Opinion

By Safiyanu Ladan 

The Kaduna State government recently announced that it has entered a peace deal with notorious bandits, particularly in the Birnin Gwari and Giwa Local Government Areas. The aim of the deal is to end banditry in the region. This development is a positive step forward.

For years, bandits have wreaked havoc on local communities, resulting in thousands of deaths and the displacement of millions. Their actions have severely disrupted the socioeconomic activities of these areas.

According to the government, the peace deal is yielding positive results. Relative stability has returned to the affected regions. A cattle market that had been closed for decades has resumed operations, and residents can now go about their daily activities without constant fear of attacks or kidnappings.

However, although relative peace has been observed in the northern part of the state over the past few months, the situation in the southern part is significantly different. Recently, residents of Anguwan Ate in Kachia Local Government Area have staged protests due to the ongoing attacks and kidnappings carried out by bandits.

The resurgence of kidnappings in certain areas of the state following the peace deal is concerning. The government and other stakeholders involved in brokering this peace agreement need to reassess the situation and address any existing loopholes to prevent an escalation of violence.

Safiyanu Ladan wrote from Kaduna.

By Garba Sidi 

On Monday night, 27th January 2025, the Jigawa State Commissioner for Sports and Information announced to journalists that the State Executive Council approved the sum of ₦4.8 billion for the 2025 Ramadan Feeding Program.  

An estimated 2022 population survey indicated that Jigawa State has approximately 7,499,100 people, making it the eighth-largest state by population. Of this population, 45.2% are below the age of 15, while 49% are between 15 and 59. Females constitute the majority at 50.4%, compared to 49.6% males. Understanding these demographic trends is critical for addressing the state’s challenges.  

I oppose the State Council’s move because the state has many pressing issues that require far greater government attention than a Ramadan feeding program. These funds would be better spent addressing healthcare and education problems.  

According to the National Mass Education Programme Initiative (NMPI 2022), over half of the children (51.1%) aged 6–15 in Jigawa State do not attend school. Additionally, Jigawa is one of the poorest states in Nigeria, with a poverty rate of 87.02%, reflecting severe challenges across economic, health, and education sectors.  

To clarify the situation for Jigawa residents, we must examine how last year’s Ramadan feeding program was conducted. As the Commissioner for Sports and Information stated, the state government contributed 55% of the program’s funding, while local governments covered 45%.  

Jigawa has 27 local governments, each grappling with dozens of unresolved issues. Their grants are insufficient to address even a quarter of these problems, and their chairpersons have done little tangible work for the people’s well-being. If 45% of local government funds are diverted to Ramadan feeding, I doubt they will even have enough to pay workers’ salaries.  

Last year, 609 centres distributed food (Kosai [bean cake], Kunu [porridge], and Kolo rice) during Ramadan. This year, the government intends to increase the number of centres to 630, with each centre providing meals for 300 people daily. Multiplying 300 by 630 results in a total of 189,000 people fed each day. Over 20 days, this programme would reach 3,780,000 people.  

Let us compare this to the approximate population of each local government and the number of beneficiaries:  

Dutse 400,000  

Hadejia 350,000  

Kazaure  300,000  

Ringim 280,000  

Gumel  270,000  

Birnin Kudu 250,000  

Kafin Hausa 240,000  

Gwaram  230,000  

Jahun 220,000  

Gagarawa 210,000  

Maigatari 200,000  

Babura 190,000  

Guri 180,000  

Kiri Kasama 170,000  

Auyo 160,000  

Malam Madori 150,000  

Gwiwa 140,000  

Yankwashi 130,000  

Taura 120,000  

Roni 110,000  

Sule Tankarkar 100,000  

Garki 90,000  

Buji 80,000  

Kaugama 70,000  

Birniwa 60,000  

Kiri Kasamma 50,000  

Miga 40,000  

If this huge amount of money were budgeted for healthcare or education, all Jigawa residents would benefit. Everyone falls ill at some point, and education is essential for ensuring our children live as dignified humans—not animals.  

Garba Sidi wrote via sidihadejia@gmail.com.

By Muhammad Umar Shehu

Nigeria is arguably the only country where the impoverished masses are forced to manage the situation as it is while those in power enjoy life to the fullest. People endure abject poverty, yet our leaders show no sympathy for humanity.  

Nigerian politicians lack compassion, empathy, and conscience for the populace. In this country, the poor must bear the suffering their leaders impose while so-called politicians revel in its intensification. Hunger is a condition no human can survive, yet our leaders compel us to endure it. 

The Nigerian economy is in a dire state because the government is being run by the incompetent, corrupt, unscrupulous, and among the least qualified. One thing I’m sure of is that Nigerian politicians would rather sell their country for power and wealth than pave the way for the poor.

