As the Nigerians await a ministerial list from the executive, we urge president-elect Asiwaju Ahmad Tinubu to balance Nigeria’s political diversity by appointing a minister among natives of the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja.
“We are appealing to Mr President to appoint somebody from FCT as a Minister in the federal cabinet because we believe that doing so will give Abuja natives a sense of belonging within the Nigerian federation.”
FCT natives have contributed immensely to the nation’s socioeconomic and political development. Accordingly, their exclusion is a gross injustice and a negation of constitutional provisions, including the federal character principle.
The contributions of FCT indigenes in maintaining the country’s unity, none of its kinsmen was occupying leadership positions within the nation’s political, judiciary or military circles.
The exclusion of Abuja natives in the last administrations and appointing any credible person within the FCT indigenous population as Minister would right the perceived wrongs and injustices.
“We are appealing to President-elect Asiwaju Ahmad Tinubu to use his exclusive powers to appoint an FCT man as a Minister in the Federal Executive Council.
In making appointments in any portfolio, please consider FCT natives. As stated in the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, every citizen shall be treated equally. Likewise, where the nation’s capital is located, the FCT natives should be included in the executive council of the presidential cabinet. To balance Nigeria’s political diversity, everyone should be carried along.
Since the inception of Democratic governance in 1999, it has been crystal clear that FCT natives shall be appointed as the territory minister.
Your excellency, sir, it might interest you to know that with the huge amount of populated FCT natives in Nigeria, they only have one senator and two members of the House of Representatives only at the national assembly. It is an injustice.
We need a state status to increase our franchise beyond local government elections to enable us to have an executive governance structure and independent governing body and to expand our representation at the National Assembly.
Should a real social fighter be partisan? Does this mean the side he has taken has no weakness at all, or does it mean Abba Hikima is no longer a freedom fighter as people regard him but a politician?
Bar. Abba Hikima is a well-known social fighter, and he is one of the four most influential persons in Kano State who day and night fight to liberate have-nots peoples from the slavery of crooked individuals.
He is a loving person within Kano State metropolitan area. His lovers are from various political parties such as NNPP, APC, PDP, etc. Many of his supporters use his picture as a slogan for their businesses, like tricyclic drivers (Keke-Napep), just because he fights to liberate them from evil hands. Many love you because they do not know you are partisan.
It is good for a social fighter to build relationships with politicians and policymakers to create positive change. You should try to connect with politicians who share similar values and goals. Building trust and respect with politicians is essential to maintain their dignity while dealing with politics.
But should Abba Hikima be partisan as politics is concerned? Your benefit is more meaningful and beneficial as a freedom fighter than to be a politician. You can only maintain your dignity in politics by staying true, which is costly in Nigerian democracy. “If you want to understand a person, give him power.”
Being partisan means you are willing to swallow all sweetness and bitterness of the side without scrutinising. Still, social fighters always struggle to ensure that the public meets their needs effectively and efficiently.
Nigerians living within and staying in the diaspora should start a self-cleansing effort to seek Allah’s forgiveness. Already, the people of the country have wronged God. Unfortunately, the current leadership does not want to agree with this position. However, let me start with the individual failures before I descend to the collective disgrace and abuse of the system.
1. The recent presidential election overtly exposed the INEC chairman’s unpreparedness. He was highly unprofessional and produced a very abysmal and disappointing outcome. In the history of Nigeria’s electoral commission, there has never been a time that a lump sum of money amounting to N335 billion was spent on a presidential election under the pretext of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) or IReV (portal) or whatever parlance Prof. Mamud Yakubu wants to call it. This guy ended up giving Nigerians the most controversial and expensive presidential election in the entire history of the world. As a professor of history, he went to Chatham House and bragged to Prof. Alex Vines and co. that in his office, “There is one of his engineers that even promised him to design a voting machine that could sense voters’ body odour.” He was telling this open and brazen “invention” to global audiences at Chatham House even when he ended up giving Nigerians the most terrible BVAS and IReV technologies that, up until now, he is struggling to fix by postponing the Guber elections by a week!
2. The N335 billion that Henry Omoru of Vanguard reported that Prof. Mamud asked from the Federal Government to conduct this kind of election was an upshot of the initial INEC budget of N305 billion plus an additional N10 billion. This stupendous amount is enough to build eight state universities in each of the 36 states of the federation, including Abuja, with a take-up grant of N1 billion each!
3. According to Dennis Amata’s analysis of the INEC 2023 election budget that appeared in Dataphyte, “The Federal Government spent N444.5 billion to conduct the country’s last three general elections, and a total of N255 billion was wasted due to the low voter turnout recorded in each of the elections.”
