Opinion

By Aminu Alhassan Kuba

During the 2023 general elections, Eng. Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso contested for the office of the President Federal Republic of Nigeria under his newly registered party, the New Nigeria People’s Party (NNPP). Unfortunately, he came a very distant 4th, winning just one State out of 36 plus the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja, with a little over 1 million votes. His party also presented candidates for the governorship in a few other states apart from Kano, and the closest it came to winning apart from Kano was in Taraba.

Before the elections, Senator  Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso had been engaged in a fierce political battle with his erstwhile political friend and deputy and present governor of Kano State, Dr Abdullahi Umar Ganduje.

In 2015, Kwankwaso supported Ganduje to succeed him, but afterwards, trouble started. In a video I watched sometime in 2018, Ganduje accused Kwankwaso of envy. He said he did everything to respect and be loyal to his former boss, but it seemed Kwankwaso wanted everything. He accused Kwankwaso of wanting to be governor by proxy.

The fight between the two finally culminated in the now infamous inconclusive governorship election of 2019, where Kwankwaso tried to unseat Ganduje and replace him with his former PA, former commissioner, son-in-law, now governor-elect Eng. Abba Kabiru Yusuf. In that titanic battle for Kano, Ganduje emerged victorious.

The win led to other unfortunate matters, including the dethronement and banishment of the then Emir of Kano, His Royal Highness Muhammadu Sanusi II, the balkanisation of the Kano Emirate into five (5) smaller entities and the eventual appointment of two of Sanusi’s cousins among others as Emirs of Kano and Bichi, respectively.

In the succeeding four years, the political rivalry and fight between Kwankwaso and his old friend and political ally only intensified, culminating in the defeat of Ganduje’s candidate by same Kwankwaso’s son-in-law Eng. Abba Kabir Yusuf in the just concluded governorship election in the State.

Following NNPP’s victory, Kwankwaso’s supporters mainly and some commentators have sought to present Kwankwaso as some political wizard in Northern Nigeria. While this is true to a certain degree and circumstance, it is more accurate if Kano and not Northern Nigeria was the point of reference.

Kwankwaso has indeed managed to remain politically relevant compared to his Northern governor colleagues, alongside whom he contested and won elections to become governor in 1999. However, since his stated goal is not to become or produce the governor of Kano State but to lead Nigeria as President and Commander in Chief, the fairest comparison should be with those who have demonstrated similar ambition. And in this category, the most worthy comparison should be with the President-elect, His Excellency Asiwaju Bola Ahmad Tinubu, former Senator and Governor of Lagos State.

This comparison is even worthier considering that Lagos and Kano share similarities in population, political history, economy and commercial relevance to South and Northern Nigeria, respectively.

Let’s take a dive

In 1992 when Tinubu won a seat to become Senator of the Federal Republic, Kwankwaso won one in Nigeria’s House of Representatives and became its deputy speaker.

In 1999, both Tinubu and Kwankwaso contested and won to become governors of Lagos and Kano, respectively.

In 2003, while Tinubu was re-elected for a second term in office despite Obasanjo’s backstabbing and cynical takeover of the entire South West (except Lagos, of course), Kwankwaso lost his seat to a former permanent secretary, Malam Ibrahim Shekarau, whom he had humiliated and relegated to a classroom teacher. Shekarau went on to serve two full terms as governor of Kano. Kwankwaso was eventually appointed Minister of Defence by Obasanjo.

In 2011 Kwankwaso returned to Kano for a second shot and won. He served the next four years, delivering spectacularly on the massive infrastructural transformation of Kano and investing heavily in education and social services. In addition, he provided scholarships to hundreds of Kano indigenes to undertake postgraduate studies around the world. By the end of his tenure in 2015, he easily transited to the Senate under the newly minted alliance party, the APC, with General Muhammadu Buhari’s CPC, Asiwaju’s AC and Atiku’s rebellious PDP G-5 governors.

 In the same period, Tinubu chose not to run for office but worked to build a formidable political base with the South West as its fulcrum, installing governors in at least four of the region’s six States, many of them his former commissioners and going beyond to support former comrade Adam Oshiomhole to take Edo from the PDP.

In the same period, Tinubu not only built the Lagos-Ogun axis as Nigeria’s financial and economic powerhouse, but his former appointees also became a Vice-President, ministers, governors, chief executives of agencies and parastatals of the Federal Government.

Kwankwaso and his Kwankwasiyya movement have failed to go beyond the borders of Kano into neighbouring states like Jigawa, Katsina, Kaduna, Bauchi, etc.

Notably, they have ruled Kano with his former deputy turned adversary for 16 years. Despite its industrial and commercial potential, Kano has failed to significantly grow its internal revenue base to compete favourably with its peers in the country. In a shocking manifestation of its leadership crisis, a civil service state like Kaduna now generates more internal revenue than Kano.

Again, in education, Kano tops the list of states with the most out-of-school children. This is where I find difficulty in understanding Kwankwaso’s education investment model of sending vast numbers of Doctors, Pharmacists, Nurses, Engineers and other university graduates outside Nigeria to undertake postgraduate studies while millions of children are roaming the streets wretched, hungry and illiterate.

While I do not begrudge the beneficiaries of his scholarship largesse, many of whom I know personally, I think the billions of naira public funds he spent in that endeavour would have been best spent in strengthening Kano’s capacity to educate its underprivileged poor urban and rural population.

Therefore, it’s now twenty-four years after Kwankwaso and Tinubu first became governors; Tinubu could comfortably lose Lagos but still win in the rest of Nigeria and become President; Kwankwaso could only win his Kano and ended up a distant 4th in the same presidential race. This is a testament to how far both have come.