Nigeria’s leaders have turned governance into a tool for personal enrichment. Public healthcare, education, and infrastructure funds vanish into private accounts, leaving citizens to endure crumbling hospitals, overcrowded schools, and impassable roads. While politicians flaunt luxury cars and foreign estates, millions struggle to afford one meal daily. This intentional neglect ensures the masses remain too desperate to challenge their oppressors. 

Coming back to the basics, in the past, before the 2023 general election, the nation’s current president, Bola Ahmed Tinubu, had been weaponizing hope with the slogan “Let the poor breathe”. Do the poor people actually breathe? And when are they going to breathe in this country of plenty?  

Nigerian politicians are used to using fake campaign promises to lobby votes from the poor masses. Still, they cannot be found once the election ends, and those campaign promises become unfulfilled. All my life, I’ve never seen people as shameless as Nigerian politicians. After all the fake promises, they still return during another election cycle with more fake promises. Are you not ashamed of yourselves at all?

Nigerian politicians hoard resources for themselves, raise their own salaries and silence dissent with violence. Meanwhile, families starve, workers go unpaid, pensioners are left starving, and youth lose hope. Until Nigerians unite to reject this cycle of greed, suffering will remain our nation’s legacy.

Muhammad Umar Shehu wrote from Gombe State and can be reached via Muhammadumarshehu2@gmail.com.

By Hussaini Ibrahim Sulaiman

Education is the bedrock of any progressive society, and in Kano State, a quiet revolution is unfolding under the leadership of Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf.

 Since assuming office, the governor has taken every step to rejuvenate the state’s education sector. 

His administration’s commitment to education is evident in its words and concrete actions, which continue to change lives. His administration has prioritised key reforms in infrastructure, teacher welfare, school enrollment, and vocational training. 

These initiatives have solidified his reputation as a leader who truly understands that Kano’s future rests on the shoulders of its young population.

Recognising the deep-rooted challenges facing Kano’s education system, Governor Yusuf declared a state of emergency in education. 

His administration swiftly addressed the dilapidated state of public schools, teacher shortages, and declining student enrollment. With a clear vision, the governor initiated reforms that have already begun yielding remarkable results.

Budgetary allocations reflect a leader’s priorities. In the 2024 budget, 29.9% of the total allocation was dedicated to education, far surpassing UNESCO’s recommended benchmark of 26%. 

Further demonstrating his unwavering commitment, the state has allocated 31% of its total 2025 budget to the education sector. 

With this substantial funding, the government has embarked on large-scale school renovations, procured essential learning materials, and paid outstanding teacher salaries. 

These initiatives restore public confidence in the education system and ensure that Kano’s children have the resources they need to succeed.

Public schools in Kano needed rehabilitation. The administration launched a massive school renovation project to upgradethousands of classrooms across the state. 

Over 80,000 three-seater desks have been provided, ensuring that 240,000 students no longer have to sit on bare floors. 

New classrooms have been built to tackle the issue of overcrowding. Schools that once faced challenges with insufficient facilities are now reaping the benefits of modern learning environments, enhancing the accessibility and effectiveness of education.

Kano State has long faced the challenge of out-of-school children. To tackle this, the government is constructing 130 new boys’ and girls’ schools to boost enrollment in the next academic session. 

Governor Yusuf’s administration has also launched an initiative to distribute 789,000 school uniforms to pupils in 7,092 public schools. 

At the flag-off of the distribution of over two million education materials—including textbooks, mats, and uniforms—the governor reiterated his administration’s commitment to ensuring that every child in Kano has access to quality education.

The state government is providing a monthly stipend of N20,000 to 40,000 needy girls to promote school enrolment, retention, and completion. 

This initiative specifically aims to ensure that more girls receive formal education, lower the dropout rate, and promote gender inclusivity in education.

A well-trained and motivated teacher is at the heart of any successful education system. Governor Yusuf has approved the permanent employment of 5,500 volunteer teachers under the Better Education Services Delivery for All (BESDA) initiative. 

He has also approved the promotion of over 20,500 primary and junior secondary school teachers.

This move boosts morale and is a strategic step toward retaining and attracting quality educators. By improving teacher welfare and providing capacity-building opportunities, the governor ensures that Kano’s students receive education from highly skilled and dedicated professionals. 

The administration has also cleared backlogs of unpaid teacher salaries and allowances, significantly boosting teacher motivation and improving classroom engagement and student performance.

To further support education, the government has spent N1.3 billion on paying National Examination Council (NECO) and National Board for Technical Education (NBTE) registration fees for 57,000 indigent students. 

This intervention has lifted a huge financial burden off struggling families and ensured that no student is denied access to secondary and technical education due to economic hardship.

