Opinion

By Muhammad Mikail

The World Bank Group’s Identification for Development (ID4D) initiative estimated that 1 billion people were without an officially recognised means of identification (ID), and the majority are women. This problem is particularly acute in Low—and Medium-Income Countries (LMICs), where the 2017 Global Findex survey estimates that 44 per cent of women do not have an ID compared to 28 per cent of men (World Bank Gender Gap Report 2021).

In Nigeria, different studies and surveys have identified many challenges and barriers as the cause of the low National Identification Number (NIN) enrolment by women, children, Persons with Disabilities (PWDs), and other marginalised groups. These groups experience challenges in obtaining ID due to the distance to travel for registration, transport costs, long wait times, and multiple visits. 

Some of the identified barriers to enrolling for the NIN for women, children, and PWDs have emanated from social norms about gender roles that allocate certain household work, responsibilities, and childcare to women, exacerbating their time constraints. Most often, women needing permission from husbands and fathers can be a huge barrier for many, especially in environments where knowledge and awareness about IDs are limited. 

Also, poor facilities combined with long wait times are particularly hard for elderly people, pregnant and nursing mothers, and persons with disabilities. These barriers to registration are even greater for pastoralists and IDPs who are less aware of pertinent registration information such as location, time, and necessary supporting documentation.

Many IDPs have low trust in the government, while people living in camps are further away from service access points. Pastoralists and migrant fisherfolk and farmers also typically have less engagement with the government and are less likely to have IDs, though this varies significantly by region. Women from these communities are likely doubly disadvantaged by their gender and their pastoral identity. Women with disabilities and internally displaced women are also likely to face additional barriers and greater exclusion from society than women without disabilities or women who have not been displaced (World Bank Gender Gap Report 2021)

The United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR) in July 2023 revealed that Nigeria has over 3 million Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs), about 2 million returnees, and 100 thousand refugees/asylum seekers from 41 countries, with the majority from the Democratic Republic of Congo, Niger, Central Africa Republic, Cameroon, Syria, Turkey, Mali, and 34 other countries. Also documented by UNHCR are over 300,000 Nigerian refugees registered in Cameroon, Chad, and Niger. 

These individuals may have difficulty accessing basic rights such as banking, telephone, education, healthcare, employment, and freedom of movement and may face a lifetime of obstacles and exclusion without access to the National Identification Number (NIN). Aside from creating a huge gap in the database in terms of inclusivity and spread, this leaves behind a very huge number of unidentified underserved persons with the risk of being excluded from government services, restriction in movements, and lack of access to healthcare. It also creates a clog in the federal government’s attempt to commit to the sustainable development goals of providing identities for everyone and “leaving no one behind.”  When you have millions of unidentified persons outside of your country’s identity database, it means your economic planning will fall short and by extension, Nigeria’s socio-economic development will suffer.

In recognition of these challenges and in commitment to achieving universal access to ID and closing the gaps, the Government of Nigeria commissioned a strategic roadmap in 2018 as part of the country’s Economic Recovery and Growth Plan (ERGP) as its overall strategy to drive the country’s economic development. Several reforms were contained in the roadmap. Principally, the country was to adopt the ecosystem approach to NIN enrolment that involved Civil Society Organizations (CSOs), ministries, departments and agencies of government, licensed enrolment partners, international Non-Governmental Organisations, and all relevant stakeholders in the ID space.  

Also, the National Identity Management Commission is working with the Nigeria Digital Identification for Development Project (NDID4D) with support from the World Bank, the French Development Agency (AFD), and the European Investment Bank (EIB) in implementing a series of sustainable and innovative reforms. The goal is to remove all current challenges and difficulties that people face in enrolling for IDs, fostering a robust, seamless, and more inclusive enrolment system where ID is provided for everyone, and no one is left behind.  

As a result, the NDID4D Project established collaboration with the National Commission for Refugees, Migrants, and Internally Displaced Persons (NCFRMI) and their international counterpart, the United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR). This is aimed at addressing these challenges and removing barriers these vulnerable individuals may face to obtaining the NIN needed to facilitate their rehabilitation, reintegration, and resettlement into society. 