To bolster the point further, while Kwankwaso has managed to build a competent and diverse political team across Nigeria, on the one hand, even in his beloved Kano and over 24 years, he could only find his son-in-law and former PA worthy of his trust to become governor.

Beyond Kano in the wider Arewa, he has failed to create a political support base. Instead, he is mainly seen as the head of a violence-prone, uncouth, fanatic and cult-like group willing to insult and denigrate anyone who dares to disagree with its methods. This is not without justification either. Evidence in utterances, actions and inactions from him, his closest lieutenants and supporters that they are willing to use violence to achieve political ends when push comes to shove.

The behaviour of his supporters after the governorship election in Kano in which his candidate was declared the winner and his silence speak volumes. After attacking and burning down Rarara’s property within the Kano metropolis, no word of condemnation or reproach came from the Madugu [leader] or this party.

Despite Kwankwaso’s failings, however, at this moment of Nigeria’s political journey, Arewa needs a viable opposition to put the APC-led government on its feet from May 29th this year. And Kwankwaso’s NNPP, with a base in Kano, could position itself as a viable platform for the role. From the results of both Presidential and Governorship elections so far declared and its history in this part of Nigeria, PDP can no longer pose a serious challenge to the ruling APC.

Now practically wiped out of the North East, North West and North Central except in some minority enclaves like Taraba and Plateau and unfortunate governance failure examples like Zamfara and possibly Adamawa, PDP is practically dead. In Bauchi and Adamawa (maybe), I don’t see PDP surviving beyond 2027. All these added that Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, its leading financier, is now both old and tired. A Kwankwaso-led NNPP could therefore become a viable alternative for the greater North.

But for NNPP and Kwankwaso to take up this role, I suggest they need to rebrand; Kwankwaso needs to convince the rest of Arewa and Nigeria that his movement can grow beyond the personality cult Kwankwasiyya is now.

He must also convince the rest of Arewa and Nigeria that Kwankwasiyya is not a violence-prone provincial cult that quickly resorts to arson and looting at the slightest opportunity. Finally, he must convince the rest of Nigeria that when his interests clash with that of the State, that of the State will take precedence and that he is willing and able to reign in his supporters.

Aminu writes from Kaduna and can be reached via aminukuba@yahoo.com.

By Bilyamin Abdulmumin

Nigerians yearning to return to the path of democracy saw the light of day in 1999 when the military head of state, the late Sani Abacha, succumbed to the pressure to plan the Democratic transition. The Independent National Electoral Commission was therefore (established in 1998) and tasked to oversee the election process of the young democracy.

In its maiden election, INEC adopted a secret ballot system. This was a departure from the 1993 election: an open ballot system where voters lined up behind the poster of their candidate of choice. Although this system of voting was seen as the fairest, safest, and cheapest but on other hand, it was dubbed as a violation of voter’s choice privacy.

Other developments brought by INEC in the 1999 election were improved voter cards, transparent ballot boxes, and invitations from foreign observers. Despite irregularities in some areas, the reports said the 1999 election was free and fair. This is evidenced by the relative spread of victory across political parties in the election.

But, things began to go wild in the next election. Again, the incumbents would hold tight. They would fight tooth and nail to ensure their re-election. To make matters worse, the 2003 election (like 1999) was fragile and vulnerable, courtesy of the manual process, from voter registration to accreditation and collation.

The quality of the election process went further down the hill in 2007. When this time around, the incumbent swore to anoint their successors. And transparency and information were not in the public domain compared to the current election process.

But the election process improvements began to take off after 2007. When the winning presidential candidate Umar Musa Yar’adua not only conceded the irregularities in the election that brought him but pledged to improve the election process. He would be committed to his promise and set up a Justice Muhammad Uwais committee.

Although Umar Yar’adua’s determination threatened to hit a glass ceiling with his untimely death but his successor, Good Luck Ebele Jonathan, continued with the electoral reform. As a result, Prof. Attahiru Jega, a widely respected technocrat with an unassailable good track record, took charge of the umpire. From 2010 to 2015, when he led the commission, he brought game-changing policies such as electronic accreditation, the academics for results collation, security features on form EC 8A series as well as ballot papers, provision of clusters (for timely movement of polling team to polling units), and creating voting points to decongest Polling Units.

Like the 1999 election, national and international observers praised the outcome of the results. The 2015 General Election brought back hope to many Nigerian electorates. For the first time in the history of the Nigerian election, the incumbent President would be removed from office by the opposition. The then president Jonathan conceding to the defeat was equally remarkable and unprecedented.

The 2019 and 2023 General elections saw the electoral process in Nigeria blossom. However, professor Mahmoud Yakub will raise the bar even higher. Thanks to the electoral act 2022, Yakub would not consolidate Prof. Jega’s gains only but add other innovative developments: online voter registration, BVAS, IREV, e-school, and chatbot (for public education and effective training on the election process), provision of PVC collected in the margin of lead principle (to reduce the prevalence of “rerun”), finance tracking (to checkmate politicians excessive spending). And that is not all. He converted voting points to polling units, widening the ad-hoc number (collation officers and SPOs). In short, the election process went digital, from registration and accreditation to collation.

The progressive timeline success of INEC was made possible due to the continuity of development from one chairman to another, the dedication and perseverance of the entire INEC staff (both ad hoc and permanent), and the public unreserved scrutiny. With this steady improvement in the election process, the most touted electronic and even voting ahead of election time are not far-fetched.

Bilyamin Abdulmumin can be contacted via bilal4riid13@gmail.com.