4. And if it is true that Mamud is a first-class historian from Usman Danfodio University, Sokoto, Nigeria, and he used his historical antecedents to brag at Chatham House and, in the end, give Nigerians this BVAS melodrama, then his first-class degree is now subjected to the vagaries of his incompetence and lack of ICT knowledge. And this is why! His poor BVAS and IReV performances had already reduced him to a local champion or, better put, a local history professor overrated in Nigeria.
5. A cursory look at the INEC’s nine (9) key items that it budgeted for the conduct of the 2023 election shows that there was a very depressing procurement of hi-tech/advanced ICT facilities such as BVAS and a hi-tech result storage database that could safeguard the security of online and offline result submittals and transmittals, as Mamud wants us to believe. Indeed, Mamud is not aware of or lacks knowledge about the disadvantages of using BVAS as a voter accreditation system. On the contrary, he was probably carried away by it because INEC was told that it could eliminate electoral malpractices and prevent multiple registrations.
6. But Mamud, as a “first-class” academic and Professor of Political History, ought to have known that using such a biometric voter identification and transmitting apparatus for instant results collation is always problematic for developing countries such as Nigeria because there is no adequate network in African countries that could effectively allow the use of BVAS and IREV portals (transmission). In fact, the incessant network failures in Nigeria and, by extension, Africa are enough to get Mamud informed of the disadvantages of using this failure-prone network facility. Moreover, as a learned history professor, this ought to have informed him how this kind of network failure gave President Yoweri Museveni an advantage to impose an internet blackout that cut off access to news, social media, and messaging services ahead of the Ugandan presidential election.
Seriously, Mamud, as a professor, needs to know better than anybody the calamity in the erratic supply of electricity that could ravage his entire BVAS and IREV efforts. In 2019, I had an international conversation with Volkswagen’s Head of Sustainability in Madrid. I tried to persuade him to patronize African countries by supplying electric cars to Nigeria and other African countries. The Volkswagen giant quickly checked my ideas by saying thus: “There is no constant supply of electricity in Africa that could charge the batteries that will drive the cars”. Therefore, Prof. Mahmud and co. ought to have known this simple arithmetic. They could have visualized that no ample network or electricity in Africa could make BVAS and IReV function well!
Fellow Nigerians, friends, and colleagues of Nigeria, that was Mamud Yakubu’s disgrace to Nigerians!
And one wonders what the likes of Mohammed Haruna are doing at INEC as Resident Commissioners by allowing Mahmud to use Nigeria’s ample resources and, in the end, put the entire country into global shame! Whenever I see Mohammed Haruna sitting beside Prof. Mahmud with his hand akimbo, I know that Nigeria does not have a future. Because if a combination of Mohammed Haruna, who spent a significant part of his life writing long essays about Nigeria’s underdevelopment and democratic misgovernance, and Yakubu could disgrace Nigeria this far in the name of INEC staff, then we need to call it off for Nigeria. Indeed, there are so many Mamud Yakubus and Mohammed Harunas in the land that time and space will not allow us to exemplify most of them in this analysis. Therefore, we can only mention a couple of Mahmud’s similar disgraceful elements that constitute the Nigerian system’s individual failure before narrowing down to the specific scenarios that have thrown the country into a global failure and a pariah state.
7. Therefore, the next individual’s disgrace worth mentioning here is that of Adamu Adamu, the current Nigerian Minister of Education. Adamu took ample time to write his folklore about ASUU and how to make it better. But in the end, he goofs up Nigeria’s education by forcing the entire system to suffer universities’ strike action for over seven months! Courtesy of Adamu’s Taqiyya Amana, which he displayed amidst growing educational tensions that distract Nigeria by throwing it backwards by two-semester backlogs.
We can go on and on! But to cut the story short, the colossal loss to Nigeria on this INEC’s BVAS and IReV drama has successfully reduced its chairman to a local champion who made his country not reap the benefit(s) of the huge monies that he spent on this so-called BVAS without giving Nigerians value for their money. It is a shame that for all the money he asked for, he could not provide Nigerians with an enabling environment to come out en masse and cast their votes. Mamud and co. sincerely deceive themselves by hiding under the pretext that Nigeria’s democracy is the biggest in Africa. He also brags about this point anytime he is given a chance to speak. He doesn’t know that several African countries are fairing better than Nigeria. Unfortunately, Prof. Mamud doesn’t know that his country is lagging behind certain African countries regarding voter turnout and conducting fair elections without BVAS! Here I will conclude by quoting extensively Ray Ekpu’s take on the need for INEC to wake up from its slumber and engage in a serious campaign on voter turnout.
