kperogi to, in lieu of writing belligerent, “big grammar” articles to condemn all the candidates currently available for Nigerians to pick from in 2023, come out and participate in the laborious task of choosing a leader for Nigerians during elections. That, to me, seems ignorant at best and unwarranted at worst. Here is why.

We need to understand that political participation is in layers. In other words, our involvement in politics, as significant as it is, can take various forms. Some of these include voting during elections, participating in mature political campaigns, conducting political sensitisations especially in places far removed from the mainstream politics, holding political positions, donating money to a political cause (in the interest of collective prosperity), participating in meetings that keep citizens close to their leaders and blogging writing about political happenings.

It’s unarguable that Prof. Farooq Kperogi is renowned for one or all of the above. As a dyed-in-the-wool political commentator and justice advocate, he writes consistently about political issues. His writing has propelled many public decisions that have shaped the country’s economic, social, cultural and political trajectories. His weekly political columns are devoted to critically analysing the myriad of sociopolitical issues bedevilling Nigeria in the last three decades or more. For me, this is a heavier role to assume by someone who, despite not being directly affected by several political diseases in the country, takes his country’s progress as a priority.

The fact that Kperogi has taken it upon himself to right the wrongs of the monsters in power by exposing their egregiously corrupt practices, not minding the consequences, should be enough for us to know that he wants the best for the country.

Ngugi wa Thiong’o, the Kenyan man of letters, aptly reminds us about the responsibility of a writer in his essay “Writers in Politics: The Power of Words and the Words of Power” when he argues that writers in politics operate within complex forces. He refers to them as people who risk many things to create a befittingly just world. One of the paragraphs in the strongly-worded essay is worth quoting here:

“He (writer) must reject, repudiate and negate his roots in the native bourgeoisie and its spokesmen, and finds his true creative links with the pan-African masses over the earth in alliance with all the socialistic forces of the world. He must, of course, be very particular, very involved in a grain of sand, but must also see the world past, present, and future in that grain. He must write with all the vibrations and tremors of the struggles of the working people in Africa…behind him. Yes, his work must show commitment, not to abstract notions of justice and peace, but the actual struggle of African peoples…and be in position to lay the only correct basis for real peace and real justice”.

In all fairness to Prof. Farooq Kperogi, his writing has always been within the prism of the above-identified responsibilities of writers, especially those who are caught up in the terrible sociopolitical conditions of countries like Nigeria. Nigeria is plagued by existential problems, including bad leadership, mass ignorance, and smelling regional biases exemplified in people’s attitudes toward the establishment and others. Therefore, for anything, any writer that informs their people and unrelentingly writes to challenge the status quo by giving the blueprint for emancipation and genuine leadership, which Nigeria truly needs, doesn’t deserve ill-founded condemnation.

This is not to argue that Prof. Kperogi’s political essays are watertight recommendations; it’s hard to discredit the courage and foresight his work forges for concerned Nigerians. Perhaps, this is what Breyten Breytenbach means in his polemical essay titled “The Writer and Responsibility” when he says, “a writer, any writer, to my mind has at least two tasks, sometimes overlapping; he is the questioner and the implacable critic of the mores and attitudes and myths of his society, but he is also the exponent of the aspirations of his people”.

Those who have commented on Jibril’s letter by calling Prof. Kperogi out should know that it takes massive grit to do what he is doing. They should know that his writing is really helpful. Even though he is not in Nigeria, he is doing what many Nigerians who are direct victims of the mess the country is enmeshed in can’t or fail to do. Of course, many scholars in Nigeria should have taken it upon themselves to inform the public through writing and go against the grain in the interest of a better Nigeria.

I would end this essay this way: Voting during elections isn’t the only way to participate in politics. Before voting, voters need to have the required knowledge of the process and understand the qualities a responsible political aspirant should possess. They must also come to terms with the power dynamics in the country and know who is fit to say this and that on their behalf. This is the leitmotif in Kperogi’s writing. So, before launching baseless ad hominem digs at a patriotic Nigerian who is voluntarily doing his part to fight for a country we can all cherish, we should understand that the role of a writer, first and foremost, is to inform. And that is exactly what Prof. Kperogi is doing.