Kabiru Haruna Isa

I have been a loyal customer of Diamond/Access Bank Plc., and I can say without any fear of contradiction that I opened my first bank account with them. I have been banking with them for almost one and a half decades. In fact, I have been serving as a volunteer marketer to the Bank as I convinced many people, including colleagues, friends and family members, to open accounts with it ostensibly because of the hitherto quality services it delivered.

With the implementation of the cashless policy, millions of Nigerians, including myself, are forced to rely on and use alternative payment platforms such as MoniePoint, Opay, Squad and Momo Agent, to mention just a few. The services of these payment platforms are a double-edged sword which eases transactions and creates ceaseless suffering simultaneously for the poor and downtrodden Nigerians. They are also used, in some instances, especially by the agents who render services at the Point of Sale (POS), to extort powerless, hapless and helpless customers. From the time this cashless policy was introduced, millions of Nigerians were robbed of their hard-earned money by some financial service providers, and unfortunately, nobody seems to care to fight for the financial rights of these innocent victims.

And so it happened to me on the 10th day of March 2023. I stopped over at Gidan Maza Quarters, Kumbotso LGA, Kano, to make a transfer at one of the POS kiosks around. The POS agent used the MoMo Agent terminal to transfer some amount to my Access Bank account. And based on the receipt given to me, the transaction went successfully. I waited for the whole day, but my account was not credited. To cut a long story short, today 31st day of March, is exactly three weeks, but my money is still hanging at only God knows where.

I complained continuously to the MoMo agent who operates the POS kiosk, but he informed me that there was virtually nothing he could do to facilitate the unconditional release of my money. As a last option, he took me to the Office of MoMo Agent to lodge my complaint directly to the service providers. What I found shocking and troubling during my interaction with the officials was that MoMo Agent used to partner with Access Bank to provide financial services to their customers, but the relations of the duo got strained due to allegedly petty jealousy, business rivalry and unhealthy competition.

The pertinent question here is why should the business tussle between MoMo Agent and Access Bank rob Nigerians of their hard-earned money. Why these financial service providers should be allowed to inflict systematic and psychological torture on their innocent customers? What are the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), the NDIC and other Financial Regulators doing? The Government should know that many Nigerians are going to bed with empty stomachs because of the rivalry and skirmishes between these financial service providers. The worst part of it is that when customers go to the branches of the bank to complain, they are subjected to long and interminable waits, after which the customer care unit will only succeed in rubbing salt into the wounds. They treat customers with disdain and make sure that they maximally frustrate and confound their misery.

I finally call upon the CBN to inquire, investigate and take necessary action(s) on the ongoing tussle between MoMo Agent and Access Bank so as to end the suffering of Nigerians. The apex bank should equally penalize any of these financial service providers that are guilty of illegally withholding customers’ money.

A lesson is enough for the wise. With the kind of trouble, trauma and travail I underwent following up on this issue throughout these past three weeks, I will flee from any POS kiosk that I see using the MoMo Agent terminal, more so when it is from my Diamond/Access Bank account that I want to transact from. As a matter of fact, I am contemplating closing my Diamond/Access Bank account unless everything is rectified. This is due to the genuine fear I have that whatever happens once can and will indeed happen again.

Dr Kabiru writes from the Department of History, Bayero University, Kano. He can be reached via khisa.his@buk.edu.ng.

By Aisha Mahmud Yusuf

A few days ago, Dr Muhsin Ibrahim shared a story about a divorcee whose ex-husband refused to pay her medical bills. This is a familiar story as it happens to many people in our society.

I know of a divorced woman with three kids who has nowhere to go. Another woman was in an abusive marriage. When asked why she wouldn’t leave her husband, she said that he took care of her financial needs.

There’s also this woman whose husband was a serial womaniser and a drunkard, yet she couldn’t leave him because she has no means to sustain herself as her parents are dead.

In this society, a woman will be married off with no skill or education. Then get divorced and be left to start from scratch, thanks to the stigma attached to divorcees. No woman should be in an abusive marriage or miserable because she lacks financial independence.

Parents should let their girls finish at least secondary school and ensure they learn a skill. Those who finished higher institutions should be allowed to work or engage in business. The time to stay idle for women has passed. We should not let this poverty and misery cycle continue.

A woman should be financially independent regardless of her marital status. In case of divorce or the husband’s death, she should be able to care for herself and her children at least.

There’s no denying that our marriage institution needs reform, and the time to do so is now. Alhamdulillah, our scholars are now discussing it, but we need action. There is a need for sensitisation across rural as well as urban communities.

Girl-child education should be supported. There are many opportunities for learning that women can learn in the comfort of their homes, and they should be encouraged to do so.

 Aisha Mahmud Yusuf wrote via aishatyusuf63@gmail.com.

By Bashir Abdu Muzakkari, Ph.D.

Education is a fundamental right of every individual, and it is crucial to achieving personal and national development. The availability of quality education is a critical factor in reducing poverty, improving health, economic prosperity, and fostering social equality. However, access to quality education remains a challenge in many countries, particularly in developing nations. To address this challenge, governments and stakeholders must take deliberate steps to ensure that education is accessible to all.

The Kano State Governor-elect, Engr. Abba Kabir Yusuf (Abba Gida-Gida), has a keen interest in the provision of quality education in Kano. In his plan to ensure that education is accessible to all, he has outlined several critical policies that will improve access to quality education which include: free education, establishment of additional schools, providing modern furniture, teacher recruitment, school feeding and uniforms, initiation of Mega Schools Policy, and the girl-child education initiative among others.

These critical policies are part of Abba’s Blueprint titled “Our Commitment for Kano: 2023 and Beyond”, and how they can improve access to quality education in Kano state.