As part of the collaboration, the NCFRMI has agreed to activate its enrolment licence previously issued by NIMC to participate as an enrolment partner targeting refugees, migrants and IDPs in 5 states where there are large clusters of these vulnerable groups. The states are Adamawa, Taraba, Benue, Cross-River, and Akwa-Ibom. Although refugees also live in cities including Lagos, Ijebu, Abuja, Kano, and urban areas in other States, the selected 5 states host the majority of these vulnerable populations and will, therefore, serve as a starting point for this enrolment. 

With support from UNHCR, the refugee commission is planning to procure 6 enrolment devices and nominate 20 of its staff as enrolment agents to support this endeavour. On its part, the NIMC, with support from the NDID4D Project, will onboard these enrolment devices and train all licensed enrolment partners to be deployed to the various states and locations to carry out the enrolment. The NIMC, in collaboration with the NDID4D Project, is fashioning ways to clear the backlog of enrolment fees owed to enrolment partners and has also developed a robust business model to incentivise all partners, particularly those who will be conducting enrolment in remote and hard-to-reach communities and locations.  

In ensuring that the fundamental right of every Nigerian to a verifiable identity is secured, the National Identity Management Commission needs to work overtime in introducing innovative reforms in line with global best practices. Engagements and consultations with critical stakeholders on the amendment of the NIMC Act to ensure it is in consonance with the current digital realities and ease integration with other foundational ID agencies like the NPC should be sustained. Efforts need to be geared to working tirelessly on upgrading the enrolment software and ensuring training and retraining of all licensed enrolment partners on interacting effectively with the people, global best practices in customer service and grievance handling. 

In the same vein, national awareness and information campaigns that use multiple channels inclusive of both conventional and new media to reach diverse groups in raising awareness about NIN enrolment, including information on where and how to enrol, what is required to enrol, and—especially—why enrolling is important for everyone, not just women, children and PWDs should be commissioned. This should be done while equally engaging traditional, community and local leaders especially male leaders, to proactively promote women’s and girl’s registration.

The recent collaboration between the NIMC and the National Social Safety Net Project to extend to streamline enrolment of the poorest of the poor in the national social register while ensuring those on the register are both issued a valid NIN and are captured into the National ID database is a strategic move that deserves commendation.

Enrolment centres and registration points should be located close to communities to reduce travel costs and time, enhance access to ID and adopt culturally appropriate policies to encourage and prioritise enrolment for women and girls and marginalised groups. This may involve Mobile registration centres to bring the enrolment process closer to the people in the rural/hard-reach areas.

The recent workshop held in Abuja to validate the NIMC’s disability inclusion policy represents a critical step forward in ensuring that the National Identity Management System is inclusive and accessible to all citizens, particularly persons with disabilities. Collaboration with the National Commission for Persons with Disability should be sustained.

In the same vein, digital identity can also enhance security and privacy. With robust authentication mechanisms in place and monitored by the Nigeria Data Protection Commission, individuals can rest assured that their personal information is protected from unauthorised access. This is particularly germane in an era and country like ours where data breaches, phishing and identity theft are on a steady rise. This can help bridge the digital divide by enabling greater secured access to services for all citizens and empowering marginalised communities to fully participate in the digital economy

Conclusively, the National Identity Management Commission (NIMC) faces an arduous task of showing Nigerians the value of having a NIN and its relevance in accessing critical services used by both women and men while ensuring non-possession of the ID does not exclude people from services. These will not only help in allaying the fears and resolving the complaints of aggrieved Nigerians and potential enrollees, but they will also help the NIMC win back the trust of the Nation. 

Muhammad Mikail writes from Abuja and can be reached via muhammadnmikail.mm@gmail.com.

By Mutalib Jibril

A few days back, I stumbled upon a post about two graduates from a particular university in Nigeria who went for a job interview. On getting to the venue, they started interrogating some workers in the organisation about the qualifications of the interviewer.

Unfortunately, the interviewer overheard their conversations and prepared to daze them with some basic questions in English, which he noticed most graduates usually struggle with. In no time, the interview commenced. It was a written test. They were handed their questions, and then they answered the questions.

