Opinion

I wonder why the APC senators mostly stood against the clause that sought to operationalize the electronic transmission of election results.

I thought APC as a party was supposed to embody the ideals of political progressivism and was not created and sold to the people as a mere alternative political party with almost the same modus operandi as the others. I thought it was supposed to be a positive paradigm shifter and a status quo disrupter. But they have proven us wrong. 

Debates over this issue took a very heated dimension on the floors of both chambers of the National Assembly, and I wonder why. I understand there are certain concerns around issues like the devices to be used in the transmission of the results; how the results would be authenticated digitally before transmission; how the relevant stakeholders(e.g. party agents, observers) would be able to access the original results as transmitted; how accountability and transparency will be entrenched especially regarding public access to results and of course the issue of internet connectivity and inadequate digital infrastructure.

But if we are really determined, are there no answers and solutions to all these questions and concerns? Where is the APC’s commitment to innovation and “change”? 

This is how I visualize the entire process in the simplest terms:

 
Firstly, on registration of party agents (and independent observers, both local and international) for each polling unit by INEC. The commission would take all necessary details, including biometrics and create a profile for each of them on the INEC system. As such, all agents and observers would have access to their profiles on an app developed specifically for the elections. Of course, rigorous training of agents would be done to this effect. All political parties would also have accounts on the platform(perhaps to be operated by the Chairmen of the Parties). 

Secondly, after the elections, the transmission of results can only be done after validation and authentication by all party agents registered(and official observers) in the polling units. This can be done in many ways. One way is by barcode scanning. This way, the agents’(and observers’) mobile application would allow the scanning of the barcodes of the digital results as compiled so that immediately the barcode is scanned, the agents would be sent the result sheet on their mobile app as tabulated for verification(just as we use our XENDER app). On verification, the agents would accept or decline(in cases that warrant such). If accepted, the agents would still, after accepting their devices, go further to verify their acceptance with a biometric scan(thumbprint) on the device of INEC. Only then will the result be transmitted. 

Thirdly, immediately after transmission, INEC will send originally certified and legally admissible copies of the verified and authenticated result to the accounts(profiles) of the party agents and the central party account(profile). The result will also be immediately published on the elections website and projected at the polling unit for public consumption. 

On connectivity, INEC might choose to use the networks of the local service providers operating in Nigeria or partner with reputable international service providers. I prefer the latter because of the argument that almost 50% of the polling units we have do not have internet coverage. The government might partner with companies like SpaceX that provide satellite internet services with the capacity of delivering 150mbps internet speed to any place on the planet via satellite. All that is needed is a small kit at every polling station. There are also many other companies the country can partner with to optimize the device with satellite internet functionality that will guarantee internet connectivity almost anywhere in the world with appreciable speed, for example, companies like Thuraya, Iridium, Inmarsat etc. Of course, under the supervision and protection of the nation’s digital firewall. In this case, all polling units would have the digital infrastructure necessary for this purpose. 

Are these things possible, or they are just too fictional and unrealistic? 

If they are possible, then what is all this noise around e-transmission of election results? Or are we just not yet ready for such a revolutionary change towards more transparency and accountability in our election processes? 

Why is APC hell-bent on amplifying a limitation that they have done nothing to improve as justification for their scepticism towards e-transmission of the election result? Why are they not talking solutions and alternative routes towards achieving e-transmission just as they did vehemently when the PDP postponed elections in 2015 because of the insecurity in the North East? I wonder how they would have reacted if they were still in the opposition, but given their reaction to the issue of card readers while they were, I strongly believe they would have supported e-transmission. 

Some of them argue that even the United States, by virtue of the Protecting American Votes and Elections Act of 2019, use conventional ballot papers for voting. And I ask, is electronic voting the same thing as the electronic transmission of results? Have they ever wondered how they get live election result updates on channels like CBN, ABC, FOX etc.? Don’t they know of the National Election Pool in the US and Edison Research which provide real-time election results? 

Some are sceptical because such a network is susceptible to cyber intrusion. And I ask why the pessimism? Can we not trust the same cybersecurity infrastructure that protects our national security data(in DIA, NIA, DSS etc.) to offer befitting protection to a network that will be used just for electronic transmission of election results? 

So many questions for the APC! 

And here is the subtlety, the initial clause in section 52(3), as presented, already had the practicability condition; “The Commission may transmit results of elections by electronic means where and when practicable.” So this was the original clause. 

Then it was amended to this by both chambers of NASS; “The commission may consider electronic transmission provided the national network coverage is adjudged to be adequate and secure by the Nigerian Communications Commission and approved by the National Assembly.” 

In the amendment, the National Assembly subtly gave itself the exclusive power for approval subject to the NCC assessment and network coverage report. This is in absolute contravention with section 78 and Third Schedule Part 1, F, S.15 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria as amended. Per these extant provisions, the constitution has given exclusive rights and powers to INEC in the matters of the conduct, supervision, undertaking and organization of elections in Nigeria. Hence, the unconstitutionality of subjecting INEC’s powers to the approval of the NCC and the NASS. 

We are ashamed by the actions of the APC towards this issue because we believed that any initiative that holds the potential of improving transparency in election proceedings in this country ought to be unconditionally supported, especially by the APC. But, sadly, that is not the case. 

Abdulhaleem Ishaq Ringim is a political and public affairs analyst. He writes from Zaria and can be reached through haleemabdul1999@gmail.com.