To begin with free education: this is a crucial though critical policy in ensuring that education is accessible to all. Abba has proposed the provision of free education for all children in Kano state. This will eliminate the barriers that prevent children from accessing education, particularly those from impoverished backgrounds. Free education will ensure that all children, regardless of their socioeconomic status, can access quality education. The idea is to reduce the number of children – including beggars roaming our streets.

Similarly, establishment of additional schools in under-served areas will help to increase access to education. Abba has proposed the establishment of additional schools in rural areas and areas with a high number of out-of-school children. This will ensure that children in these areas have access to quality education at their doorstep.

In addition, the provision of modern school furniture is essential in ensuring that children can learn in a comfortable environment. His Excellency has proposed the idea “One-Child-One-Chair” to ensure that children can learn in a comfortable environment. This will help to improve schools’ attending and allows teachers to cater for the basic and individual needs of the pupils in their classes.

Moreover, to actualize the above policies, teacher recruitment is necessary. Abba Kabir has proposed the recruitment of qualified teachers to meet the demand for the 21st century learning system. Additionally, teacher training and retraining programmes had been developed to ensure that teachers have the necessary skills and sound knowledge to meet the demands of the standard global system.

Furthermore, school feeding and uniforms are essentials in promoting free education policy. Abba Kabir Yusuf has supported the continuation of school feeding program and distributing free uniforms to improve attendance and ensure that pupils learn with ease. This will help to reduce the burden on families and ensure that children have access to basic needs such as food and clothing.

Not only that, Abba Kabir Yusuf has proposed the initiation of Mega Schools Policy to address the challenges of inadequate resources and infrastructure in many schools. Mega schools are large schools that can accommodate a high number of students and provide all the necessary facilities, including classrooms, libraries, laboratories, and sports facilities. This policy helps to free the existing schools from over-crowded classes and improve free access to education in all parts of Kano State.

Finally, Abba has proposed the promotion of girl-child education initiatives to ensure that girls have equal access to education. This initiative is crucial in addressing the challenges of gender inequality in education, hawking as well as addressing the barriers that prevent girls from accessing education.

Abba’s plan to improve access to quality education in Kano state is comprehensive and addresses critical areas that need attention. By implementing these measures, it is certain people of Kano will have access to free quality education, regardless of their socioeconomic status or gender.

Bashir Abdu Muzakkari, Ph.D. writes from Kano and is a Senior Lecturer at Yusuf Maitama University, Kano.

By Aliyu Bugaje

Many of us have been quick to criticise the government for a long time about certain policies and decisions that we feel are not in our best interest. We voice our frustrations to anyone who cares to listen, and often, we do nothing more than that. But what if we could do more? What if we could participate in the governance process and influence key decisions that affect our lives and the lives of those around us? The truth is that change begins with us.

Recently, I was invited to participate in the APC campaign council in the Dikko/Jobe Call Centre Katsina and subsequently in the APC Situation Room. This opportunity allowed me to understand the workings of the party, the workings of the state government, and how elections are won. In addition, I was allowed room to influence key decisions of the party, was trusted with confidential party documents, and sat down with the gubernatorial candidate and other key figures. This experience has forever changed how I view governance and politics in general.

As citizens, we often complain about the government’s inability to deliver on its promises, but what are we doing to ensure those promises are kept? Are we actively participating in the governance process, or are we content with being mere spectators? The truth is, if we want to see real change in our communities, we must be willing to roll up our sleeves and get involved.

Citizen participation is the bedrock of any democratic society. It is the foundation upon which governments are built and the driving force behind meaningful change. Moreover, when citizens participate in the governance process, they bring knowledge, experience, and ideas to help shape policies and decisions in people’s best interests.

Participation can take many forms, from joining political parties and volunteering for political campaigns to attending town hall meetings and engaging with elected officials. It can also mean organising and mobilising communities around critical issues affecting their lives and holding government officials accountable.

One of the benefits of citizen participation is that it can help bridge the gap between the government and the people. When citizens actively participate in the governance process, they become more invested in decisions. As a result, they are more likely to support policies and programs that benefit the community. It also helps to build trust and confidence in the government, which is essential for a functioning democracy.

Another benefit of citizen participation is that it can help to create a culture of transparency and accountability. When citizens are actively engaged in the governance process, they are more likely to demand transparency from their elected officials and hold them accountable for their actions. This can help to prevent corruption and ensure that government resources are being used for the benefit of the people.

The power to bring about meaningful change in our communities lies within us. As citizens, we must be willing to step up and actively participate in the governance process. We must hold our elected officials accountable for their actions, demand transparency and accountability, and work together to build a better future for ourselves and our children. Change begins with us, and it is up to us to make it happen.

Aliyu Bugaje wrote via aliyukb@gmail.com.

By Mu’azu Ibn Abdallah

Firstly, I would like to begin by congratulating you on the success of the APC in the recently concluded national elections in which the party won the presidency and majority of seats in both the upper and lower chambers of the national assembly, and also the majority of the governorships and state assembly seats in the country. This is indeed a remarkable achievement which, if adequately sustained, would continue to position the party as the ruling party in the country and the largest political party in Africa.

It is obvious that Nigerians voted for the party because they believed in the messages of RENEWED HOPE which our party promised them. They hope for a better life and a prosperous future, which we can only deliver as a party if we adhere to the principles of social justice, equity and social inclusion.

As the party is set to make a formal announcement with regards to the zoning of political leadership in the country and with the President-elect and Vice President-elect already coming from the South-West and North-East geopolitical zones, respectively, I am strongly drawing the attention of the members of the National Working Committee (NWC) of the party, President Muhammad Buhari, the President-elect Asiwaju Bola Ahmad Tinubu and all other critical stakeholders in the party to consider, as a matter of necessity and in the best interest of the party and the spirit of equity and social justice, zoning the Presidency of the 10^th Senate to the North-West especially taking into consideration of the following reasons.