According to Ray Ekpu, “Many African countries have done far better than Nigeria in combating voter apathy. Their voting figures are close to 100%. Look at these: Rwanda’s 2017 presidential election produced a 98.2% voting record; Equatorial Guinea (2016): 92.7%; Angola (2017): 90.4%; Seychelles (2016): 90.1%; Guinea-Bissau (2019): 89.3%; Zimbabwe (2018): 84.2%. For Nigeria to deepen its democracy, the voting figures have to go up drastically. That means that all concerned must work on improving voter education.
Voter education can also help in checking election rigging. Election rigging can only happen when there is collusion among the triumvirate, namely, politicians, INEC officials, and security personnel. Where there is no collusion, no rigging of fundamental significance can take place. There is no perfect election anywhere in the world, but rigging can be substantially reduced once people are interested in ensuring that their votes count. But in Nigeria, poverty is an issue. Many of the people who sell their permanent voters’ cards are poor. For them, those cards mean little or nothing, but a few thousand naira can mean a lot to them. It can mean the difference between a full stomach and an empty one”.
Nura Jibo is a Lifetime Member of the West African Research Association (WARA), African Studies Centre, Boston University, United States. He can be reached via jibonura@yahoo.com.
It is now an open secret that the former Governor of Lagos State, Bola Ahmed Tinubu, is now Nigeria’s president-elect. For many who may not know, the erstwhile Lagos Chief Executive is not the typical run-of-the-mill Nigerian politician.
A master political strategist of no mean repute, Tinubu has never lost an election since he started appearing on the ballot. The lessons in his political journey are enormous and worth studying by contemporary politicians, especially young people who aspire to be leaders of tomorrow.
Tinubu’s political trajectory depicts the importance of building people regardless of any differences. He built builders, and the builders built him.
Most people, including some members of his party, had thought that he was not going to win the February 25th presidential election because of some varying factors.
But Tinubu, for a minute, never lost hope. He consistently told people that he was going to win. He candidly said, “it is my turn, and I will win.” These were the songs he sang until he won.
It is a fact known that most politicians fear the “enemies within”, but the reverse is the case with Tinubu as the Aso Rock cabals in President Muhammadu Buhari’s government fear him. He tackled them and moved on.
The contribution of the people he built in politics to his emergence as president-elect cannot be overemphasized.
Hours after he was announced as the winner of the keenly-contested election, he first extended his heartfelt appreciation to the Vice President-elect, Senator Kashim Shettima, and the entire northern governors who gave their best to his ascension to the presidency.
One of the qualities of a resounding leader is his ability to unite people and carry everybody along. That is what Tinubu started with. He called on all presidential contestants to join him in building a new Nigeria for the betterment of all and sundry. Who has ever done that in the history of our nascent democracy?
Tinubu’s track record as governor of Lagos is a testimony of his effort for the unity and development of Nigeria. He brought capacity hands outside Lagos for the betterment of his people. He has national spread, unlike his Labor Party rival, Peter Obi, who was largely voted by people of the east and a few from the west.
Obi, being the governor of Anambra, does not take his state as his permanent residence. He lives in Lagos—a state developed by Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu. I expect him to calm down his supporters, conceit defeat and join hands with the president-elect to steer the Nigerian project.
One of the best ways to advocate peaceful coexistence and give people a sense of belonging is by giving protection to the people you govern, regardless of any differences. Tinubu’s house is a good example. He’s a Muslim. His wife and children are Christians.
Teeming Nigerians have joined Tinubu to savour his electoral victory in the penultimate Saturday’s presidential election. But the President-Elect knows, more than anyone else, that the journey ahead will be rough, bumpy tortuous.
He, however, should do all that it takes to actualize the visions of his ‘Renewed Hope’ campaign slogan. It is not for anything that many, including his armchair critics, regard him as a political colossus who has greatly paid his dues in helping to entrench democratic governance in Africa’s Giant.
The term ‘University’ has its roots from the Latin word ‘universitas’, which translates to ‘the whole’ or ‘the totality’. This is said to have originated from medieval Europe where groups of scholars came together to form communities dedicated to education and research. In essence, universities of good standing, regardless of ownership (public or private) are specialized spaces for universal education that have established traditions of research and innovations aimed at tackling societal issues. Also, these are the fundamental reasons why they are referred to as such.
Newgate University, Minna (NUM) can be counted as one of the best academic institutions that aim to promote qualitative education. This can be justified precisely through the NUM’s rigorous curriculum, exceptional faculty members who are experts in their respective fields with committed culture of inquiry that pushes the boundaries of knowledge.
NUM – the Newgate University, Minna, was licensed by the National Universities’ Commission (NUC) in April, 2022 as the first private university in Minna, the Niger State capital, with a reputation of an orientation that is focused around student-centered learning to meet the needs and interests of students within reasonable grounds. At the heart of the university’s tradition is a unique combination of research exploration and academic excellence, expressed through its motto ‘explore to excel’. Also, Newgate University, Minna entices students to embark on a splendid journey of self-discovery by presenting them with a diverse range of academic programs that are tailored to their individual passions and interests.