Education extends beyond the classroom. The administration has revived 26 vocational and skills acquisition schools across the state. Institutions such as the Kano School of Informatics, Kano State Driving School, and Aliko Dangote Skills Acquisition Centre have been revamped to equip young people with practical skills.

The government plans to create over 63,000 jobs annually through the garment industry. By reopening garment manufacturing clusters in Kano’s 44 local government areas, thousands of young people will be empowered with tailoring and fashion design skills. This approach will provide an alternative pathway for youths who may not pursue conventional higher education.

Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf’s remarkable efforts in education have not gone unnoticed. During the 2024 World Teachers’ Day celebrations, the Nigeria Union of Teachers honored him with the Golden Award for Outstanding Performance in Education Reform. 

This accolade recognises his dedication to improving Kano’s education sector.

Under his leadership, Kano State is experiencing an educational renaissance. His administration’s policies, strategic investments, and people-centered approach have laid a strong foundation for a brighter future. 

The real impact of his reforms can be seen in the smiles of students who now have desks to sit on, the joy of teachers whose hard work is being rewarded, and the hope of parents who can now dream of a better future for their children.

Aiki Sai Me Shi—only the committed can achieve the task. Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf has not only shown commitment but has also demonstrated visionary leadership, courage, and an unrelenting passion for education. Kano’s education sector is on an unstoppable trajectory of growth, and if the momentum is sustained, the state will soon be a shining example of educational excellence in Nigeria.

By Saifullahi Attahir

If there was ever anything that gave me goosebumps and immense pleasure, it was being surrounded by intellectuals and mature minds absorbing facts and figures about governance, economics, public health, policymaking, national security, and international relations. In such situations I easily lose myself, forgetting almost all other things.

Even at medical school, my best lectures were those with frequent digressions, whereby the lecturer would discuss the pathogenesis of diseases for 30 minutes and later sidetrack into discussing politics, governance, or other life issues. I always enjoyed classes led by Prof. Sagir Gumel, Dr. Murtala Abubakar, Dr. Rasheed Wemimo, Dr. Aliyu Mai Goro, and co. During such lectures, I often observed some of my colleagues disappointment for such deviation. I rather casually show indifference, for I was eternally grateful for such discussions due to the stimulatory effect they had on my mind.

After such classes, I sometimes followed up with the lecturer, not to ask about a medical concept I did not grasp, but to ask for further explanation on policy making, project execution, budgetary expenditures, why African countries are left behind, and similar pressing issues.

In situations where I can’t catch up with the lecturer, I jotted down the questions for further deliberation.

One of the manifest feature I know about my greediness was at reading books. I can open five different books in a day. I lack such discipline to finish up one before another. I can start reading ‘Mein Kampf’ by Adolf Hitler, and halfway through 300 pages, I would pick up ‘My Life’ by Sir Ahmadu Bello, and would have to concurrently read both until the end.

I often scolded myself for such an attitude, but I can’t help myself. The only way to practice such discipline was to at least read two different books in a day. Such was a triumph in my practice of self-discipline. This was apart from my conventional medical textbooks.

To some of my friends, I was called an accidental medical doctor, but actually it was a perfect fate guided by the merciful Lord that I’m studying medicine. For it was only medicine that makes reading books easier for you. Although time is precious in this profession, but one finds it easier to do anything you are passionate about. The daily interaction we have with people at their most vulnerable state was another psychostimulant. Seeing humans suffering from disease conditions is heartachy. Some of the causes are mere ignorance, poverty, superstitions, and limited resources.

The contribution one can give couldn’t be limited to just prescribing drugs or surgical procedures that end up affecting one person. It’s much better to involve one self in to position that may bring possible change to the whole society even in form of orientation.

What also motivated me more was how I wasn’t the first to traverse this similar path. Bibliophiles were common among medical students and medical professionals.

At international level, the former Prime Minister of Malaysia, Dr. Mahathir Muhammad, was a physician. Most of the current economic development of Malaysia was attributed to him. The South American revolutionary figure Che Guevara was a physician. Atul Gawande was an endocrinologist, health policy analyst, adviser to former President Obama, campaign volunteer to former President Bill Clinton, and adviser to USAID/WHO on health policies.

Frantz Fanon was another physician, psychiatrist, racial discrimination activist, and political writer. Dr. Zakir Naik was a renowned Islamic scholar, comparative religion expert, and physician.

At the national level, Prof. Usman Yusuf is a haematologist, former NHIS DG, and currently a political activist. Dr. Aminu Abdullahi Taura was a psychiatrist and former SSG to the Jigawa state government. Dr. Nuraddeen Muhammad was a psychiatrist and former cabinet minister to President Goodluck Jonathan.