First, there is a need for the party to demonstrate clearly that it always appreciates and rewards members’ confidence, support and loyalty by zoning the senate presidency to the North-West where it got the highest votes from. This will pave the way for the emergence of a competitive race among the zones as to who will produce the highest votes for the party in the subsequent elections, which will, in turn, leads to more and more votes for the party.

Moreover, this has been the tradition in the political arrangement of Nigeria since the return of democracy in 1999, where the region that gives the ruling party the highest votes is favoured for such a position. For instance, during the era of President Olusegun Obasanjo, PDP zoned the senate presidency to the South-East fact that the zone overwhelmingly voted for the PDP. Also, during the tenures of Late President Yar Adua and President Jonathan Senate Presidency was zoned to North-Central Zone for the same reason. Therefore, in the present circumstance, the North-West zone, due to its significant contribution to the victory of APC in the presidential election (the highest votes of 2.7 million among the geopolitical zones in the country), deserved to be rewarded with the senate presidency, especially, looking at the fact that the zone has never produced a senate president despite its strategic relevance in the Nigerian politics.

Secondly, as the largest political party in Africa, the party is expected to draw lessons and experiences from the just concluded 2023 general elections and embark on early preparations and strategic planning towards the 2027 elections so as to address some of the challenges faced in the recent elections and to make sure that RENEWED HOPE is extended to 2031 and beyond. The party should do everything humanly possible to avoid the costly mistakes of losing Kano, Kaduna and Katsina, which ideally should have cost the party its success (if not for the disorganisation of the opposition and the confidence of the Nigerians in the party’s candidates).

Historically, these three states are strategic in Nigerian politics just like California in American politics, and the time to start planning for the recovery of the 3Ks (and the entire north-west and Nigeria in general) is now, specifically by zoning the senate presidency to the zone and ensuring a competent and high-profile politician with a record of effective political strategy and the confidence of the electorates is elected into the coveted position. This would help APC to address the existential threats posed by Sen Rabi’u Kwankwaso’s NNPP, which caused the APC significant harm in the recent elections.

Thirdly, the Senate presidency is a sine qua non to the success of every democratic administration, a sensitive office that may make or mar the realisation of the APC’s much anticipated RENEWED HOPE, and the party should try as much as possible to avoid the repeat the circumstances similar to what transpired in the build-up to the inauguration of the 8^th senate which subsequently led to the emergence of the leadership against the party aspiration (including some positions going to the opposition party). To avoid this, the party should, as a matter of national interest and social justice, zone the presidency to the North-West zone due to the fact that the zone is still the stronghold of the APC (with the highest number of registered voters, the highest number of APC card-carrying members, five state Governors and many members of the National Assembly). Also, the zone is blessed with high-profile politicians who can network and canvass the support of senators-elect from across the geopolitical zones for whoever emerges as the candidate from the zone.

Coincidentally, the North-West zone is blessed with a wide range of high-ranking law-makers with effective legislative and administrative experience to fit into the job and, if elected and can efficiently and excellently provide the president-elect with the requisite collaboration and support required for synergy and complementarity to deliver his mission of RENEWED HOPE to the Nigerians. Top on this list is Senator Barau I. Jibrin CON, representing Kano North Senatorial district, who recently declared his interest in running for the post.

Senator Jibrin, a third-term law-maker who has demonstrated his political capability by winning the Kano North senatorial seat continuously for three consecutive elections, and more importantly, in the most recent election, despite the threats of annihilation faced by APC he was able to strategically endure the NNPP’s onslaught and return his senatorial district to the APC and as well large proportion of votes for the presidential candidates. Senator Jibrin is a politician with solid experience and impeccable pedigree, a track record of success working both as a lawmaker and administrator but one who has never been involved in any scandal or incidents any corrupt practices by any of the federal government anti-corruption bodies.

Finally, there is no doubt in the fact that the success or otherwise of the president-elect’s administration and its ability to deliver the much celebrated RENEWED HOPE depends largely on the type of legislative leadership he will work with, as such, for the success of his administration, the president-elect needs no other person as the president of the senate than Senator Barau Jibrin.

Barau is a soft-spoken, laid-back, highly motivated and experienced legislator who has the respect and cooperation of his colleagues and has been responsible and successful in every position he has held due to his approachability and humbleness. An experienced law-maker who has held the position of the appropriations committees in both the House of Representatives and the Senate and has been successful in discharging his duties and guaranteeing thorough budget oversight. Senator Barau has also served as the vice-chairman of the Senate’s committee on Petroleum Resources (Downstream) and later as chairperson of the same committee. He has previously held various positions, such as the chairman of the Kano state Investment and Properties Ltd, Kano state commissioner of Science and Technology and a member of a committee Budgetary procedure.

Conclusively, the just concluded elections have further indicated that Nigerians have higher hope for a better Nigeria, they have spoken with their votes on the direction they want the country to advance, and the elections have indicated that Nigerians have confidence in APC. And from his acceptance speech when INEC issued him with the certificate of return, the President-Elect has clearly demonstrated his commitment and motivation to embark on the renewal journey which he promised Nigerians during the campaigns. As such, he needs a committed and motivated President of the Senate with whom they can deliver effectively to Nigerians the better life and prosperity promised in the RENEWED HOPE messages. To achieve this, the President-Elect must work with an equally motivated, experienced and committed President of the Senate. Among all those who are capable and eligible to contest for the senate presidency, no candidate befits such an exalted position more than Senator Barau Jibrin.

Muazu ibn Abdallah wrote from the Department of Sociology, Federal University Dutse and can be reached via muazuabdullahi29@gmail.com.   