However, the university’s philosophy of exploration extends beyond academics to encompass a comprehensive range of extracurricular activities, such as community service, practical experience, among others that aid students in expanding their horizons and discovering their true potential.
Newgate has distinctive strategies and academic culture exemplified by its provision of four (4) distinct teaching and learning packages to its students: cognitive, digital, interpersonal and intrapersonal study packages. The cognitive package being offered by Newgate University instills in its students, the ability to devise innovative solutions to emerging challenges in their respective fields of study. Meanwhile, the digital component of the university’s curriculum ensures that students become responsive digital citizens, capable of keeping pace with the ever-evolving digital landscape. To enhance comprehension and facilitate recall, the university employs cloud-based teaching and learning techniques such as virtual reality, streamed lectures and relevant practical videos. At NUM, both the intra and interpersonal components of the study packages are given key attention, with emphasis on orientation and training that will equip students to assume leadership and negotiation roles, while instilling in them qualities of service, passion, adaptability and empathy. These components are intentionally designed to meet the growing global need for hard and soft skills which are crucial for employability.
The impact of Newgate University’s distinctive and impressive strategies to university education extends beyond the classrooms, to equipping students to become leaders in their communities and in societies at large. By providing a holistic university experience that emphasizes on critical thinking, creativity, innovation and problem-solving, NUM proves that, it can be a model for other institutions to emulate.
Muhammad Danjuma Abubakar lives and writes from Minna, the Niger State capital and can be reached on muhammadcares4u@gmail.com
In Nigeria, an election period is like watching a classic Series for the umpteenth time. You know how it’s going to play out, but it doesn’t make it any less fascinating. The most entertaining episode, of this Series, after the presidential election, of course, is the debate leading up to the Lagos gubernatorial election.
Firstly, the Yorubas must perform a ritual of agonisingly re-iterating the exact same thing: that Lagos is not a “no man’s land.” This is quickly followed by an outcry from the non-Yoruba, Lagos-based (mostly southern) Nigerians. They argue that, as Nigerians, every inch of land in the country, belongs to all Nigerians. That any attempt to deprive them of this right is ethnic bigotry. But how true is this? And do they practise what they preach? Let’s go down memory lane.
A few years ago, when the federal government suggested to some (southern) state governors to provide grazing lands to cattle farmers (who’re predominantly Fulanis) to grow their herds; to control herder-farmer clashes in parts of the country, many of the governors rejected this proposal. (Mostly) Southern Nigerians also took to social media to applaud the governors for refusing fellow Nigerians access to Nigerian lands.
Dangerous words like “invaders” and “take over” were recklessly deployed to stoke ethnic tension. No one cared to remember that these people, too, were Nigerians and therefore were entitled to own land and do business anywhere in Nigeria.
Now, in 2023, it’s election time again, and this same divisive rhetoric is being deployed, albeit in different circumstances. The same people who once championed an anti-Fulani campaign that ensured their fellow countrymen from the north couldn’t get lands in their own country are now complaining of being othered by Yorubas in Lagos. So, I’m asking: why is it ok for them to own lands and freely do businesses, have some influence on who becomes governor in “another man’s land,” but at the same time, see no contradiction in telling northern Muslim cattle farmers to return to the north, to look for land, because “the south does not belong to them?” Why are you concerned that the Fulanis “will take over your land” but are now getting triggered because the Yoruba people feel the same way towards you?
They wanted the land for free
When I first shared my thoughts on this topic on my Facebook Page, some interlocutors argued that the reason for the southern governor’s pushback was that the federal government wanted the land free of charge.
“Free,” in this context, is debatable. When an industry such as cattle farming wants the land for its activities, it’s not usually a mere hectare or two. A reasonable size would be hundreds to thousands of hectares. The size and complexity of such a project is not something private individuals can execute without support from the government.
Therefore, it was not out of order for the federal government to step in to help with things like making the land available and then building the infrastructure needed for the place to function properly. After which interested parties can be invited to come in and rent/buy spaces to set up shop. These farmers were clearly going to pay taxes to local authorities and generally operate the same way market stall owners do in places like Kano, Lagos or Aba.
Having said that, let’s say, for the sake of argument, I agree that the federal government wanted the state government to give “free” land to the cattle farmers; why was the response not: “bring more money!” Or “let’s have a better financial agreement?” We didn’t hear of any such request — of a better (financial) offer, from the southern governors. Instead, what we got from them, and many southern Nigerians, were: “the Fulanis should go back to the north and ask for land there,” “this is a plan by the Fulani government to take over our land and hand it over to their people,” and many other unpleasant, divisive comments. The protest from the south was a clear message to those cattle farmers from the north. It was made known, loud and clear, that their land was in the north and not in the south. What happened to being a Nigerian citizen with full rights anywhere in Nigeria?