By Adamu Bello Mai-Bodi

The member representing Bauchi Federal constituency, Hon. Yakubu Shehu (Wakilin Birni) pulled up his trousers and went into the gutters to ensure Bauchi State is rightly apportioned what it deserves from the Federal Government. Furthermore, the lawmaker moved a motion during the plenary on Thursday 15, July 2021, seeking to declare Bauchi State an oil-producing state given that oil exploration started in 2018 in Alkaleri LGA of the state. This is nothing short of bravery; it depicts Yakubu’s sheer love and concern for the development of his state.

Yakubu boldly puts it bare on the floor that it has become imperative to ascertain the fortunes at the disposal of the Federal Government in Alkaleri LGA so as to hasten the process of giving effect to the provisions of the new Petroleum Industry Bill, 2021, in terms of the economic benefit the host community stands to gain.

As a Bauchi citizen, I couldn’t hold back my applause when Yakubu asserted that any community from whose location oil is discovered and or produced is entitled to some extra monetary packages for the upkeep of its environment, infrastructure and health impact. He went further and bolder to make a case for the people of Bauchi to start benefiting from the 13% derivation being the constitutional right in the form of an incentive to the host community.

As expected, the motion, which Hon. Mansur Manu Soro seconded nearly divided the House for obvious reasons, one of which is that there are no reports of production from the Kolmani Well. Notwithstanding, the Ayes have it after a third submission by the Speaker of the lower chamber. It is a crying shame that most of southern Nigeria’s media houses hypocritically reported that the House overwhelmingly rejected the motion despite the fact that the Speaker ruled in favour of the Ayes.

By sponsoring such a critical motion, Wakilin Birni has won a bravery medal for himself and some degree of prestige and assurances for the Pearl of Tourism. Moreover, the motion gives Bauchi people a sense of victory, for it puts Gombe’s unfounded contest over the oil field to a permanent rest. It also serves as a groundbreaking argument for declaring Bauchi an oil-producing state in the country, which shall come to pass God willing.

However, the most crucial component of the brave Yakubu’s motion was his prayer to mandate the committee on petroleum resources (upstream) to invite the Nigeria National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) to give a comprehensive presentation on the level of work in the oil exploration currently undertaken in Alkaleri and the successes recorded. This is because we don’t want to be taken for a ride or fall into the same ditch as the Mambila hydropower project that was nearly completed on paper. Bauchi people and Nigerians need to know what is going on in the Kolmani River.

As I applaud Hon. Yakubu, I want to assure him that all well-meaning Bauchi citizens are solidly behind him on this. He must not relent, especially on mandating the committee on petroleum resources (upstream) to invite the NNPC to give a progress report on their undertaking of oil exploration in our state.

Adamu Bello Mai-Bodi writes from Gidado Bombiyo residenceK/Kaji Azare. He can be reached via 08067481928.

This year’s Hajj and the preceding one are unique and unprecedented because they gather the lowest number of participating pilgrims since the creation of the Saudi Kingdom in 1932, thanks to coronavirus. Earlier, authorities in the kingdom had asked the international Islamic community not to participate in this year’s ritual for the fear that the pandemic might get a breeding ground among the pilgrims. So, only a few Saudis and fewer foreigners are participating.

As such, pilgrims arrive at Mount Arafat to observe the biggest of the Hajj ritual; we, outside Saudi Arabia, too share those moments, appreciate the day, and in awe supplicate to the Almighty Allah (SWT).

Mount Arafat is a sacred place where Prophet Muhammad (SAW) delivered the famous farewell sermon in which he, among other things, warned Muslims to guard as sacred: people’s property, their blood, women’s right, including their security, food and dignity. On that day, it was said, the last portion of revelation was sealed: “On this day, I’ve perfected for you your religion”, says Quran. Thus, the Arafat vigil offers the pilgrims some opportunities to stand, sit and bow in a contemplative, solemn mood to the Almighty. On this day, Allah forgives more people and liberates them from hellfire to paradise.

Arafat signifies diversity and pluralism, hence, the subtle directive for tolerance. The word ‘Arafat’ derives from the word ‘Arafah, or he learned/knew. Arafat is a place where people get to know each other. The place is known as Jabal al-Rahma or the Mountain of Mercy. Assembling such diverse people in one place, under one umbrella of universal brotherhood, is God’s subtle command: tolerate each other. I am yet to understand from which religious sects such as Bokoharam, Taliban, etc., emanate.

Moreover, Hajj, Aràfat in particular, is symbolic; it signifies peace and social inclusion as Muhrim/pilgrim is asked not to kill even an insect, including mosquitoes, flies, bees, etc. So when a pilgrim returns home, he’s at least taught to respect other God’s creatures as part of the ecosystem. Therefore, their lives are spared because they’re as sacred as human souls. In other words, Arafat teaches Muslims not to kill! 

Arafat signifies tolerance, as Muslims converge from different continents, countries, races, colours and languages in one place, same time, wearing the same garments, and performing the same rites. As a result, bodies come closer, faces meet, hands are shaken, pleasantries exchanged, tongues converse, and hearts reconcile.

Arafat symbolises utmost humility as people share sameness: bareheaded, with simple white clothes or Ihram, rich and poor, the rulers and the ruled, men and women, Arabs and non-Arabs, whites and blacks come together for a shared purpose. In this togetherness, unity penetrates the hearts as physical beauty is ignored: “The believers are but single brotherhood,” says Quran (49:10). 