Behold! They could not reach the cutoff mark, and they failed the questions. This is just one funny instance out of a thousand and one of how students often think their university is the best or better than others.

I agree that some universities are better than others in infrastructure, research innovations, and achievements. This is why we do have a university ranking annually.

However, I can categorically state that all universities have met the benchmark; better still, they have fulfilled all the criteria set by the Nigerian Universities Commission (NUC).

Any university that does not meet the set criteria for a particular course—let’s say Radiography, for instance, wouldn’t be accredited. Therefore, any institution running that course has met the requirements and been subsequently accredited by NUC.

Therefore, most students are oblivious that what makes an individual student stand out from their peers from other institutions is mainly tied down to individual sacrifices and effort.

This is not to say that the university doesn’t have a role in making students exceptional. No! Even if you attend the best university in Nigeria, the onus still lies on you to make yourself stand out. The school cannot teach you everything.

However, no matter the university you find yourself in, develop yourself and stand out.

It doesn’t matter if your university has the lowest ranking in the country; I know that no university would be accredited without meeting the requirements. Some standards must be met.

What matters is what you can do to ensure you are prepared for life after university and stand out.

Many people graduated from the least-ranking universities in Nigeria but are doing exceptionally well academically in Nigeria and abroad.

I have never heard of a scenario where a third-class graduate from a top-rated university is selected for a job over a first-class graduate from the lowest-rated university—I’m not talking about connections here. I am talking about employment based on merit.

It’s high time we stopped making unnecessary comparisons about universities. Let’s channel that energy toward making our self-development.

Mutalib Jibril wrote via mutalibdantanisabi300@gmail.com.

By Abbas Datti

Peaceful demonstrations turned deadly when security forces used live ammunition against unarmed civilians in Kurna, Rijiyar Lemo and Kofar Nassarawa, Kano. That resulted in the loss of innocent lives and left many others injured and traumatised.

This brutal response has sparked outrage within the state and across the country as concerned citizens demand accountability and professionalism. An image of a well-armed police officer who allegedly opened fire on innocent victims of Kurna is now circulating on social media. 

Reports indicate that the police fired indiscriminately to scatter the protesters, resulting in the death of innocent young children.

Consequently, it’s up to the Inspector General of Police to probe the unfortunate incident.

The protesters had reportedly assembled themselves and marched to express their grievances over deteriorating hardships, hunger, economic inequalities, corruption and other social injustices, exercising their fundamental right to peaceful assembly and free speech. However, what began as a lawful and largely non-violent demonstration quickly escalated into a scene of chaos and bloodshed, as security forces resorted to excessive force and unprofessionalism 

Families of the victims are now left to mourn their loved ones, grappling with the devastating loss and an overwhelming sense of injustice. Our sons went out to make their voices heard, to fight for a better future for themselves, and now they are gone. As a result, we demand justice for their senseless deaths.

We are calling on human rights organisations and civil society groups to condemn the brazen actions of the security forces, calling for an independent investigation into the incident. The use of live ammunition on peaceful protesters is a gross violation of human rights, which is a fundamental right given by the Constitution. 

Abbas Datti wrote from Kano via comradeabbasdatti@gmail.com.

By Sa’adatu Aliyu 

As the US election approaches and President Joe Biden steps aside for Vice-President Kamala Harris to run as president in 2024, questions swirl within both White and Black communities about Harris’s recent declaration as a Black woman. Despite her long-standing identification as a woman of Indian and Jamaican descent, Harris has only recently begun associating herself with the Black community. However, this sudden shift doesn’t surprise me, as politicians often use false identities to win popular support.

Can one simply claim a new identity without shared experiences and cultural heritage? Well, in the woke 21st century, perhaps. Is Harris’s declaration a genuine attempt to connect with the Black community or a calculated move to garner support? The timing of her proclamation, coinciding with her presidential bid, only fuels doubts about her authenticity.