During ward rounds and clinics, my mind often wanders to enquire not just about the diagnosis but the actual cause of the disease condition; why would a 17-year-old multiparous young lady develop peripartum cardiomyopathy (PPCM)? Why would a 5-year-old child develop severe anaemia from a mosquito bite? Why would a 25-year-old friend of mine develop chronic kidney disease, and his family would have to sell all their belongings for his treatment? Why are our Accident and Emergency units filled with road traffic accident cases? Was it bad road conditions or lack of adherence to traffic laws and orders?

Why are African countries still battling with 19th century diseases like Tuberculosis, filariasis, and malarial infections? Why issues of fighting cervical cancer and vaccination campaigns are treated with contempt in our societies? Why access to basic primary healthcare in Nigeria was still a luxury 50 years after Alma Ata declaration? The questions are never-ending.

Answers to these questions could be found not in the conventional medical textbooks like Robbins/Cotrand, Davidson, or Sabiston. Answers to these questions are there on our faces. Answers to these questions are tied to the very fabric of our social life, our public institutions, our culture, and our life perspectives.

In order to make any significant contribution towards the betterment of this kind of society, it would be quite easier as an insider rather than an outsider. You can’t bring any positive outcome by just talking or commenting. It was rightly stated that a cat in gloves catches no mice.

The real players in a game are always better than the spectators. A player deserves accolades despite his shortcomings, frequent falls, and inability to deliver as planned theoretically. For the player has seen it all, because so many things in public life are not as they appear. It’s only when you are there that the reality becomes visible. This is the reason why many leaders who have goodwill and enjoy public support appear to have lost track or contributed insignificantly when elected or appointed into office.

But despite all these challenges, one can’t decline to do something good just because something bad might happen. The risk is worth it.

Saifullahi Attahir wrote from Federal University Dutse. He can be reached via; saifullahiattahir93@gmail.com

By Sani Bello Hamza 

I fight the muse to write about controversial religious issues, not because of my shyness but because of their contentious nature. Controversy and diversity are inseparable from religion. Religion presents simple concepts as complex and difficult ideas as harsh to protect personal interests. I won’t distort the truth, so please stay calm.

For example, scholars interpret many concepts differently in Islam to reflect their beliefs, way of life, and perception of Islam. Each scholar and his disciples claim to be faithful adherents of the traditions and way of life of the holy Prophet as laid down in the holy Quran and Sunnah. This could also be seen as the foundation of division and diverse opinions in Islam, which subsequently gave birth to numerous sects under its umbrella.

The Origin of this division and controversy can also be traced to the first few years after the holy Prophet’s death, a period when the Prophet was absent and no longer present to approve or disapprove of his companions’ actions and inactions. Thus, hypocrites and intruders could insert their opinions into interpretation and successfully fabricate Hadiths to protect their interests and justify the actions of political leaders with ease. Truth was enclosed and made very difficult to unravel.

Another perspective was a Hadith reported by Imam Muslim (in his book Sahih Muslim), which states that after the Prophet’s death, companions were divided on how to interpret his will, Islamic rites, and the wordings of the Holy Quran. Innocent Muslim faithful were confused about whether to follow Abubakar (RA) ‘s opinion or stick to Ali and Fatima’s (AS) views and teachings. This can also be perceived as the origin of division and sectarianism in Islam. 

Fast-forward centuries after the Prophet’s death. Endless questions arose from complicated real-life scenarios whose remedies were not expressly provided in the Quran and Sunnah, and Muslim Jurists resorted to the exercise of IJTIHAD to give answers. Their diverse interpretation of the tenets and principles of Islam led to the emergence of the FOUR MAJOR SUNNI SCHOOLS OF THOUGHT: the Hanafi, Maliki, Shafi’I, and Hanbali schools of thought. 

That’s, by the way, so let’s get back to the subject matter.

Differences and diversity are rooted in every human society. Conflict, controversy, division, and differences are inevitable. Indeed, mankind was created differently to interact with and know one another. However, in the sight of Allah, the only righteous among them is the noble. In essence, we must embrace unity in our diversity. 

This is one of the reasons whenever I’m about to criticise or chastise a fellow human for having a contrary view or belonging to a different sect or creed, I promptly recall the above verse; 

“hold fast to the Rope of Allah, altogether and be not divided.” (Āli ‘Imrān: 103)”

It is heartbreaking that in this part of the world, (Nigeria), we have deviated from the above cited verse. Our scholars find solace and joy in criticising one another. A Sufi believes he is the only righteous Muslim; an Izala scholar believes the Shi’a and Sufis are all innovators (Bid’a) and destined to be in hell fire. We are not open to accommodating diverse opinions and celebrating the monopoly of opinion in religion. Sadly!