Arafat is an adaptation of the day of judgement as people submit to the will of Allah in an open, vast ground. It, therefore, replicates and reminds the faithful that a day would come when only the kingdom of God reigns; only He can arbiter!

May the Lord in His infinite mercy restore peace to the world.

Salisu Yusuf teaches at the Department of English, Federal College of Education, Katsina.

By Ahmed Zakaria

With the recent agitations for “Yoruba Nation” and “Middlebelt”, it is pertinent for Kwara State indigenes to review their relationships with other groups, narrate their stories by themselves and resist all efforts at manipulations of the narratives.

Some raucous voices have always taken it upon themselves to categorise Kwara State where it suits their tribal, political, religious and sentimental inclinations without considering the choice of the state’s indigenes.

Just because the Yoruba language is the Lingua Franca in Kwara doesn’t separate Kwara from the northern states. But, that does not also mean only Yorubas reside in Kwara, or only they “own” Kwara, as there are many other tribes, like Nupes, Barubas, Kanuri, Fulani,

Some people wrongfully assume the scale to be a Northern State is being above River Niger, which is absurd and wholly superficial and unwarranted.

Others use Hausa or Fulfulde language as a yardstick for grouping northern and southern states, which is also fallacious. A lot of people in northern Nigeria do not speak Hausa or Fulfulde.

Others use religion as a criterion, which is also untrue. For example, many communities in northern Nigeria have large populations of Muslims, Christians, and worshippers of traditional religions. Most recently, agitators of the “Middlebelt” have used religion as a basis for dividing northern Nigeria. 

With the recent agitations in the South West for “Oduduwa Republic”, many people encourage Kwara Yorubas and even Kogi Yorubas to join the struggle. They claim they will regret being part of the North or be oppressed by the “Northerners” or that they won’t gain anything from the North. Many other things they enjoy saying without knowing the repercussions of what they are saying or putting into consideration the emotions of others while saying it.

It is all due to utter historical ignorance. It is highly offensive to assume Kwarans are Northerners by chance or are “Northerners” for the benefit of what they “gain” from the “North”. 

Kwarans are unfortunately projected as “power-hungry” folks, making them seem all their decisions are guided by the love of money, power or recognition, which is wrong, untrue, and humiliating. 

Adding more salt to injury is to assume that other “Northerners” will “oppress” Kwarans or take away their “rights” or “resources”. It is more painful and mischievous. Nothing as such exists in the dictionary of the good people of Kwara State. It is a lack of understanding of the historical relevance of the current nomenclature of Kwara State that leads to all these unfortunate and insincere utterances and views.

No one can take away the “rights” of Kwarans or “resources”. We are focused on what “we” can sincerely offer this nation and region and not what this nation or the North can offer us. We do not discuss our “rights” when we haven’t discharged the “obligations” upon us.

The people in Kwara State have a strong ideological and religious association with  Northern Nigeria, which is stronger than mere tribal and geographical relationships.

Those who wish to project Kwarans as unclear of where they belong or are lost, looking for an identity, or seeking acceptance are deceiving themselves, not Kwarans. They deny the obvious. 

Many Kwarans welcomed the news of the raid on Sunday Igboho’s house and the arrest of his criminal associates for their effrontery towards Kwara State heroes and monuments.

They employed their propaganda machines to tarnish the good image of Kwara as well as to portray them in a negative light. They rubbished our traditional institutions and had the audacity to instruct their foot soldiers to be insulting Our Royal Father, the Emir of Ilorin.  

He thought the hooliganism and thuggish behaviour he exhibited in Oyo State could be condoned and replicated in Kwara State. He does not know the bonds that bind the people of Kwara are more robust than what people like him could ever break. Many sacrifices were made to build, foster, and develop these bonds and brotherhood, but his followers kept praising him till he met his Waterloo.

No true son of Kwara will support the criminal attitudes of Igboho. That is why some people believe that most people causing trouble and tribalism today in Kwara State are not true sons of Kwara. No true son of Kwara will support the disrespect meted on the state by Igboho and his propaganda machines.

It is harrowing and highly disappointing to paint Kwarans as people without an identity, just like it is a blatant lie to assume Kwarans don’t know their identity; that was what Igboho worked extremely hard at achieving.

It is unfortunate to assume Kwarans don’t know where they belong to or are looking for love and affection from any people or group of people. But, on the contrary, Kwarans respect everybody and bear no grudge towards anyone.

The mere thought of what Igboho represents is distasteful, extremely humiliating, and deeply heartbreaking. Kwarans are not troublesome; they are warm-blooded, unlike their counterparts in other parts of the country. 

That is the opportunity Igboho seized and the reason he dared to insult, belittle, humiliate, and threaten Kwarans. Yet, he dared not threaten Kano, Sokoto, or Borno in the same fashion he threatened Kwara.

Those supporting Igboho’s antics, methods, styles, and methodology do not and will never represent Kwarans. The attacks on our Emir and traditional institutions even made us more united behind our Emir despite all our differences.

Igboho consistently portrays hatred for those he terms the “Fulanis”, but we all in Kwara State fall under that category. He has been blinded by deep-seated tribalism and hatred that he views all of us in Kwara State as Fulanis and “Eru Fulanis” to the extent that it is absolutely impossible to convince his myopic mind that not all people in Kwara are Fulani and that Yorubas, Nupes, Barubas, and Fulanis live side by side, peacefully since the time of Shehu Alimi, that’s two centuries ago.