By Mohammed Kabir Ibrahim

The March 18, 2023, governorship election in Adamawa State was unarguably the tightest-ever contested race in the history of the state. The incumbent governor, Ahmadu Fintiri, was up against a formidable challenger, Aishatu Dahiru Ahmed (popularly known as Binani), a former member of the House of Representatives and the current senator representing Adamawa Central Senatorial District.

The election was shaped to a large extent by ethnoreligious sentiment. While most Christians and ethnic minorities voted for the governor, most Hausa-Fulani/Muslims voted for Binani. Although the election was declared inconclusive, Binani committed avoidable mistakes that denied her the chance for a landslide victory.

Disrespect for elders was Binani’s first mistake. Shortly after the APC primaries that saw her defeat prominent politicians, including a former governor, Jibrilla Bindow, and former EFCC chairman, Nuhu Ribadu, some concerned Adamawa elders prevailed on Binani to reach out to those who lost the primaries for their cooperation and support towards winning the general election. Rather than heeding their elderly sound counsel, Binani was said to have exhibited a high level of arrogance and dismissed them as “Ribadu’s errand boys”. The elders took offence and refrained from making any further reconciliatory efforts. This singular display of hubris emboldened her opponents to teach her political lessons. While former Governor Bindow, alongside thousands of his supporters, dumped the APC for PDP, the former EFCC boss, Ribadu, opted to challenge the nomination process at the court.

Binani’s second mistake was populating her strategic campaign team with an army of incompetent, immature and belligerent youth under the aegis of “Binani Ambassadors”. These young people, some of whom are still fresh students in universities and colleges, have become her veritable political strategists. They dished out spurious propaganda and disparaged anyone who challenged Binani’s politics. The brazen manner in which the Binani Ambassadors demonised and denigrated Binani’s challengers on various social media platforms without restraint contributed to anti-party activities, particularly among thousands of Ribadu supporters during the governorship elections.

The Binani Ambassadors also misled her into believing that she had sufficient grassroots support and, as such, she didn’t need the backing of APC stalwarts in the state. The case of Fufore Local Government Area is a glaring example where Binani and her incompetent strategists bypassed and excluded renowned APC stalwarts and appointed lightweight politicians to coordinate her campaign.

Preference for political vendetta against perceived political opponents over reconciliation and cooperation preparatory to the all-important general election was Binani’s third political mistake. Perhaps acting on the ill-advised strategy of the insecure Binani Ambassadors, Binani initiated and pursued indiscriminate infighting between her loyalists and anybody loyal to Bindow or Ribadu within the Adamawa APC. The obsequiousness of the former state chairman of the party, Alhaji Ibrahim Bilal, further aggravated the intra-party conflicts. It had reached a point where the party leadership in the state got fed up and showed Alhaji Bilal the exit door.

Binani’s seemingly conceited and domineering nature is another mistake that cost her a sweeping victory at the end of the March 18 election and may likely work against her at the forthcoming supplementary polls. Those who know her say she always insists on having her way at all costs, even when her actions are supposedly unreasonable. For example, she allegedly stormed Ribadu Ward in Fufore Local Government Area and unilaterally sacked duly elected ward officials of the party. A senior ward official made several pleas for reconciliation and cooperation, but Binani was said to have dismissed his overtures and challenged him to go to court. A cursory look at the results from IREV shows that she narrowly won the Ribadu Ward, a largely Hausa-Fulani domain that could have given her an edged advantage.

Binani also shot herself in the foot when she started an unwarranted battle against the party officials at her Ward in Yola South Local Government Area. She was alleged to have orchestrated the suspension of some key party officials loyal to Ribadu, although her antics were not successful. Binani’s relentless pursuit of political vendetta did not stop at the state level. She was also said to be clandestinely fighting with the loyalists of the first lady, Aisha Buhari and Secretary to the Government of the Federation, Boss Mustapha. Perhaps that explains why Mrs. Buhari’s brother, Mahmood Halilu, was seen alongside Governor Fintiri at the residence of former Vice President Atiku Abubakar during a press conference calling for the declaration of the election results after several delays. Even most recently, there are speculations that Binani is behind the suspension of the SGF.

Regardless of the outcome of the yet-to-be-scheduled supplementary election, Binani has succeeded in creating the impression that she is an authoritarian who will give no room for the opposition if, by the rarest coincidence, she becomes Nigeria’s first democratically elected female governor.

On the other hand, her philanthropic initiatives, massive support of women voters, ethnoreligious sentiment, and the fact that she hails from the central zone, which has the highest concentration of voters in the state, contributed in large measures to her impressive performance at the March 18, 2023 polls. Winning the cooperation and support of her party stalwarts would have closed the insignificant margin and propelled her to a landslide victory. As it stands now, Binani would need a miracle to win over 35,000 votes from the mere 37,000 available to defeat Governor Fintiri and become Nigeria’s first elected female governor.

Mohammed Kabir Ibrahim wrote from Kaduna and can be reached via mohammedkabir.ibrahim@gmail.com.

By Aliyu Gadanya

Though I am an Abba Kabir Yusuf’s staunch supporter and a Kwankwasite by political ideologue, I strongly argue that as a matter of decorum, competence, fairness and justice, Barau I. Jibrin known by many as ‘Maliya’, the Senator representing Kano North, who also is the Senator-elect for the zone at this moment, should be allowed to emerge as the senate president of the Nigeria’s 10th Senate. Taking a few glances down the memory lane of the Nigerian polity as well as the tradition of the Senate itself will validate the above proposition.