But honestly, I am not in the least surprised by this sudden cross-dressing because it’s not uncommon to see politicians taking on false identities and doing strange things just to win popular support among the people, which will serve them during elections. I mean, among many others, I recall Joe Biden reciting a prophetic Hadith during the 2020 elections, attempting to prove his commitment to Muslim interests. This tactic is a familiar ploy to rally specific communities and secure votes. 

However, he was only using the strategy that every politician employs to rally Muslim communities to vote for him, and some bought it. Gullible and naive as they were, they had thought he was the man who wouldn’t see colour, let alone religion. However, Biden’s term turned out to be one of the regimes in which Palestinians suffered heavy persecution at the hands of his Israeli allies.

Now, I fail to understand the reason behind former President Donald Trump and the Republican Presidential candidate’s surprise that a dogged opponent is simply employing a political strategy to win the sympathy of the Black community, who, to a large extent, may determine the outcome of the US election. This is similar to how Trump capitalises on white supremacy and “America First” idiosyncrasies. Thus, it’s surprising that anyone is shocked when someone magically signs up to be a Black woman overnight as if we do not live in a world where our mere utterance and public declaration of being something automatically makes us that thing. I mean, take gender, for example.

I was born a boy, but I felt and wanted to be a girl, so I showed up and simply made a formal declaration. Isn’t gender, after all, a social construct? Perhaps Vice President Harris thought it was enough to be Black by merely making an official declaration of being Black, even though she’d always flaunted her Indian and Jamaican heritage with pride. And I don’t blame her. If Kamala Harris one day wakes up and says, “I am a Black woman and belong in the Black community,” so be it. She could just as easily choose to argue that she’s a white woman by simply being married to a white man or by saying she’s white. It’s easy to be a chameleon these days, changing into the colour that best fits our situation to achieve our desires.

With reference to Mrs Harris, who suddenly feels and declares herself a Black woman, and in relation to Simone de Beauvoir’s notion in her famous feminist book The Second Sex that “One is not born but becomes a woman,” perhaps it’s time to put the issue of race behind us. Let’s consider race, like gender, a social construct and integrate everyone irrespective of colour, as long as they feel and make the formal proclamation: “Although I was born Black, I feel I am white, and therefore, I am what I think I am.” Just like transgender people, who are increasingly being accepted into their desired gender community, we should similarly accept individuals who self-identify with a particular race. After all, we’re all one.

To that effect, if race is perceived as a social construct, then one is not born black but becomes black, and one is not born white but becomes white.

 Let us remember that for several decades, Black people have struggled for full acceptance into the world of white people. Some have straightened their hair with hot irons and a range of relaxers, worn contact lenses to have the “bluest eyes” to be accepted “under Western eyes”, and gone as far as bleaching their skin. However, this has not made them white nor granted them full acceptance into the white community because, despite all these efforts to change into somebody else, they are simply not that person.

Just because I say I am a doctor and put on a doctor’s uniform, parading myself as one, does not make me a doctor when I am a writer. The pen and scalpel are not interchangeable just because I say they are. And if, as a writer, I insist on performing the duties of a doctor, we’ll sure be heading for disaster. 

Therefore, if one is not born but becomes a woman, how about we stop seeing colour? How about we think of race as a social construct, too, and integrate everyone into one big, happy, peaceful family? Why is race still an issue? If some people recognise gender as a social construct, why haven’t the same group of people wholly recognised race as a social construct?

Perhaps it’s because cross-dressing doesn’t change certain realities. 

Sa’adatu Aliyu is a writer from Zaria. She is pursuing an M.A. in Literature at Ahmadu Bello University and lecturing at the university’s Distance Learning Centre. Her writing interests include prose fiction and international politics.

By Ishaka Mohammed

If I had had enough money a few days ago, I would have bought a new phone because of a certain feature I seriously wanted. However, I got an alternative from the internet. A free Android application brightened my gloomy day, so I call it my app of the year.

My wireless microphone couldn’t capture my voice during video recording but worked well with pure audio recording. I tested the mic on two Android phones and got the same results. 

I complained to the guy from whom I bought the mic, but he ghosted me for several days after informing me that it worked well when he tested it. I knew this guy through a friend, so I thought he was a retailer, not knowing he was a shopping agent. 