We thank the swift intervention of the DSS in tackling the menace and criminal activities of Igboho and his cohorts, for if the government hadn’t intervened, other non-state actors would definitely spring into action to counter his illegal activities and unguarded utterances against Kwara State. He and tribalists like him are not welcome in Kwara State. 

May ALLAH bless Kwara State and the whole of Nigeria, amin.

Ahmad Zakariyah writes from Kwara State. He can be reached via ahmadzakariyah@gmail.com.

South African problem is the exact replica of black man’s disease. It is the reason why black Africa will never develop. Look at North Africa; Morocco, Tunisia, Egypt and Algeria, they have infrastructure, mostly at par with Europe, some are even better than most European countries. They are not blacks. The Arabs, even with their deadly problems, are far ahead of blacks in terms of development. There is no black African success story as far as nation building is concerned. Some people mention Rwanda as a success story. I don’t know their standard of success. To me a country with no rail system, which has only seven 7 tiny airports, running an agrarian economy and presided by dictator, is not a success story. South Africa was built by the Whites. Zimbabwe had a wonderful headway until Mugabe chased away the whites and handed over the economy to blacks. But look at UAE, Qatar, Kuwait, Bahrain, Oman, Saudi Arabia and Jordan. They are developed peaceful societies with law and order per excellence.

The 79 years Jacob Zuma of South Africa was sentenced to prison to spend 15 months for refusing a constitutional court order to give evidence, at an inquiry investigating a high-level corruption during his nine years in office. Zuma is facing trial for corruption, fraud, racketeering and money laundering. What followed was total disgrace to Africa and black race. South African blacks and Zuma’s Zulu tribe went into violent protest in major cities of Natal, Durban, Johannesburg and other major provinces. They broke shops and looted the contents and set buildings ablaze. In the melee that followed, at least 79 people died with figures still counting.

Who, but African blacks, will go into riots to protest imprisonment of a corrupt leader on account of ethnicity only! The South Africans are not rioting because Zuma is innocent. They just don’t want him to be jailed no matter his crimes. Zuma defied court order. In any civilized society, defying court is tantamount to sleeping in prison. But see South Africa, arguably the most developed country in Africa, having the best infrastructure, best schools, functioning economy and a member of G-20, disgracing Africa, Africans and all blacks.

What kind of country do South Africans want if a leader can wreck the treasury and be above the law? Even with our myriads of problems I don’t see Nigerians behaving this way. Obasanjo was a former leader imprisoned for offences he did not commit but no one razed any shop or burnt down cities. Leaders will always have supporters but when they commit crimes, we should not give them ethnic refuge and fight their own battles. We should allow them to stew in the pot they arranged for themselves. That is the only way they will do the right thing in offices. As long as we allow them to commit crimes and run to ethnic and religious cleavages for protection, we will never develop as a country.

Alhaji Aliyu Nuhu

Is a social analyst based in Abuja

By Muhammad Mahmud

The recent debate between AbdulJabbar and representatives of Kano Ulama on the former’s reprehensible method of uttering unprintable words on the person of the Messenger of Allah (Peace be Upon Him) on the pretext of deduction and/or inference has opened yet another question on the freedom of expression. Some few supporters of AbdulJabbar decided to hinge their support on the hype of freedom of expression, saying that they are supporting him because he represents their free speech advocacy.

Nevertheless, a simple glance will expose this fallacy because if criticising other ideas is sanctioned by the freedom of speech article, AbdulJabbar himself does not seem to believe in it given his radical stance on the right of different sects to propagate their understanding. He condemns other people (sometimes using all available invectives) for no reason other than expressing opinions that contradicts his stance. He attacks other sects with impunity, descending on the personalities of many revered sheikhs, who were not even aware of his existence, in order to hurt emotionally and psychologically injure their admirers who disagree with him on one issue or another.

It is, therefore, hypocritical to premise supporting the man on the shaky ladder of free speech advocacy. This is even more evident as the peddlers of this chicanery never, even for once, voiced their dissatisfaction with the man’s assault on others who spoke their minds.

Now that the issue of freedom of expression is introduced into the unfolding drama, it is pertinent to ask what precisely this freedom of expression is? What is its scope, length and breadth? To what extent is it applicable? Who determines what it is and who will decide who is guilty of violating its principles?

We must address this because without fully knowing and understanding these, we may never have the much sought “liberty” to express ourselves. Unfortunately, many questionable elements will hide under it to deny us our own right to express ourselves.

It looks like almost every blasphemer or assaulter of people’s sacred places and/or scripture will find a supporter among the advocates of freedom of expression. Are the majority of people whose religion is attacked NOT free to express their anger? Why the intolerance against intolerance? It seems we are faced with what we can call a tyranny of the minority.

Section 39 (1) of the Nigerian constitution says: “Every person shall be entitled to freedom of expression, including freedom to hold opinions and to receive and impart ideas and information without interference.” Why should this only be applicable when those opinions are from the minority?

Am I not free to hate and despise anyone who infringes on my liberty and attack me, my religion or culture? Put aside those reasons, am I not free to hate anyone, including AbdulJabbar, for no reason at all? Why should someone then try to gag me when I have a reason to hate and express my anger towards him when he attacks what I hold dear?