I believe the concept of Bid’a is one of the most abused Islamic concepts; scholars exploit it to criticise followers of other religious creeds and advocate for the eradication of all other sects due to their non-conformity with their beliefs or schoolsof thought. 

Linguistically, Bid’a simply means innovation. That is, commencing or performing an act that has no precedence in Islam—an action which neither the Prophet nor his companions performed during their lifetime.

The above definition is undoubtedly vague and general. Some Jurists believe there should be an exception to this because even the Prophet’s companions were reported to have innovated certain acts after his demise. Their pillar of argument is that the compilation of the holy Quran and Salatul Taraweeh were not initiatives of the prophet but rather initiated by caliph Abubakar and Umar, respectively. 

Could this also be categorised as innovation and leading to hell fire? 

Other Jurists argued there are no exceptions. Every innovation is Haram and leads to hell fire. Among the followers of this school are the members of Jama’atul Izalatul Bid’a Wa Iqamatu sunnah known as IZALA in Nigeria. 

Jurists are also divided on whether there are good innovations or whether all innovations are bad and lead to hellfire. Many scholars believe all innovations are “Dhalalah,” and all innovations lead to hellfire. 

In a simpler term, Muslims can not perform actions without connection with the Prophet or his companions. Such actions will lead them to hell fire. This school prohibits innovations such as celebrating the Maulud of the prophet and others. Ibn Taimiyya is among the proponents of this school. 

Other scholars, such as Ibn Hajar, believe there should be a Bid’a Hasanah—good innovation—to encompass historical events such as Salatul Taraweeh, the compilation of the holy Quran, Usman’s introduction of Adhan, and other innovative acts of the Prophet’s companions. 

Now, back to the topic.

Between Qur’an Convention and Maulud…

Over the years, the Izala sect in Nigeria is known for its fierce and uncompromising battle with other sects (Shi’a and Darika) to eradicate all forms of Innovations in Islam. Maulud is at the forefront of their campaign. 

Wherever and whenever they found themselves, they delivered anti-Maulud sermons, classified those practicing it as unbelievers, and deterred their followers from celebrating Maulud and other innovative acts. 

From Sheikh Ahmad Gumi and Sheikh Jafar Mahmud until the baton was handed to Sheikh Kabiru Gombe, they all claimed Maulud is Bid’a because nowhere in the Quran, Sunnah, or History of the Prophet is it overtly or covertly statedthat the Prophet or his companions celebrated the occasion.

We were all meant to believe that Maulud has no basis in Islam. Fortunately, or unfortunately, today, in a revolution-like scenario, the maiden Quran Convention is about to unfold in Abuja. It will feature scholars from different sects, including the ANTI-MAULUD scholars, who are known for their uncompromising criticisms of Bid’a innovations.

Now, the question that kept creeping into our minds is: what differentiates the Qur’anic Convention from the Maulud?

Relying on the definition of Bid’a, the Quran, Sunnah, and history do not overtly or covertly state that the prophet organized a similar gathering. Although I believe it’s a good initiative to honor the memorizers and Qur’an teachers, we must not shy away from calling a spade a spade. 

Based on the convention’s objectives, Could a Maulud organised to Foster unity, promote intellectual discourse, and encourage Islamic scholarship be considered Halal? 

Will the scholars attend the Maulud?

We should call a spade a spade and give Caesar what belongs to him, simple!

Sani Bello Hamza is a law student at Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria. He writes from Zaria and can be contacted atsanibellohamza@gmail.com.

By Abdulrazak Iliyasu Sansani

The recent directive allegedly from the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) requiring the 774 local governments to present their budget proposals for the 2025 fiscal year has sparked renewed interest in local government autonomy. This development has been a long time coming, given the prolonged agitation for systemic changes in local government administration.

A 20-year-old university student is surprised that local governments in Nigeria prepared budgets highlight the widespread lack of awareness about local government operations perhaps because of the reality that local governments barely exist on paper in my states.

The student asked, “Do local governments actually create budgets?” I explained that, like every tier of government or organization, they are meant to do so. However, his curiosity clearly illustrates the uncertainty surrounding the local government autonomy in Nigeria.

After the Supreme Court’s landmark ruling in favor of the local governments in Nigeria on July 11, 2024, we thought it was over. The seven-justice panel of the apex court in the judgment delivered by Justice Emmanuel Agim, ruled that the 774 local government councils in the country should independently manage their own funds: millions of Nigerians thought the long wait for autonomy was finally over. However, the journey to true autonomy is often complex and winding as the history of the struggle for autonomy for this essential tier of government has shown.

With the recent directive that led to budget presentations across the 774 local governments for the 2025 fiscal year, this brought fresh perspective on the agitation and revitalised interest in local government autonomy. But will this directive translate into tangible action, or will it remain a mere rhetoric as with many critical issues in Nigeria? Nigeria’s history of struggling with local government autonomy, coupled with the stiff resistance from state governments, raise concerns about the feasibility of a true autonomy.