I later met with the retailer, who stressed that the one-month warranty period had elapsed. However, he examined my phone and said I needed a more advanced one to be able to use a wireless mic for video recording. He proved his point beyond doubt by testing the same mic on his phone and other mics on mine.

It was a difficult situation for me. After examining my options, including the cost of using effective noise reduction apps or getting a quiet open space to shoot videos, I almost resolved to stop creating audiovisual content for a while.

But I later watched a YouTube video on a related challenge and tested the recommended app and bingo! My problem was solved.

Open Camera is a free, offline app written by Mark Harman. It might save somebody’s neck the way it did mine. It’s on the Play Store.

By Anwar Usman

Nigeria has over 200 million people from multiethnic and religious backgrounds, which has caused the country to suffer from various uncertainties. The country’s return to democracy in 1999 made the citizens think that a Messiah had come to their aid. Unfortunately, the truth is like the story of Judas, who was said to have betrayed Jesus Christ at Calvary.

Nigerians managed to follow whatever their leaders came up with mindlessly, without thinking of the negative consequences that such a policy would have on them. How do you even expect people who don’t know their democratic and civic rights to think in a way that depicts an environment of literacy? It’s almost impossible!

The imposition of artificial hardship, starvation, insecurity, unemployment, and so on made Nigerians reconsider their thinking and think differently. The only thing that an average Nigerian needs is “food.” Ask anyone, and they will tell you the same. Now, let me ask you (reader) this question: When Nigerians were not hungry, how many times have you heard of any protest/riot, especially in the north? 

No matter what the ruling class would do, an average Nigerian will tell you “Su da Allah” because they are contented and believe that Allah will take charge of that. That was when things were okay. The masses could afford 2/3 square meals daily, and things were readily available, not because Nigerian politicians were not looting.

Now, the devaluation of the Naira and the removal of fuel subsidies worsen Nigeria’s situation. The ruling class does all it feels like without any question from the citizens, even though people were said to be the backbone of democracy.

Experience of what Nigeria is about and how things have been going over decades triggered the situation in Nigeria today. A wealthy person today is bankrupt tomorrow and later becomes a beggar the next day.

The citizens of Nigeria are not violent. They accept whatever is imposed on them wholeheartedly, unlike people in other countries like Sudan, Kenya, etc. Kenyans, for instance, didn’t protest because of the high cost of food—no! It’s because of an additional levy that Nigerians endured over decades.

The only language that people in power understand is to go against their wishes. No government likes to be criticised. They know the sufferings of Nigerians, but all they do is give palliatives, cups of rice, and pasta or disburse N20,000using a random sampling technique.

For instance, the minister of humanitarians alone was accused of misappropriating 826 billion; likewise, the minister of finance, not to mention the CBN Governor and aviation minister, deceived Nigerians with a non-existent Nigerian airline, all during President Muhammadu Buhari. Nothing has been done about that yet.

Now that hunger has started killing people, the cost of living is high, including the devaluation of the Naira, which made people take a U-turn. It’s always said that “a hungry man is an angry man” Nigerians are ready to die! 

If one says the protest wouldn’t bring anything positive, I wonder. Do you want things to continue the way they are till eternity? Do you like our younger ones to continue floating in the streets? What would you feel when you find out that the leaders of tomorrow embrace drugs? These are things that no one can resolve except YOU yourselves! These people don’t care if all our youth would embrace drugs. It’s an added advantage to them; they’ll only use them as thugs during the campaign.

Even if things would worsen due to this protest, let it happen. You must lose something to get something! Even if you’re not ready to die today, hunger might kill you tomorrow. We’ve seen many instances of people being depressed, suffering from hypertension, melancholy and other related disease that were not known before.

The same people who failed to apprehend Boko Haram suspects and left the northern states bloody are what some people are saying we shouldn’t protest against. Nigerians are now refugees. The neighbouring states granted them asylum. Guess what? The government is not ready to do anything. 

Do you think we should continue following these people suffering from Kleptomania? Fold out arms because you’re afraid of something? Look, even if you didn’t protest today due to fear of being killed, insecurity is there for you! And the future of youth and the younger ones is not safe.