Some of them used to argue that we abhor dissent. This is also not true. We have been living with dissent throughout our history. Even after Sheikh Dan Fodio’s Jihad, there were non-Muslims who went about their businesses without any harassment. Throughout our towns, there are a handful of brothels known as Gidan Magajiya. There were singers and dancers. There were even ‘yan daudu in addition to prostitutes. They live here. None of them was reported to have been attacked by the people or the authorities, to the best of my knowledge.

Also, the Ulama differ. They write books for and against what they believe and what they do not believe. People follow any sect they feel they are more at home with. They form and join groups. All these existed in Arewa before Nigeria even existed; they still exist. What gave the impression that we hate dissent is yet to be enumerated. Therefore, this is not about disagreement; it is about attacking and insulting what people hold dear and sacred while waving the card of free speech.

By Abubakar Suleiman

No thanks to his polemics, fiery tongue and boastfulness, AbdulJabbar Nasiru Kabara, the scion of the famous and revered Islamic scholar Shaykh Nasiru Kabara, has dominated the tongue and pens (though in the negatives) of most Hausa-speaking Muslims after the long-awaited debate has been laid to rest. He stirred the hornet nest and got stung from all directions.

Over the years, he has gained currency due to his unrestrained and unhinged attempts during preachments to create a hole in the validity of the Sunni Canons, especially Sahih al-Bukhari and Sahih al-Muslim. Plus, he has also never relent efforts in casting doubts into the minds of his gullible and unsuspecting followers on the narrative integrity of the Companions of the Prophet Muhammad (SAW). He is actually not the first to cast doubts on authentic Prophetic traditions, but he is the most reckless one I have come across.

Tellingly, in all his attempts, AbdulJabbar bucked context, methodological principles in the science of Hadith, Arabic nuances and even cultural conceptualisations or idiosyncrasies, especially in translations. And these translations ended up impugning the sacredness of the Prophet. Moreover, save for Allah’s intervention through the Kano state government, his dogmatism and preachings might have led to bloodshed and loss of lives and property.

This saga should once again bring to the front burner the issue of regulating preachers and preaching in Nigeria. One’s ability to translate Arabic text or to graduate from an Islamic university or a Christian theological seminary in Nigeria or abroad should not automatically confer on anyone the authority or absolute freedom to preach or use media houses to propagate ANY kind of religious ideology devoid of a vetting process.

There is no gainsaying that some religious clerics have exploited or abused the freedom of religion or expression for both personal and even political gains through dangerous indoctrination, misinterpretation of religious diktats and the preaching of skewed versions of religion. AbdulJabbar is a good specimen of how to throw decency to the dogs with the help of jarring sounds from a cheering and unsuspecting crowd in preference for personal gains.

Unfortunately, as a society, we most times abhor regulations on seemingly everything. Unfortunately, this nonchalant attitude has often come with a huge and devastating price, as we have witnessed in the case of Maitatsine and, now witnessing in the aftermath of Muhammad Yusuf’s death and the subsequent upsurge of the Boko Haram insurgency and, also AbdulJabbar’s preachments.

Regulation in religious matters is a sensitive issue. Still, it is a pertinent key in taming extreme tendencies, reducing margins of errors in religious fatwas and enhancing positive social policy and social integration. Yes, we can contemplate the government’s tendency to enact laws on preaching in erecting barriers that would insulate them from accountability or criticisms as humanly possible. However, we cannot underestimate the effects or the grave consequences of leaving preachers of any kind unchecked in our current realities.

The government at all levels should, as a matter of urgency, collaborate with relevant religious organisations in building or tweaking existing institutions which shall be backed by law. The institution should be shouldered with the responsibilities of, among others, screening and issuing a licence to preachers, judiciously and sincerely implementing the enacted rules and periodically revising and amending the laws in tandem with current realities or evolving peculiarities.

The solution, as mentioned earlier, is not a one-size-fits-all. Still, we desperately need a system or mechanism to check religious excesses and undue preachments before the next ‘AbdulJabbar’ or religious demagogue rears his ugly head and throws us into another quagmire that may be costly to our lives, religion, time and wealth.

Abubakar Suleiman writes from Kaduna and can be reached via abusuleiman06@yahoo.com.

By Adamu Usman Garko

Our esteemed mentor, Mallam Muhsin Ibrahim, nudged us to appreciate people who have impacted our persons and careers through their selfless doings. This noble orientation inspired my decision to beam the fluorescence of my appreciation on Alhaji Kabiru Tsoho, the person who supported me with books, sponsored the publication of my premier collection When Day Breaks, and in other ways that will be laid bare in this piece. As time permits, I will beam this same light on several others who continue to pillar my growth as an individual, but, for now, enjoy this memoir of appreciation for Alhaji Kabiru Tsoho. 

Before I delve into Alhaji Kabiru Tsoho’s long list of generous deeds, please permit me to re-emphasise that I am willing to immortalise heroes who have been contributory to our strides as individuals and as a community of young writers with my writings since their kindness is so immense that repayment will be futile. It is, in fact, global truth that impact can not be fully compensated with money, but writings of this nature are efforts to display our continuous gratitude and appreciation for these people.

Cherished readers and friends! Behind the glitters of my successes that many of you take pride in stands a selfless and generous pillar who caught them at infancy and nursed them. Allah in His Sublimity has this divine act of using people driven by pure generosity, sincerity, knowledge and experience as thresholds of the successes of other people. For me, this person is Alhaji Kabiru Tsoho.