We can’t be comfortable with othering and divisive languages when it involves the Fulanis and then suddenly become appalled when they’re deployed against a different group of people. It doesn’t work that way. We cannot, on the one hand, say things like Idoma land, Ijaw land, Tiv land, Igbo land, or Niger Delta land (or Niger Delta oil) and then throw tantrums when Yoruba people say Lagos is Yoruba land. You’re clearly not appalled at any injustice. You’re only now concerned because you are at the receiving end of it. What you’re practising is Selective Outrage (apologies to Chris Rock), and it is hypocritical.
Suleiman Ahmed is a writer and the author of the socio-political novel, Trouble in Valhalla. He tweets from @sule365.
As we all know, politicians in Kano have been claiming they are followers of the late Malam Aminu Kano to achieve their political interests. We all know and remember him as a leader of the masses, a reformist, educationist and revolutionist. Mallam had built the most substantial legacies. When he was minister, he joined protests against the federal government in Nigeria.
Honourable Kawu Sumaila is Malam’s ghost. As a strong opposition leader after resigning from his position as senior special assistant to the president on national assembly matters, Kawu defeated the incumbent senator that spent sixteen years in the seat last week.
He is ready to represent the good people of southern Kano. He contrasted and won the election three times. He represented Takai/Sumaila for 12 years in the Green Chamber.
Kawu’s action is louder than his voice. He knows the problems of his senatorial district. That’s why he aspired for the seat in 2019 and lost in a questionable primary election. He is ready to speak about his senatorial district, Kano state and northern Nigeria.
Kawu supports the less privileged within and outside his constituency. He founded Al-Istiqama University, the first private university in southern Kano.
Umar Ahmad Rufai wrote from Kano via umarahmadrufaijr@gmail.com.He is a student at Aminu Kano College of Education in Kano.
The Presidential elections have come to pass, and the outcome of the results will continue to be a watershed in the political terrain and a new definition of “Loyalty “ in Adamawa PDP politics. Atiku Abubakar of the People’s Democratic, PDP, got 417,611 votes, Bola Ahmed Tinubu of the APC got 182,881, Peter Obi of the Labour Party (LP) secured 105,648 votes, while Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso of the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP) got 8,006 votes
The performance of the Labour Party in the state though not surprising because of the open secret fraternity of the incumbent Governor with the Labour Party for some time.
It is now obvious that the allegations against the Governor of Adamawa state for anti-party activities have come to pass. Many prominent people of Adamawa State last month alleged and warned that Governor Rt. Hon. Ahmadu Umaru Fintiri had pitched his camp with the Labour Party’s Presidential candidate and crisscrossed the state campaigning for him in line with the arrangements of the G5 PDP Governors. It’s an open secret that he remained a member of the group covertly. The outcome of Saturday‘s Presidential election is a clear testimony to that effect.
The theatrics of the Governor’s pretentious loyalty and deception could only go that far, and today the die is cast, and the truth cannot be suppressed.
Atiku Abubakar though not unaware of Fintiri’s intrigues, according to sources, decided to ignore all the clear and overwhelming evidence shown to him in that regard and deluded himself in a suspension of belief, hoping that Governor Fintiri would continue to be loyal and supportive.
The Waziri Adamawa rightly or wrongly is said to be scared of the consequences of confronting the Governor in order not to jeopardise his political fortunes since all politics are local, and will need the governor on his side to succeed in this rather elusive Presidency, having attempted severally without success and believing this could be his last opportunity.
In February, when the Labour Party candidate, Peter Obi, visited Adamawa State for his campaign, he ignored the protocol of usual courtesies on the Paramount Ruler, the Lamido of Adamawa Emirate and Chairman of the Adamawa state Traditional Rulers Council but headed straight to Numan Federation to pay homage/Respect to Hamma Bachama of Numan Federation, which was a serious breach of protocol and a slight on the Lamido. It’s also on record that he was there to fraternise with the predominantly Christian community in the zone.
Obi’s action was attributed to Fintiri’s advice and in active collaboration of CAN leadership. This strategy is today consequential to Labour’s Political gains in that part of the State. Obi defeated Atiku in Numan LGA and secured substantial votes in the other areas in the zone.
The outcome of the elections results in Madagali, the Governor’s support base where the Labour Party won at the Governor’s polling unit, is, without doubt, a collusion in cohort with the Governor.