The Nigerian Senate is the upper legislative branch of the government which is administered based on its defined rules and regulations whose main function is making laws for the country as enshrined in Chapter One, Section Four of the 1999 Constitution of Nigeria. By rule, after every national election which holds within each four years, a leader, Senate President (SP), who is saddled with the responsibility of presiding over the affairs of the Senate is elected with other excos. The election of the SP is, no doubt, done based on some premise all of which are, arguably, satisfied by Maliya.

The first, though not the most important, is winning a senatorial position on the platform of the ruling party. Jibrin, being loyal to the ruling APC since he began his ambition to become a senator, has won the senatorial position three times; his going to Senate is as old as the ruling party, APC. However, his reelection into the legislative chamber for the third time, as noted by keen observers, is not without obstacles, intrigues, bitter challenges, and intra party political tussles. Notwithstanding, Barau’s allegiance to his party remains unalloyed. He fought dodgedly and tenaciously until he, in the long run, secured the ticket. “I have chosen to stay in APC”, he would always affirm, “even if I will be denied the ticket”.

Next is the candidate’s political geographical location. Nigeria has six geopolitical zones which include, Northwest, Northeast, Northcentral, Southwest, Southeast and Southsouth. For equity and fairness, it has since become a norm for the Nigeria’s major political parties to share the most lucrative positions based on these zones, so that none will feel discriminated against from the affairs of the country. Nevertheless, the contribution of votes from a zone to a party that wins the presidency is an added advantage.

Southwest produces BAT who is the President-elect while Northeast produces the Deputy President. Southeast, Southsouth and Northcentral (produces the party Chairman) being the stronghold of the oppositions, particularly LP and PDP, thus, it will only be fair to pave way for the Senate President to emerge from Northwest, from where Barau coincidentally comes, considering the concentration of votes APC garnered from the zone.

Another salient factor has to do with seniority. According to the Senate standing rules, electing a Senate president should be based on the frequency of one’s going to the house. The higher one is elected into the red house, the more qualified one becomes to captain the chamber. Of all those who have won the positions into the red chamber from Northwest in this election period, in fact, of all those who have made their intentions public to seek for the third most exalted office irrespective of their localities, none is as experienced as Barau Maliya. He was in the lower chamber where he ably represented Tarauni Federal Constituency from 1999-2003. He won senate the first time from 2015-2019 to represent Kano North and, satisfied with his performance during his first tenure, the electorates accorded him the subsequent mandate. Barau is entrusted by his constituents with yet another four year term which is due to commence on 29th May, 2023, as a way of saying “thank you” for an outstanding representation.

If not for him alone, the NNPP, my party, which has won the gubernatorial election in Kano, would have devoured all the political positions contested for in the State.

Moreover, competence and internal politicking are significant shapers upon who is elected into the third most important position in Nigeria. Among the aspiring candidates for this position, none equals the Kano based politician, taking a cursory look at his legislational background. The positions he held in the National Assemblies, among many others, include Chairman House Committee on Appropriation, a member House Committee on Power, Vice Chairman and Subsequently Chairman of Petroleum Resources Committee in 2016 and Chairman of the Senate Committee on Tertiary Institution and Tetfund. He was also a member of the Senate Committee on Niger Delta, Industries, Land Transportation and Appropriation and he is rounding off the 9th Senate as the Chairman Senate Appropriation Committee, a position he has been holding since the beginning of the 9th Senate.

Talking about the Senate internal politics, Barau, exploiting his dexterity and expertise, spearheaded the elections of two Senate Presidents; notably Bukola Saraki and Ahmad Lawan. He was the Secretary of Ahmad Lawan’s campaign organisation which culminated into Lawan’s eventual success. Barau sponsored and co-sponsored numerous bills which are now passed into laws. Some of them include Sexual Harassment in Tertiary Institution Prohibition Bill, Federal Polytechnic Kano Bill, Microbiology Council of Nigeria Bill, Federal University of Agriculture, Dambatta Bill to mention but few. All these buttress the fact that Maliya is fully conversant with the processes of legislation which is an important weapon for anybody seeking to vie for the office of the Senate President.

Furthermore, the presidency factor seems certain in determining who becomes the Senate President or not since the days of yore. However, with the gradual transformation and improvement in the country’s electioneering processes that, obviously, transcend the national general election to other sectors, many commentators maintain that Bola Ahmad Tunibu, the Nigeria’s President-elect, will let democracy take its full course. Being a product of such democratic processes himself. I, similarly, can vouch on BAT that he will not renege or rescind his earlier promise of not interfering, thereby skewing the results of SP and the Speaker’s elections in anyone’s favour.

Finally, on Tunibu’s success, it will not in anyway be an exaggerated statement if it is claimed that no APC member be s/he a governor, senator, member House of Representatives or an exco in the party’s echelon that has contributed in whichever way as immensely as Maliya did. The highest votes for BAT came from Northwest, within the zone, the state that cast the most votes for him is Kano. Examining the voting pattern further confirms the above assertion that Kano North which is Barau’s senatorial district contributed the largest votes in the state.

Notwithstanding all these, we are not asking for the President’s facilitation for the Kano’s son to win the seat, despite having what it takes to be his favourite, because we believe he is the leader for all, all we are asking for is letting the process go without encumbrance.

With Barau Jibrin at the helm of the 10th Senate, considering his loyalty, experience and expertise, it will be a very big plus for the government as it sets out on a journey to deliver on the mandate given to it by the Nigerian masses. It would also ensure that despite losing gubernatorial position in the Nigeria’s most populous state, APC’s structure remains vibrant in Kano. If as a Senator, Maliya can influence the votes that turned out to be the game changer in the election, I believe he will replicate such gesture as the SP.