In 2017 when I began the intellectual struggle of creative writing for public consumption through my social media platforms, I was very young. I posted a poem on my page, and Alhaji Kabiru Tsoho dropped a comment under the poem to show his heartfelt admiration for the work. He asked if I lived in Gombe, and I replied in the affirmative. This engagement would later birth the offer of his library for my usage; this signifies the beginning of his many contributions to my craft.

Before this blessed encounter with him, my medium of studying was my TECNO Y4. It was herculean to read on the phone due to its small storage capacity and small screen size. So, imagine how difficult it was to read for someone like me who was bred in a community bereft of the love for reading and writing. These days, I awake to the fascinating sights of shelves brimming with books I own and this, to me, signifies exponential growth and exaltation.

In fact, the story of how I picked this bizarre interest in writing despite the general lack of interest in such preoccupation and without a significant predecessor still astounds me. That I awoke to the blur images of me; reading and writing, is something that still leaves me in great awe, thanks to Mr Nongo Asor, my first English Literature teacher, in whose practical class I fell in love with writing. 

Sequel to Alhaji Kabiru Tsoho’s offer, I visited him in great anticipation to see his library brimmed with books I had fantasised about. His humility is as broad as the sky, and his comeliness was huge even mountainous does not fit. He was and still is an influential figure in the state. However, his jovial persona during my first visit belied his public status, and he has not ceased being that warm person. 

After a brief conversation with him, he walked me into his rich library and directed me to the fiction section that beheld the best of fictional writings. My interest then lay deeply in fiction. We resolved that I would take 5 – 8 books every month, read them, and discuss them with him thereafter. At this juncture, it is important to add that I have not come across a book wiz like him; he remembers all details of any book with astute precision. 

The arrangement continued as agreed upon. Then, my transition began from a hungerer for books over-stressed by his phone to an accessory of a library stacked with diverse fictional writings across all genres. Alhaji Kabiru is always procuring new books and constantly consuming more and more. His thirst for knowledge is insatiable, and this never cinched off his virtual and physical engagements. 

Apart from the aforementioned, he is one of the very few from whom I got honest feedback. The feedbacks that were ever encouraging and challenged me to do more. Consequentially, Alhaji Kabiru’s house in Gombe became my second home, and a place of consolation and direction where he was/is ever ready to be a guide even on my personal choices and decisions. He doubled as a father figure and literary mentor. 

When, in 2018, I received an invitation to, alongside two others from Kaduna and Kano states, represent the North at the Wole Soyinka International Cultural Exchange, he was the second person I called. Alhaji Kabiru was delighted to learn that I would be meeting the esteemed Nobel Laureate in his hometown in Abeokuta and assured me of his continued support. Funny as it may sound, that journey was my first travel out of Gombe state. Now that I have travelled to many states in the South and North of this country, it is a delight that I never travelled for any other purpose apart from educational and literary matters, and all were strictly by invitation.

Alhaji Kabiru said that I was supposed to have begun writing a book. He was thrilled when I informed him that I had about three unpublished manuscripts already. He quizzed about what delayed their publication, and I stated that it was due to a lack of sponsorship. Alhaji Kabiru offered to sponsor the publication to the last naira. I searched for my poetry collection manuscript, When Day Breaks and sent it to a publishing press. The publishers replied with some options, and I opted to print five hundred copies, totalling a considerable amount of money. Without batting an eyelid, Alhaji Kabiru made full payment, and the publication began. 

By Allah, this gesture came unexpectedly as our society is brimmed with people who never help even when they can do that. But here was Alhaji Kabiru Tsoho selflessly offering me a largesse I would hold onto forever. 

When the book was eventually published, and the five hundred copies were sent to me, Alhaji Kabiru Tsoho was the first person I called while carting the books home. I said I would take the books to him first so he would be the first to see them. But to my utter surprise, he asked me not to bother that this was his way of supporting Gombe and challenged me to keep making the state proud. 

The book copies were delivered in 2018, but they remained in my drawer due to insufficient funds to organise the launch. I embarked on massive promotion of the book through several fora as buildup towards a launch I had no idea how to execute. Almost a year after, Alhaji Kabiru Tsoho quizzed me on why the book had not been released to the public despite the wildfire spread of its title. I informed him of my predicament. He immediately asked for a range of the cost which I provided, and he promised full financing of the book launch.  

Alhaji Kabiru has a heart filled with honesty, generosity, unrestrained warmth, and passion for exemplifying good for the sake of Allah without expecting anything in return. When the date for the launch was fixed, and everything had been readied for the book presentation/launch, I requested him to chair the occasion. To my surprise, he declined and asked to grace the event as a spectator rather than as a special guest. See humility? But I insisted because I couldn’t think of any other person. Upon my insistence, he accepted.

However, the day scheduled for the presentation coincided with his official duty in Kano. Despite that, he still came to honour me at the book presentation with a rich speech chronicling his encounter with me. Immediately after his speech, he apologised that he would be leaving for the said appointment.

It is an understatement that the publication of my book inspired many young people in many states to take their pens and begin to write. Here, in Gombe especially, the release of When Day Breaks led to the discovery and rise of many young talents. I wouldn’t be off track to say this book brought me out of obscurity to the little limelight I enjoy now. Not only has it allowed me some level of financial independence and granted me the luxury of owning books of all genres, but it has also won several awards and taken me to places I had never imagined. 