If the government is ready to review and listen to the yearning and aspirations of Nigerians and implement the pending policies, including the subsidising of petrol and the Naira that’ll benefit the citizens directly, then the reverse is the case. We can have a dialogue and reach an agreement about what the government ought to do, and in that process, the protest can be suspended. 

We wouldn’t forget our brothers in Katsina and Zamfara who are waiting to either be killed or kidnapped; Something must be done about them, too. If not, mobilisation will continue, and we’re ready to sacrifice our lives for the betterment of future generations.

May Nigerians protest peacefully. May the protest yield a positive outcome, ameen.

Anwar is a Faculty of Communication at Bayero University, Kano student. He can be contacted via usmananwarhassan@gmail.com.

By Ibrahim Abubakar Lajada

In light of recent widespread protests across Nigeria, there are growing concerns regarding the potential economic impact of the ongoing unrest.

While acknowledging the importance of peaceful demonstrations as a means of expressing public grievances, it is essential to understand how these protests might lead to disruptions and slow down economic growth in the country.

While the right to protest is a fundamental aspect of democratic societies, it is important to recognize how prolonged demonstrations can influence economic performance.

I know many of the protest organizers in every state and I’m willing to engage with them on behalf of the government.

Economic disruptions resulting from protests

Protests, while often driven by legitimate issues, can have significant economic consequences, including:

Business Disruptions: Businesses in protest-affected areas may face closures, reduced operating hours, or interruptions in their operations. This can lead to financial losses, reduced productivity, and economic instability, particularly impacting small and medium-sized enterprises that are crucial to Nigeria’s economy.

Supply Chain Interruptions: Protests can disrupt key transportation routes and logistics networks, leading to delays and increased costs in the supply chain. These disruptions can affect various sectors, including manufacturing and retail, causing a ripple effect throughout the economy.

Investor Uncertainty: Persistent unrest can create an environment of uncertainty that deters both local and foreign investment. Investors may be hesitant to commit resources in a climate marked by instability, which can slow down economic growth and development.

Increased Government Expenditures: Managing protests and ensuring public safety can require substantial financial resources. Governments may need to divert funds from other critical areas, such as infrastructure and social services, to address the immediate needs arising from the unrest.

Balancing Rights with Economic Stability

It is crucial to balance the right to peaceful protest with considerations for economic stability. Constructive dialogue between protest organizers, government officials, and community leaders is essential to addressing grievances while minimizing economic disruptions.

Call for Constructive Dialogue and Solutions

I urge all stakeholders to engage in open, constructive dialogue to resolve underlying issues without causing undue harm to the economy. By working together, Nigeria can find solutions that address social concerns while supporting economic growth and stability.

Ibrahim Abubakar Lajada is a former presidential candidate and can be reached via Lajadaibrahim@gmail.com or +1 3143331112

By AM Ashafa

There has been nothing left that has not been said for and against the proposed nationwide protest in Nigeria. The government mobilised various people and groups to fight against it. In the first place, mercenary anti-protests amongst religious groups, youth groups, women, and tribal groups were brought or mobilised, allegedly spending a lot of national resources to campaign against the protest with some recorded successes and failures. 

The government also pointed at the opposition and other Jacobins as being behind the protest with the intent of taking over the government. Indeed, this may sound like Yahoo’s political argument. What has not been said much is that both the government and protesters are patriotic. The question is, who is more patriotic among them?

First, is a protest criminal? Is the expression of disliking government political decisions an act of criminality? Certainly no. On the other hand, is the government stopping a protest that, in its wisdom, tends to cause destruction to be allowed to happen? Certainly no. This means there’s a need to strike a balance. Any example of countries where protests turned into violence is mere pessimism. People won’t say that police brutality in response to protests was largely 95% of the reason why peaceful protests often turned violent.

The government has a responsibility to listen to its citizens. Citizens, not those controlling the government, own the police and all law enforcement agencies and machinery. The condition of members of the armed forces and their families in the harsh and messy socio-economic quagmire is no better than that of the entire citizens. Yet, they have a responsibility to save the citizens, the country, and the government that will make life bearable. 