The Nigerian Constitution recognizes local government as a tier of government, but they remain restricted by financial and electoral constraints. Local governments are expected to provide basic services, promote development and ensure democratic participation. However, their lack of autonomy and financial power has hindered their ability to fulfill these responsibilities.

Nigeria’s experiment with various local government administration models despite so many reforms from the local government reforms of 1976, 1988 and the one embarked upon in this current dispensation, had been marked by a decline in autonomy, particularly since 2003. The state governments’ interference in local government affairs has eroded and degraded their powers and functions.

As someone who has advocated for financial and electoral autonomy for local government councils for so many years, I believe that it is crucial for addressing Nigeria’s security challenges, socio-economic issues, and building other sectors that require government’s attention at the grassroots level. The lack of autonomy has led to a power vacuum, allowing non-state actors to exert their influence.

Nigerians await the implementation of any meaningful reform that can transform local government administration and bring about positive changes. The question remains: is Nigeria truly ready to empower local governments and bring relief to the millions of rural dwellers who have been neglected for far too long?

For decades, local governments in Nigeria have been suffocated by lack of funds, rendering them ineffective in initiating or implementing meaningful projects. The joint account system, introduced years ago, has been a subject of controversy, with experts arguing that it undermines true federalism and hampers local government autonomy.

The current state of local government administration in Nigeria is a far cry from the intended vision. The 1999 Constitution, as amended, recognises local governments as a tier of government, but sadly this merely exists on paper today.

There is ample evidence to support the agitation for local government autonomy. It is a necessary step towards addressing societal ills and promoting grassroots development. Another question on everyone’s mind is: what is next?

Will the recent directive be a mere rhetoric, or will it translate into concrete action? Is Nigeria truly ready to empower local governments and bring relief to the millions of Nigerians who have been neglected for too long?

Only time will tell, but one thing is certain: the status quo is unsustainable. Nigerians await with bated breath the implementation of meaningful reforms that can revamp local government administration and bring about development.

As someone who has consistently advocated for financial and electoral autonomy for local government councils, I remain hopeful that this latest development will mark a turning point in Nigeria’s journey towards true federalism and grassroots development. For local government autonomy and administration generally in Nigeria, I ask again what next?

Abdulrazak Iliyasu Sansani wrote from Turaki B, Jalingo, Taraba State.

By Suleiman Usman Yusuf 

Mentorship ideally involves a powerful exchange in which experienced individuals selflessly guide and motivate others, promoting growth and potential. It is a reciprocal act of giving back, forming a chain of knowledge and support that benefits both mentor and mentee. However, this is not solely hierarchical. Reverse mentorship highlights younger generations sharing expertise in rapidly evolving fields, where they often surpass their older counterparts in understanding. Nonetheless, reality frequently falls short. 

A significant misrepresentation, usually deliberate, undermines mentorship’s integrity, affecting both mentors and mentees. Many mentors publicly project an image of unflinching support, yet privately, many mentees report a lack of genuine engagement – not occasional lapses, but a consistent absence of promised guidance. 

This is worsened by mentors taking public credit for mentees’ achievements, even when their involvement was minimal or non-existent. This raises questions: Has mentorship become self-promotion, leveraging others’ successes for personal gain? Is the pursuit of accolades overshadowing the commitment to nurturing potential? 

This deliberate misrepresentation extends to mentees. While financial support from a mentor can be helpful (for project logistics or seed funding), the relationship shouldn’t be founded on this. Seeking a mentor solely for financial assistance devalues the mentor’s time and expertise, reducing the relationship to a transaction rather than a collaborative journey. This hinders the mentee’s development, as genuine learning requires commitment beyond financial gain. 

Beyond these core issues, several other challenges frequently undermine the effectiveness of mentorship relationships. Power imbalances inherent in the mentor-mentee dynamic can lead to exploitation or abuse. Mentors might take advantage of their position, while mentees might feel pressured to conform to uncomfortable expectations. 

Moreover, a lack of clearly defined goals and expectations frequently leads to aimless and unproductive relationships. Both parties must grasp the expectations and desired outcomes from the beginning, establishing regular check-ins to remain focused and assess progress. 

Effective mentorship depends on open and honest communication, as well as mutual trust. Without these elements, misunderstandings and frustrations can easily arise, potentially damaging the relationship. Furthermore, the demands of mentorship can lead to burnout for mentors who take on too many mentees or neglect to set healthy boundaries. 