The same book brought me access to Professor Saleh Abdu, an internationally renowned scholar who had nurtured many Professors, including the popular critic, Professor Farooq Kperogi. Out of his sheer passion to encourage me, Professor Saleh Abdu wrote the forward to the book and doubled as the book reviewer during the Book Presentation. But he didn’t stop at that. He recommended the book to his university students, which spiked demand for the poetry collection written by a high school student. In addition, the same book was enlisted by the Daily Trust newspaper in 2018 among the 15 best books in Nigeria.

All of these happened because Alhaji Kabiru Tsoho breathed reality into my dreams and gifted me the keys to open doors in a society replete with apathy for talent promotion. These strides were possible because of Alhaji’s benevolent decision to gift me support and acceptance in a community characterised by a longstanding culture of celebrating mediocrity. 

Alhaji Kabiru Tsoho isn’t only dedicated to supporting people like myself; he doubles as a trailblazing administrator and ardent public servant who worked with the previous Governor in the area of finance and has since been re-elected to serve the present administration in a superior capacity in the same department due to his level of transparency and expertise. 

His choice as an administrator is not political. It results from his ingenuity, doggedness, and selfless service to humanity, which has drawn people from every class and background to him despite his apathy for attention. With many success stories at his disposal, he could use the media for self-promotion. Still, he has chosen otherwise because he values hard work, supports creativity, and anticipates his reward from Allah. 

His is a life devoid of pretension. Like many he has helped, my success story will never be complete without special tribute paid to him. He wasn’t just a mentor but a beacon of light, a pillar and a parasol that shields. He is a father and a confidant who is deeply vested in change and development. 

If I had written a compendium of eulogy to show gratitude, they would not suffice. He was there when there was no one. He was present when the journey was rough and the path uncharted. He spurred me on with love and acceptance. He encouraged and moulded me with his warm hands. In an attempt to pay it forward, I have assumed the role of a pillar in my little ways to numerous other young minds. 

I remember Alhaji Kabiru Tsoho whenever young minds under my tutelage show their appreciation whenever I gift them books or access to opportunities to launch their careers (two of them are about to get their dream manuscripts published). So what I am doing now is nothing compared to the kindness I have received and am still receiving from Alhaji Kabiru Tsoho. 

I will continue working tirelessly to impact young minds without any expectation of reward. In fact, it is indeed a source of delight to be a beacon of light to others like someone very dear has been to you. This is how to keep the world circling in a continuum of compassion. 

For his deep devotion to helping people and his selflessness and understanding during the course of growth, and for his service to Gombe at large, I say thank you.
These words are not enough to thank him for his voluminous acts of kindness. I pray that Allah keeps elevating me on this path so I can reflect Alhaji Kabiru’s goodness for global appreciation. May Allah also grant Jannah to his parents, bless his family, forgive and grant him the highest place in Jannah. 

May Allah further bestow him the economic wherewithal, mental stamina, spiritual aptitude and physical strength needed to continue the excellent work. 

Adamu Usman Garko writes from Gombe State. He can be reached via adamugarkousman@gmail.com.

By Abubakar A. Bukar

In an attempt to demystify what he regards as Salafists’ deification of Bukhari, ‘Jabbar ended up with this raw Rushdification of the Prophet (SAW). All these references and inferences of indecency attributed to the Prophet (wa’iyaz billah, except for the debate, very few knew that the profanity is such great in its filthiness) remind one of many passages in the Satanic Verse. To which, Kano cannot keep silent. To which, the North cannot be indifferent. Nay, nor the Muslim world as a whole. When Rushdie attempted, the Ummah reacted. No less when similarly caricatures oozed with the stench from Denmark. While France’s Charlie Hebdo got more than what it bargained. Of recent when Macron assented to such insanity, we’re all appalled and nearly went berserk in search of lines from Namangi’s Wakokin Imfiraji:

         Wa ya kai, wa yai kamarka?

         Wa ya san asali ya naka?

        Wa ya san matukar rabonka?

        Tun da Allah ya yabe ka,

        Duk wanda ya ki ka ma yi gaba

Where the honour of the Prophet is at stake, an average Muslim would accept being intolerant, antediluvian and worse descriptions far readily than expected in lieu of the desecration. The interrelation of the Prophet’s personality and its sanctity with a Muslim devout is beyond mere belief, obedience and homage. It’s about the latter’s existential significance. It is on this note the Muslim relates with any threat thus – which appears incomprehensible to non-Muslim. This signification is beautifully captured by the American anthropologist Saba Mahmoud in her engagement with Judith Butler. See Religious Reason and Secular Affect:…where she says, ‘the Aristotlean term schesis captures this living relation because of its heightened psychophysiological and emotional connotations and its emphasis on familiarity and intimacy as a necessary aspect of the relation.

What interests me in this iconophile tradition is not so much the image as the concept of relationality that binds the subject to the object of veneration. Those who profess love for the Prophet do not simply follow his advice and admonition to the umma (that exist in the form of the hadith) but also try to emulate how he dressed; what he ate; how he spoke to his friends and adversaries; how he slept, walked, and so on. These mimetic ways of realising the Prophet’s behaviour are lived not as commandments but as virtues where one wants to ingest as it were, the Prophet’s persona into oneself… Muhammad, in this understanding, is not simply a proper noun referring to a particular historical figure but the mark of a relation of similitude…  The sense of moral injury that emanates from such a relationship between the ethical subject and the figure of exemplarity (such as Muhammad) is quite distinct from one that the notion of blasphemy encodes. The notion of moral injury I am describing no doubt entails a sense of violation, but this violation emanates not from the judgment that “the law” has been  transgressed but from the perception that one’s being, grounded as it is in a relationship of dependency with the Prophet, has been shaken’.