The government must try hard not to criminalise protests. Protesters must try hard not to engage in violence and criminal destruction of public and private properties to vent their anger. When I heard one cleric saying obedience to all kinds of leaders in all brutal policies is obedience to Allah and doing otherwise with protests is criminal disobedience to Allah, I quickly reflected on the protestations in 1804 by Usman Danfodiyo, whose protestations brought about the Sokoto Caliphate that brought sanity to the Hausa society of the 19th century. 

My question to that cleric is, was he saying that Danfodio and the successive leaders of that largest political state in pre-colonial Africa were and are products of criminality? Certainly, Danfodio led a peaceful protest until the King of Gobir, Uunfa, responded with a high-handedness that the peaceful protesters couldn’t bear. The tide then turned, and the rest is history. 

We must always learn from history. Government and protesters must never ground our country. It’s for all of us. We have no other country but Nigeria. We must collectively refuse to be idiots in how we handle its stability and future.

• Production:    Jammaje production
• Producer:       Abubakar Bashir Maishadda
• Director:        Ali Nuhu
• Cast:               Sani Mu’azu, Ali Nuhu, Nancy Isime, Enyinna Ngwige, Rabi’u Rikadawa, Segun Arzine, Abba Al-Mustapha, Asabe Madak, Abba Zaki.

Nanjala, an eponymous and one of the most expensive movies in the Kannywood industry by Jammaje Production, is a breathtaking movie that explores and thematises patriarchal power, domination and mistreatment towards women gender. Nanjala, a leading character, is victimised by her chauvinistic father, who disbands her for being a female in favour of a male child, Dititi (Abba Zaki). Captain Jimmoh (Rikadawa) becomes her adopted father and helps to actualise her dream of becoming a renowned journalist.

Furthermore, Captain Sembene’s family is set on fire as his beloved son, Ditit, becomes a spoiled child, drug addict, thief and clubgoer. Plus, his other female daughter, Jarry, takes a leave from home for her father’s chauvinistic mistreatment. Falmata, another victim of Captain Sembene’s chauvinism, befriends her biological brother, Ditit, with a view to wed him.

Nanjala becomes a renowned and influential journalist who tirelessly fights and exposes corruption in the government. She encounters obstacles along the way from the authority. She is detained in cells for exposing corruption. Finally, she appears triumphant.

Mistreatment and domination are long-held traditions shown to women by a patriarchal world. Women, as chauvinists maintain, are disaster and second-class citizens who can’t contribute to one iota of life. In those days, women had to cancel their identities to have their voices heard—the same as Nanjala has to take a leave from a patriarchal home to attain her potential. 

Thomas Aquinas (1274) opines, “A woman is really an imperfect man… an incidental being … a botched man’’. Nanjala’s treatment by her father affirms Aquinas’s stance that women are imperfect and a botched to her male brother, Dititi. Plus, according to Baudelaire, “woman is natural, that is abominable’’ Some men consider women disgusting. This perception runs through Nanjala’s father, who finds the female gender abominable – divorcing Falmata’s mother for carrying a female unborn child, making life unbearable to Majuma (Asabe Madaki) and causing a great aspersion on Nanjal and Jarry, whom all are females. They have to leave their homes to feel at home.

The belief that women are nothing but second-class citizens, abominable and sex machines for men to exploit became prevalent during the Victorian period (1837-1901) and also in plenty of their literature. We see the fate of Susan Henchad, who is auctioned in Thomas Hardy’s The Mayor of Caster Bridge (1886), women who are sexually exploited by men at Sixa in Mango Beti’s Poor Christ of Bomba (1956) and Firdaus’s sexual abuse by men in Women at Point Zero (1975). Likewise, patriarchal domination doesn’t put a halt here but tries to silence any emerging powerful female voice. 

Women like Gorge Eliat (1919-1880), Gorge Sand (1904-1876), Charlotte Bronte (1816-1855), etc., succumb to patriarchal pressure and accept defeat to vie with men intellectually and literarily. Comparatively, Nanjala encounters the same treatment, where patriarchs try to silence her intellect and voice. They envy her fame, success, and education. Men are jealous of women’s successes, but Nanjala struggles and succeeds. 