Mentees, too, can become overwhelmed if they lack self-awareness or adequate support. Inconsistent commitment from either party, whether due to competing priorities or lack of motivation, inevitably leads to a lack of progress and can breed resentment. Finally, mismatched personalities or differing goals can make it extremely difficult for a mentor-mentee relationship to thrive. 

Ultimately, successful mentorship hinges on authenticity and mutual respect. Mentors must prioritize genuine support and guidance and focus on empowering mentees. Mentees should approach mentorship with a sincere desire for growth and understand that the rewards extend far beyond financial gain. 

The transformative potential of mentorship can only be fully realised through a foundation of honesty and reciprocal commitment between mentor and mentee. Maya Angelou wisely said, “I have learned that people will forget what you said, people will forget what you did, but people will never forget how you made them feel.” 

Suleiman writes from Abuja and can be reached at suleimanusmanbac@gmail.com.

By Zayyad I. Muhammad 

Governor Ahmadu Umaru Fintiri of Adamawa State has demonstrated an unwavering commitment to revitalizing the livestock sector. He recognizes its immense potential to drive economic growth, enhance food security, and improve the livelihoods of farmers and herders. Through strategic policies and targeted initiatives, his administration has made significant strides in modernizing livestock farming, addressing long-standing challenges, and fostering sustainable development.

Key Initiatives and Achievements: Implementation of the National Livestock Transformation Plan (NLTP)  

Under Governor Fintiri’s leadership, Adamawa State has emerged as a key player in implementing the National Livestock Transformation Plan (NLTP), a federal initiative designed to resolve farmer-herder conflicts and promote sustainable livestock practices. In December 2023, the governor inaugurated the Pilot Ranch Project at the Gongoshi Grazing Reserve. This flagship project aims to modernize livestock farming by providing a controlled breeding, grazing, and disease management environment, setting a benchmark for other states.

Rehabilitation and Development of Grazing Reserves: The administration has prioritized the rehabilitation and development of grazing reserves across the state. These reserves have critical infrastructure, including water sources, veterinary services, and access roads, creating a conducive environment for livestock farming. The Gongoshi Grazing Reserve stands as a model of these efforts, showcasing the benefits of integrated livestock development and sustainable resource management.

 Strengthening Market Access for Livestock Farmers: Governor Fintiri has strongly emphasised improving market access for livestock farmers. The Mubi livestock market, one of the largest in the region, plays a vital role in the state’s economy, supplying approximately 29 million animals annually to Lagos State and generating around N29 billion in revenue. By enhancing market linkages and upgrading infrastructure, the government has further stimulated economic activities in the sector, benefiting both farmers and traders.

Conflict Resolution and Community Engagement: A cornerstone of Governor Fintiri’s livestock policy has been resolving recurrent clashes between farmers and herders. His administration has fostered peaceful coexistence between these groups through dialogue, stakeholder engagement, and policy reforms. Establishing grazing reserves and ranching systems has significantly reduced pressure on farmlands and minimized resource conflicts, contributing to a more harmonious and productive agricultural landscape.

Empowering Youth and Women in the Livestock Sector: The administration’s interventions in the livestock sector have also focused on creating employment opportunities for youth and women. Training programs and access to credit facilities have been introduced to enable these groups to participate in modern livestock farming. These initiatives have reduced unemployment and poverty levels and empowered women and young people to become active contributors to the state’s economic development.

Impact and Future Prospects: Governor Fintiri’s interventions in the livestock sector have already begun to yield tangible results, including increased productivity, higher incomes for farmers, and improved food security. By promoting sustainable practices and fostering partnerships with federal and international organizations, the administration has laid a solid foundation for the long-term growth of the livestock industry in Adamawa State.  

A notable example of such collaboration is the partnership between the Adamawa State government and the Livestock Productivity and Resilience Support Project (LPRES). On Thursday, January 16, 2025, the government distributed inputs and machinery to 23,000 livestock farmers, further boosting productivity and resilience in the sector.

Governor Fintiri’s continued focus on innovation, community engagement, and infrastructure development is expected to transform the livestock sector further. These efforts will solidify Adamawa State’s position as a leader in livestock farming in Nigeria and ensure sustainable economic growth and improved livelihoods for its citizens.

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja via zaymohd@yahoo.com.

By Iranloye Sofiu Taiye

The recent decision by Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger to withdraw from the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) has triggered reactions of uncertainty across the geopolitical landscape of West Africa. This unprecedented move, announced in January 2024, marks a critical juncture for a bloc historically revered as a beacon of regional integration and collective security. The departure of these three Sahelian nations, all grappling with military rule, jihadist insurgencies, and socioeconomic fragility threatens to destabilize the delicate equilibrium of ECOWAS, undermining its credibility and operational efficacy.