The ADC Gubernatorial Candidate, Malam Muhammadu Usman Shuwa, after officially endorsing the PDP presidential candidate, His Excellency Alhaji Atiku Abubakar and promising to work for him in the state, relocated to his home town Madagali 6 days before the election. He made serious contact and strategies to ensure Alhaji Atiku Abubakar’s victory and delivered his polling unit and even his ward for Atiku.
If Fintiri had Atiku’s interest, he could have ensured he delivered not only his unit or Madagali but the entire Northern Zone for Atiku, being his domain and as an incumbent Governor of Atiku’s Party, but behold, the outcome isn’t what we expected.
They say in war, political war inclusive, all is fair, and politics is like the contributions in “Adashe”. In other words, it’s turn-by-turn. Everyone will take his share, albeit at the tail end
Waziri Adamawa is well-schooled in political treachery and well-acquainted with its muddy terrain. Therefore needs not be incited into realigning his priorities and strategies. He surely feels where it pinches.
In stating the obvious, we can only wish Waziri Adamawa well in his future endeavours
Auwal Modire wrote from Yola, Adamawa state. He can be reached via modiree@aol.com.
It is a general psychological belief that individuals tend to keep repeating things that benefit them and help reduce their suffering. In politics, too, citizens believe that the essence of participating in the political life of their country is to maximise their benefits through attaining improved living conditions, say, for example, security of lives and properties, food, a better health care system, more employment opportunities, stable electricity and so on.
You don’t need statistical data to conclude that, since 1999, when Nigeria returned to a democratic system, the sufferings of Nigerians coming out to vote for a better life increased. As such, many citizens choose not to exercise their franchise as it does not benefit their lives.
Abraham Lincoln’s definition of Democracy as a government of the people by the people and for the people seems irrelevant in Nigeria because some of the leaders who served political offices in the past were suspected to be products of statistical inflation during elections, not by choice of the majority. Thus, they are not by the people; our leaders are considered to serve themselves rather than the general populace. That is why they strive to get into power by hook or crook.
The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) reported that during the 1999 general election, out of 58 Million Nigerians that registered to vote, only 30 million were able to vote, 42 out of 61 million registered voters voted in 2003, only 35 million out of 62 million in 2007, 39 million out of 74 million cast their votes in 2011, 29 million out of 67 million in 2015, 29 million out of 82 million in 2019 and, sadly, in the recent 2023 presidential election we have witnessed the lowest turnout whereby of all the 93.46 million eligible registered voters we have, only 24.97 million came out and cast votes.
Though many factors like; lack of voter education, electoral malpractices and vote buying during primary elections, which produce uninspiring candidates in the general elections, rigging during the general election, and the activities of political thugs are contributing factors to political absenteeism during elections, the major factor that converts responsible citizens into political absentees is bad governance resulted by poor- performing elected officials and political parties.
To respond to this signal of “not having feelings” citizens about the political affairs of our dear country, resulting from a lack of efforts from the side of our political leaders to improve people’s situation, I see it that the best way to lure people back to the polls is to promote people’s welfare. Campaigns and sensitisations are less effective these days—only action matters.
Take, for example, the issue of vote buying. You can’t convince someone who lives from hand to mouth, similarly being denied the opportunity of going to market on election day to get what to eat, not to collect a bag of grated maize for a vote—relief materials matter.
Zaharaddeen Muhammed wrote from Azare and could be reached via zahmuhaza@gmail.com.
His name was Sadik. Perhaps about 11 years old. He walked into my newly allocated office in the old Mass Communications building of Bayero University Kano (Nigeria) in 2013. I was startled. He was a tiny boy with deep dark skin, a beautiful face with intense eyes and a dolphin smile. He asked if I wanted to buy Fura (steamed millet balls blended in cow milk, often used as dessert, although it could stand on its own as a nutritious meal). He did not look like any of the usual urchins who thronged the corridors of the building look for odd jobs – run errands, empty trash, sweep office when those officially charged – and paid – to do so did not. Intrigued, I ordered one. He disappeared and returned some twenty minutes later with the Fura in a transparent plastic bag. I paid him, and that was that.
He returned the following day. When I declined to buy it because I didn’t feel like drinking the Fura, he insisted I buy it for others. When I asked why, he simply retorted that I appeared richer than other staff because, first, I was a professor, and second my office was larger. I was amused by his evaluation of my finances based on my position. And true, my office was the largest for staff, but I was a new bride in the Department – having been wedded to Mass Communication after an amicable transfer from the Department of Science and Technology (thus the ‘double’ professor tag), and all stops were pulled to make me welcome. Based on his logic of having a larger office, if not a deeper pocket, I bought about ten and asked him to distribute them to colleagues.
Sadik was to become a regular fixture in the corridor. Always after 2.00 p.m. One day he came with a blue checkered school uniform. Mentally, I thanked the boy who gave him the ‘hand me down’. The uniform was from Musa Iliyasu College, located along Gwarzo Road, a few kilometres from the New Campus of Bayero University Kano. This was a private and prestigious high school in Kano, attended by the children of the well-to-do.