Ambali Abdulkabeer is a writer and critic of contemporary writing. He can be reached via abdulkabeerambali@gmail.com.

By Ibrahim Siraj

The Faculty of Communication, Bayero University, Kano, is happy to collaborate with the newly launched Trust TV for the mutual benefit of the Faculty and the new television channel. Dean of the Faculty, Professor Mustapha Nasir Malam, said this while receiving a delegation from Media Trust Limited in his office on Thursday, January 27, 2022.

Trust TV is the latest addition to the list of products by the Media Trust Limited, owners of Trust newspapers. Launched six months ago and watched on StarTimes, free-to-air Nigcomsat and online, Trust TV is expected to be on DSTV soon.

While congratulating Media Trust on adding television to the Trust family, Prof Malam described the organization as an impressive success story looking at how it started a few decades ago and what it has become today in terms of readership, spread, facilities, staffing and corporate headquarters.

He said the launch of the TV channel has brought the need for a closer partnership between the Faculty and Media Trust and urged the delegation to identify specific areas of collaboration and their timeline to serve as the basis for developing and signing an MoU.

On his part, the general manager of Trust TV, Ibrahim Shehu Adamu, said the TV channel was set to fill an existing gap in the television ecosystem in the country, especially when it comes to reporting northern Nigeria.

“The North is not represented at the national level. Most of the television stations are southern-based. And sometimes, when it comes to telling the stories about the North, the perspectives are being skewed, and the stories are not told in the proper context.

Though Trust is a national medium, we feel we understand our constituency, our religion and our people, and we should be able to tell our stories better”. He said.

He added that the visit was meant to offer Trust TV the opportunity to tap into students’ potential, especially graduates who want to pursue a career in television broadcasting and those wishing to go on internships to enhance their skills. He said those services were needed to be able to drive the products.

Speaking earlier, the Editor-in-Chief, Naziru Mika’ilu Abubakar, applauded the long-existing collaboration between Media Trust and especially the Mass Communication department. He described the automatic job offer for best graduating Mass Communication students as a great success, adding that more areas of collaboration would be explored.

Trust TV is an all-English news and current affairs channel that concentrates more on documentary and investigative storytelling.

By Abdulrahman Yunusa

Borno State Governor Prof. Babagana Umara Zulum’s dealings with the power are enough to prove that he is an exceptional political player. He is extra cautious when sensitive issues are involved regarding the people he leads. He stood for his armless people during the tough days of Boko Haram activities and succeeded.

Unlike any other politician, Zulum neither puts his personal interest above his people’s nor allows his sentiment to overshadow his rationality. On the contrary, he often puts his people first before anything else. Thus, this aptly depicts how he resembles a statesman rather than a politician.

To attest to this, look at how he confronted several tragedies in the past. He does everything to get his people out of the cave of fear. Meanwhile, his recent assertion that says, “I’m not a politician, it’s my destiny that made me governor”, is another point of contention.

Either he said this wittingly to make an endpoint for his political voyage because he figured out something despicable attached to his govt, and he can’t withstand it. Perhaps he gets compromised as other politicians do, or he isn’t satisfied with his performance as a leader. That’s what we anticipated from President Buhari and his cohorts. But, instead, they end up disappointing us.

However, I do not support Zulum quitting politics so soon because he is the only man I have utmost conviction and respect for. And with people of his likes out of this dirty game, I can say we will be at a loss till God knows when.

Though I don’t know what the future holds for us, I’m terrified of losing such a rare gem among Nigerian politicians, for they always stand unique and prove to be the best among the rest.

I pray to have a lot of people of his personality amidst these useless politicians of ours because no matter how awful things go, they will surely change the narratives.

May Allah protect our Zulum, amin.

Abdulrahman Yunusa is a political and public affairs analyst. He writes from Bauchi and can be reached via abdulrahmanyunusa10@gmail.com.