ECOWAS was founded in 1975 via the Treaty of Lagos Nigeria, ECOWAS emerged as a post-colonial vision to foster economic integration, political solidarity, and collective self-reliance among West African states. Its architects envisioned a regional powerhouse capable of rivaling global economic blocs, anchored by principles of free movement, a common market, and monetary union. Over the decades, ECOWAS evolved beyond economics, establishing itself as a custodian of democratic norms through protocols such as the 2001 Supplementary Protocol on Democracy and Good Governance, which condemned any form of unconstitutional government changes.

The bloc’s peacekeeping ventures, notably the ECOWAS Monitoring Group (ECOMOG) interventions in Liberia (1990), and Sierra Leone (1997) demonstrated its capacity to mediate conflict. However, ECOWAS has also faced perennial challenges including coups d’état, governance failures, and the paradox between its lofty ideals and the grim realities of poverty and instability. The recent wave of military takeovers in Mali (2020, 2021), Burkina Faso (2022), and Niger (2023), each met with ECOWAS sanctions and suspensions exposed cracks in the bloc’s authority, heralding the current crisis.

The withdrawal of Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger strikes at the heart of ECOWAS’s political legitimacy. These nations, representing 10% of the bloc’s population and vast territorial expanse, have denounced ECOWAS as a “tool of foreign powers” and accused it of imposing punitive measures that exacerbate their populations’ suffering. Their exit underscores a broader regional disillusionment with ECOWAS’s perceived alignment with Western interests, particularly France, amid rising anti-colonial sentiment.

For ECOWAS, the secession weakens its bargaining power on continental and global stages. The bloc’s ability to enforce democratic norms is now in jeopardy, emboldening other authoritarian regimes and eroding its moral authority. Moreover, the formation of the “Alliance of Sahel States” (AES) by the three nations — a mutual defense pact aligned with Russia — signals a shift toward alternative alliances, potentially fracturing West Africa into competing spheres of influence. This realignment risks destabilizing the region further, as rival powers like Russia, China, and Western nations vie for strategic footholds.

Economically, the departure of Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger disrupts ECOWAS’s integration agenda. The bloc’s flagship projects — such as the ECOWAS Single Currency (Eco), slated for 2027—face existential threats. These nations collectively contribute critical mineral resources (gold, uranium) and agricultural output, and their absence could fragment supply chains, inflate intra-regional trade costs, and deter foreign investment.

The free movement protocol, a cornerstone of ECOWAS, may also unravel. Border closures and visa restrictions could follow, stifling cross-border commerce and cultural exchange. Nigeria, which accounts for over 60% of ECOWAS’s GDP, stands to lose significantly: its northern states rely on trade with Niger, while its industries depend on regional markets. The exodus may also derail infrastructure projects like the Kano – Maradi rail project hampering economic growth.

As ECOWAS’s traditional hegemon, Nigeria must spearhead the bloc’s response to this crisis. Historically, Nigeria has bankrolled ECOWAS initiatives and mediated conflicts, but its recent influence has waned amid domestic challenges—security crises, economic stagnation, and diplomatic inertia. To reclaim its leadership, Nigeria must adopt a multi-pronged strategy:

Diplomatic Re-engagement: Nigeria should initiate high-level dialogues with the AES states, addressing grievances while advocating a return to constitutional order. Leveraging its cultural and economic ties — particularly with Niger, with whom it shares a 1,600km border — Nigeria must balance firmness with empathy, avoiding the perception of bullying.
Institutional Reforms: ECOWAS requires structural revitalization. Nigeria should champion reforms to decentralize decision-making, reduce Francophone-Anglophone tensions, and prioritize grassroots economic integration. A revised governance framework, incorporating civil society and youth voices, could restore public trust.

Security Collaboration: The Sahel’s jihadist insurgencies, which have spilled into Nigeria’s northwest, demand a unified approach. Nigeria could propose a joint ECOWAS-AES security task force, blending counterterrorism efforts with development programs to undercut extremism.
Economic Incentives: To lure back the AES, Nigeria could advocate for sanctions relief tied to democratic transitions, coupled with debt forgiveness and infrastructure investments. A Marshall Plan-like initiative for the Sahel, funded by ECOWAS and international partners, might alleviate poverty fueling instability.
Conclusively, the exit of Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger from ECOWAS is not merely a regional setback but a clarion call for introspection. The bloc’s survival hinges on its ability to reconcile idealism with pragmatism, balancing democratic principles with the urgent needs of fractured states. Nigeria, as the region’s linchpin, must rise to the occasion, blending visionary leadership with humility. In an era of shifting global alliances and resurgent authoritarianism, the stakes could not be higher: without decisive action, the dream of West African unity may dissolve into a mosaic of discord, leaving millions vulnerable to the storms of history.

Iranloye Sofiu Taiye can be reached via:
iranloye100@gmail.com