I was told, however, that the uniform was his own and that he was indeed a student at the famous prestigious college. Curious about the human aspect of this development, I decided to delve further. What I found was what I want to share with you regarding the world of Hausa women.
Sadik did not come from an elite home. He was from a large Fulani family living in a ruga (a Fulani cattle encampment) near Janguza Army Barracks in Kano – itself a few kilometres from Bayero University Kano, New Campus, along Gwarzo freeway. The unit was a father, three wives and eighteen children. Sadik was the eldest in his mother’s room. They were herders. Indeed, Sadik was born near Tamburawa along Zaria Road in Kano when the family was on the move in 2002. They camped near Janguza Barracks, where they located their ‘hometree’.
The mother was the one selling the Fura at Bayero University Kano New Campus that Sadiq marketed. She had a ‘stand’ near the Faculty of Engineering. She had a lot of customers in all categories of the university community. After all, even professors love Fura. Her interaction with the university community enabled her to develop an interest in education, and she wanted to get Sadiq to attend a school and eventually a university. She did not want Sadik to follow the family herd. His father, however, wanted the child to join the family herding tradition. The mother then engaged one of her customers, a professor, to drive to the ruga and convince the father to allow the child to attend school, to which he reluctantly agreed. The mother then took over the process of educating the child.
She enrolled him in a local private primary school inside the Janguza Barracks. After he finished, she inquired which was the best high school around, and Musa Iliyasu came highly recommended. She enrolled him there. An exclusive private school. Paid for from the proceeds of her Fura business. She bought a bike for Sadik to make it easy for him to attend the school, some five kilometres from their tent. His legs could barely reach the pedals, but he was enthusiastic about learning. After school, he would go to her Fura stand, park the bike and then trample all over the BUK mega building advertising his mother’s Fura (even boldly entering the Vice-Chancellor’s office to market the Fura), all the way till 6.00 p.m. when they close ‘office’.
I interacted with Sadik for three years. He was so curious, bold, confident and always lifting books on my desk, trying to read them, asking endless questions, his eyes always darting and roving all other office. He was truly an inquisitive and intelligent child.
In 2016 I temporarily relocated my place of work to Abuja, and that was the last I saw of Sadiq. I did not fully return to Bayero University till 2022. In the intervening period, I had wistfully thought of Sadik and finally decided to find out what had happened to him when I returned. It was a massive success story of doggedness by a traditional woman.
When Sadik finished Musa Iliyasu College, he told his mother he wanted to be a pilot. She asked him to find out how much it would cost. Off he went to the Nigerian College of Aviation Technology (NCAT), Zaria, where he learned the fees could be as much as ₦7.5 million. He informed his mother, who immediately asked him to continue the process of getting admitted. She would pay the entire sum – after all, she was already a millionaire with the large herd she had. She earmarked the number of cows to sell to raise the pilot school fees. Sadik did the entrance exams but did not scale the final test. So, he was not admitted.
He then applied to BUK with his JAMB score of 201 for Computer Science but did not meet the Post-UTME requirements for the program. Again, he faced rejection. His mother initiated the process of getting him alternative university admission and was advised to take him to Al-Qalam University, a non-profit Islamic university in Katsina. He went there and inquired about the admission process and the fees. With his results, he was admitted. His mother sold two of her cows for ₦450,000 and gave him the money to pay for the school fees in Computer Science and his accommodation in Katsina. He enrolled and started his program.
When he relocated to Katsina, she sent him money every day. She eventually gave him ₦200,000, with which he started a Fura packaging business, employing his co-tenants in the house he was renting. Soon, he established a small business employing other students. Eventually, he vied for and succeeded in becoming the Vice-President of the Computer Science Students Association of the Al-Qalam branch.
Sadik became a dedicated student with a consistently high CGPA, which could eventually lead to either a good second upper or a first in Computer Science. He was eventually elected the President of the Computer Science Students of his university chapter. One day, the officers of the Association came to Kano for a function during a school break and decided to see his house, especially after he told them he lived in a ruga. They were astonished to discover he was telling the truth – their respect for his modesty raised higher.
In January 2023, I was in my office at the Faculty of Communication BUK when someone walked in. I was bent on my laptop but did notice the guest removing his shoes and coming and standing in front of my desk, waiting for a pause in my typing.