For women to succeed in the patriarchal world, they have to be educated, pushed, and struggled. We see how women break the bonds. Li succeeds in The Stillborn (1984) via struggle and education, as Ada in Second-class Citizens(1974). Also, we see in the Kannywood movies- Hauwa Kulu (2019) where Hauwa (Hasana Muhammad) and Laila (Hadiza Gabon) in Manyan Mata (2023 succeed through education. However, Firdaus in Women at Point Zero (1975) and Nnu Egu in The Joys of Motherhood (1980) fail because they are illiterate or barely educated.

Meanwhile, Simone De Beauvoir (1908-1986) asserts that “males define what it means to be human, including what to be female. Since the female is not male”. Beauvoir maintains, “She becomes another”. Indeed, this derogatory portrayal has been born by females throughout many centuries. In the film, Nanjala’s father has this perception run in his blood. He evidently defines who a human being is to him, his male child, Ditti.  He loathes all his three daughters – Nanjala, Jarry, Falmata and Majuma because they are “others”. Women become secondary or non-existent players. 

Finally, Beauvoir asserts, “Women must break the bonds of their patriarchal society and define themselves if they wish to be a significant human”. This is what Nanjala does, and she becomes a “being” in the patriarchal society. Meanwhile, Kate Millet (1970) says, “A female is born, but a woman is created”. As Nanjala defines herself as a true human being, discarding the notion of femaleness in her, she creates womanness, as Millet (1970) puts it, through hard work, education, struggle, and boldness.

By way of conclusion, Nanjala mirrors patriarchal society and uncovers stereotypical portrayal of women as “others”, Second-Class Citizens, incidental beings, imperfect men, and abominable and other derogatory names forced women to accept by men. The film depicts the power of education and struggles as the only means for women to break the long-held tradition enjoyed by men and bury women’s intellect.

If not for education, Nanjala would have been buried alive like other female characters. The film is a clarion call to women to be educated, to disown being relegated to non-existent players or “others”. Nanjala succeeds and becomes a “human being”, whereas Majuma, Jarry and Falmata become second-class citizens.

Reviewed by Abba Musa Ibrahim. He can be reached via abbamusa6888@gmail.com.

By Dr. A. M. Lawal

Until fate brought us together at the Federal University Gusau, Professor Muhammad Lawal Mayanchi was an uncle I hardly knew. Growing up, he was a military man who lived far away from home and rarely visited. The few times he visited after his compulsory retirement, I was away in school. So, my first major interaction with him was at FUGUS. 

The first day we met, his attention was divided. On the one hand, he was trying to make up for the lost time he had with me and, on the other, as the then Dean of Students, he was busy trying to control and keep students in line so they could board the University shuttle to town in an orderly fashion. From there, I witnessed first-hand his discipline and how obsessed he was with entrenching the same to the students. Watching him, I could not help but admire his drive to make his children, as he called his students, as disciplined and driven as he was. 

From that day, Prof. usually called me to ask about my progress as a man and as an academic. Where I erred, he often reported me to Professor Ahmad Galadima for reprimand. Thereafter, he would call me to either his house or his office for counselling. In shaping me, Prof. Galadima was the carrot to Prof. Galadima’s stick. And it worked—perfectly. 

Whenever and wherever I met Prof, he always told me his life stories and the challenges he faced post-military career before asking me the lessons I learnt from them. Spending time with him was like being in a class where one is taught the dynamics of life. 

In hindsight, it is clear that during my last physical interaction with Prof, he had a premonition of his death. We discussed some family matters after which he told me, ‘as we are leaving the scene, the leadership of our families both immediate and extended, will fall on your shoulders. You have to be ready. I have a feeling it will be sooner than we think.’  

And then Prof left us. Now we have to fill in the void he left behind. Or at least try to. A task as daunting as it is challenging. 

May his soul continue to rest in Allah’s bosom, amin.

Dr. A. M. Lawal wrote from the Department of Chemistry, Federal University Gusau, Zamfara.