And I think it is from this prism Bala Mohammed, former Trust columnist, wrote that where the Prophet is involved, we are fanatics or something of that import in his reaction to the Danish cartoons.

The Sheikh in question obviously feels so much saturated (if not intoxicated) with counter-argument that he severally warned his interlocutors not to send a “tiny” representative, which he would bulldoze in a matter of seconds. But they defied by seemingly playing out this logical David-Goliath with him. I have never heard of this Rijiyar-Lemu Jnr. beforehand. And since the Sheikh’s encounter with Alkasim Hotoro, one could notice his ill-preparedness for conventional debate; that he’s more well-exercised and blabbermouth only in the absence of an antagonist. In a word, he’s a disappointment to the usual assertiveness of dissident voice. This becomes clearer when one juxtaposes Tal’udis vs Ja’far Adams debate. You may argue that besides the clerical establishment, the government too is posed against the dissenting Sheikh, making it nearly impossible to win the card. The fact of the matter is that since Socrates and Milton, dissidents grapple in/with the same circumstances. It’s the power of their argument, the logicality of the presentation of their stand – which considers and surmounts their opponents’ in Millian fashion – that extricate and exonerate them at least in the view of current sympathisers and later generation of dispassionate examiners.

In all this, the biggest lesson is on the centrality of humility and sincerity in the acquisition and transmission of knowledge.

Similarly, I’d also felt our teacher shouldn’t have been the moderator in this debate. But upon listening through the 5 hours of exchanges, nothing could be fairer than Professor Salisu Shehu’s handling of the interlocking scenario. Partisan, yes he is, but I think he has ably transcended that with calmness and justice. After all, it was not a stark case of the Sufi-Salafi divide as many framed it to be, misleadingly. Among Sheikh Jabbar’s interrogators are representatives of Tijjaniya, Qadiriya, JIBWIS and Salafi.

Beyond winning and losing, the debate, to me, raises more questions than answers which calls for re-debate, or, once more, putting ‘Jabar on the dock – as it was. The Sheikh was, for instance, caught complaining that what was presented to the public by his debaters as his scholastic stand on the controversy was only a ‘text’ – with utter disregard to the context. In the name of fairness, could he be granted, in hindsight, the chance to hear him out through and through on the context? Or he just be asked to produce a book exhausting whatever burhan he has on this? Wouldn’t it be creditable if the classical Baytul Hikmah is reincarnated thus? To what extent is our toleration of dissent and dissidents in the name of freedom of opinion and expression thereof? Or are these concepts alien in our tradition? To what extent are the canons open to critique? What are the political and economic dimensions of these blasphemous shenanigans? And the international connections – how does it lubricate the engine of globalisation? Is it true that all the ahadith wherein the Prophet prescribed capital punishment were mere fabrication and distortions as the Sheikh lately claimed? Is the Sheikh alone in this, especially with regard to blasphemy? In the power asymmetry and contestation between the fringe and the mainstream, how do we save the truth from being the first casualty  – with apologies to Phillip Knight? Ad infinitum.

Bukar wrote in from ABU’s Mass Communication and can be reached via aabukar555@gmail.com.

By Mallam Musbahu Magayaki

Nigeria is hallowing in many annoying obstacles, but insecurity is one of the awful encounters of her recent havoc. Her citizens are now obstructed from undertaking their daily activities.

However, this series of sad incidence is induced by jobless youths as a result of unemployment. Many suspected criminals arrested claim that the primary root cause of their unlawful acts is joblessness.

Given the above sad stories, there is a need for the government to become exigent in providing jobs opportunities for our teeming youths and introducing skills acquisitions training schemes in all regions of the country. This can be actualised by collaborating with governors, senators, reps, and members of the state house of assembly.

Though, there are ongoing government programs meant for curbing the suffering of Nigerians, especially those not on government payroll through ministries of Youths and Sports and Humanitarians Affairs, Disaster Management. But these would not pave the way and solve our current predicament; instead, they would reduce it.

Furthermore, Nigeria needs to eliminate the escalating insecurity to employ unemployed youths, not necessarily with white-collar jobs but even black-collar one.

Nevertheless, giving full power and support to traditional rulers would also help in combating the insecurity. This is because these traditional rulers are closer to commoners than the government officials. As such, whoever is observed in every community exploiting unlawful acts worthy of investigating should be caught and brought to book.

More so, as you have publicly advised the security personnel to change tactics in the fight against insurgency, you have to furnish them with advanced weapons and motivational dues to enable them to confront the enemies of our country. But every years’ budget, a humongous amount of funds are approved and released for arms purchase to combat security challenges. Alas! Nothing positive is observed in eradicating the menace of insecurity. Nonetheless, our security agencies should be trained and retrained by experts in more strategic tactics in the war against terrorism. Even though this is ongoing, but there is a need for efforts redoubling.

In a nutshell, I would, therefore, like to urge you to adopt the remedies mentioned above if we honestly want to impede this challenge of security that is crippling our country.

Mallam Musbahu Magayaki writes from Sabon Fegi, Azare, Bauchi State (musbahumuhammad258@gmail.com).