I looked up at a tall well-built young man. I immediately knew it was Sadik. At 21 years, everything about him has changed, of course, but not his dolphin smile. He told me he learnt I was asking of him and decided to come and greet me. I was so happy to see him, and it was he who related to me what I had written so far. I immediately connected him to Sunusi Ahmad Baffa Dawakin Tofa, Chairman of the Kano State chapter of the Fulfulde Development Association of Nigeria (FULDAN), of which I was a patron. They promised to come together and see how Sadik could be part of community mobilisation awareness and a role model, especially for youth. Sadiq owes his success so far to his mother.
Professor Abdalla Uba Adamu and Sadik
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Sadik’s mother, Hajiya Hauwa Suleiman Dikko, was not an educated, entitled, privileged woman. She did not go to school. Her class was the hard knock of life. As a young girl, she missed going to school with lunchboxes and rucksacks festooned with stickers from the Marvel Cinematic Universe – Spiderman, Hulk, X-Men, and Fantastic Four. She did not attend a privileged landscaped school with paintings of Micky Mouse and Donald Duck on their walls. She had no driver to chauffer her to school in an airconditioned SUV. No TV to return to after school hours in a nice airconditioned living room. No iPads to play with. No Netflix to relax her hard stressful day. No extra lesson teacher (Uncle John or Auntie Funmi) to ensure she passed those horrible subjects such as Mathematics.
Her contemporaries who lived such life finished successfully from their expensive private schools (of course, no private school would allow mass failure, especially from children of the privileged) and had gatekeepers to ensure they got admission into the juiciest disciplines in the university of their choice. If at all in Nigeria – otherwise, it would be off to Ukraine (before it became too hot), some obscure countries in Eastern Europe, India, Cyprus, the UK or preferably, Malaysia.
When such contemporaries returned, they had cushy jobs waiting for them and a relatively easy path to the top. Eventually, they are celebrated as women of substance – given awards (which they don’t need) and celebrated in academic papers and opinion pieces as role models of female achievement and doggedness in a patriarchal society. I don’t mind their high-profile visibility. I just believe the accolades are wrongly placed, or at the very least, the Point of View (POV) should sweep around.
My female heroes? Those I will be celebrating today, the 2023 International Women’s Day? Let’s start with Sadik’s mother. And hundreds of others like her. I am sure you know one or two in your locality. They are women, often widowed, left alone, with little or no inheritance, and who, with the little they have, were able to provide much-appreciated services in their communities and keep a tight hold on their families. They don’t engage in endless and fruitless debates about gender identity or reproductive rights nor women’s representation in political representation and their share of hegemony. Rhetoric. Talking loud and saying nothing. As my main Man sang, “Like a dull knife / Just ain’t cutting / Just talking loud / Then saying nothing”. (James Brown, 1970).
Mainly, restauranteurs, these local women build people and impact their communities. With their business – restaurant (ƙosai, koko, tuwo, ɗanwake, wake da shinkafa, alkubus, gurasa, ƙashin rago, etc.), public transport (Keke NAPEP, buses, Acaba/Okada, Ƙurƙura), estate (properties, rental apartments, plots of land) – they are the role models who should be celebrated. They don’t feel entitled and are privileged in the peace of mind they have and the mentoring they do in their communities. They have no PAs, SAs, fierce dogs at the gates of their solar-powered villas and mansions, no frowning ‘maigad’ to intimidate and scare away panhandlers.
They have no SUVs as the cost of one could serve as capital for a whole year for their business. They don’t even have cars, despite some owning a transport business or so. They do not take their holidays in London or Dubai – they have no time for holidays as they are busy serving their communities. They marry off their daughters, not in grand style, with furniture imported from IKEA in China but from local makers – thus contributing to local economies.
So, what should be the concerns of women on International Women’s Day? For me, with a focus on Muslim Hausa women living in traditional communities, how about integrating them into the modern sector digital economy? Instead of empty rhetoric about gender representation, why don’t we focus on enabling them to acquire skills such as mobile phone repairs and POS services – in the comfort and safety of their homes? Many women are now engaged with mobile phones and online trading and payments. Muslim Hausa women feel unsafe in approaching service centres where clusters of men provide these services. Empowering them to be skilled in digital knowledge in the lungu and saƙo (alleyways) of our communities works better than hot-air rhetoric and genuinely can make a difference.
On this day, I, therefore, award accolades to Sadik’s mother, Hajiya Mai Ƙashin Rago Fagge (with a whole street named after her), and countless others whom I am sure Jaafar Jaafar knows more. They are truly women of substance.
Today, being International Women’s Day, please locate any in your community, go right up to her and appreciate her. Celebrate her achievements and her silent but visible impact in the community as the REAL woman of substance.
PS: Some have asked about Sadik’s whereabouts. He is in his final year at Al-Qalam, Katsina, Computer Science, and from his results so far, he is heading towards either a First Class or a very good Second Upper.
Professor Abdalla Uba Adamu can be contacted via auadamu@yahoo.com.