By Prof. Abdalla Uba Adamu

It happened 40 years ago. A friend’s wife in Kano had delivered a bouncing baby boy. My friend chose Maikuɗi as the name for the baby. The families on both sides were having none of this. Maikuɗi was not a name, they argued. But he saw nothing wrong with it – a nice traditional Hausa name. He was adamant. They were adamant. Cue in A Mexican Standoff.

Three days before the naming ceremony, he blinked first and apparently gave up. With a glint in his eyes, he decided to name the child Ibrahim. A beautiful Hebrew name but cognately shared by both Muslims and Christians (from Abraham, the father of all). Everyone was happy – until it dawned on everyone that Ibrahim was the name of my friend’s father-in-law. Tricky. In Hausa societies, the names of parents are never uttered. In the end, everyone ended up calling the boy Maikuɗi! Right now, the boy is a successful international businessman living in the Middle East. Earning serious cash and living up to his name – which means one born on a lucky day. Or Tuesday.

A few years later, the same friend’s wife gave birth to a beautiful baby girl. He decided to name her Tabawa. Objections reloaded. Cue in Dog Day Afternoon. As previously, my friend blinked first. He decided to name her Hajara, another cognate of Hagar, the wife of Abraham. It also happened to be the name of his eldest sister. His mother could not utter it – both the Hausa and Fulani system of cultural relations prohibit mothers from calling the names of their first series of children. In the end, everyone ended up calling the child Tabawa. She is currently a university lecturer and a doctoral student in Nigeria. Living up to her name – which means Mother luck, or the name given to one born on Wednesday (in Kano; in Katsina, it is Tuesday) is considered a lucky day. Two children, both lucky in their lives. Their traditional Hausa names became their mascots as they glided successfully through life.

So, why the aversion to Hausa ‘traditional’ names? You can’t name your child Maikuɗi, but everyone will applaud Yasar (wealthy – mai kuɗi?). Or Kamal (perfection). Or Fahad (panther). Or Anwar (bright). Or Fawaz (winner). You can’t name your daughter Tabawa, but it is more acceptable to call her Mahjuba (covered). Or Samira (night conversationist –TikToker?). Name your daughter ‘Dare’, and you are in trouble. Change it to Leila, and you out of it, even though this is an Arabic for ‘dare’ (night).

A lot of the names the Muslim Hausa currently use have nothing to do with Islam. Bearers of such names rarely know their actual meaning or context. They were Arabic and forced on us by the Cancel Culture that attaches a derogatory ‘Haɓe’ coefficient to anything traditional to the Hausa.

Therefore, my friend, whose family story I just related, another friend and I decided to get together and be Wokish about traditional Hausa names. Paradoxically, none of us is genetically Hausa (whatever that might mean) – one had roots in north Africa, another had Kanuri heritage, and one had Agadesian and Torodbe roots – but all of us self-identified, with absolute honour and tenacity, as Hausa. None of this ‘Hausa-Fulani’ aberrational nonsense.

‘Hausa-Fulani’ appellation, in my view, is a Nigerian Cancel Culture device to suppress the Fulani culture. The Fulani may have conquered the ruling of the Hausa (except in one or two places) and imposed their rule. The Hausa, on the other hand, have linguistically conquered the Fulani. In Kano, claiming Fulani heritage is considered anthropological purity – without knowing a single word of Fulfulde (the Fulani language). Substituting rulers does not get rid of the general populace who remain what they are.

The third friend then took the task with gusto. He spent over ten years compiling authentic traditional Hausa names that have absolutely nothing to do with ‘Maguzanci’ (the label gleefully and contemptuously attached to any Hausa who is not a Muslim by the Hausa themselves) before Islam in about 1349, at least in Kano). He also collected names that had only a tinge connection to Islam. The end product was a hitherto unpublished list of 1001 authentic, genuine, traditional Hausa names that reflect the cosmology of the Hausa.

Hausa’s anthropological cosmology reflects the worldview and belief system of the Hausa community based upon their understanding of order in the universe. It is reflected in their naming system – just like any other culture. The Yoruba Muslims, for the most part, have retained this attachment to their traditional cosmology. Farooq Kperogi has done wonderful work on Yoruba naming, although with a focus on their adaptation of Muslim names. The failure of the Hausa to do so was, of course, due to the suffocating blanket of Cancel Culture that the Hausa had been suffering for almost 229 years.

Now, let’s look at the names and their categories. The first category I created from the 1001 Names, which I edited, revolved around Being, Sickness and Death. As noted earlier, the traditional Hausa centre their naming conventions on ecological and cosmological observations—using time, space and seasons to mark their births. Based on this, the first naming convention uses circumstances of birth. This category of names refers to the arrival of a child after another child’s death, the death of a parent, the sickness of the child immediately after being born or a simple structure of the child that seems out of the ordinary. Examples include:

Abarshi. This is derived from the expression, ‘Allah Ya bar shi’[May Allah make him survive]. A male child was born after a series of miscarriages. A female child is named Abarta. A protectionist naming strategy is where the child is not given full loving attention after birth until even evil spirits note this and ignore it and thus let him be. Variants include Mantau, Ajefas, Barmani, Ajuji, and Barau. Now you know the meaning of Hajiya Sa’adatu ‘Barmani’ Choge’s name – the late famous Hausa griotte from Katsina (1948-2013).

Then there is Shekarau, derived from ‘shekara’, a year. A male child is born after an unusually long period of gestation in the mother’s womb. A variant of this name is Ɓoyi [hide/hidden]. A female child is named Shekara. Now you know the meaning of the surname of Distinguished Senator Malam Ibrahim Shekarau from Kano.

A third example is Tanko. This is a child born after three female children. Variants include Gudaji, Tankari, Yuguda/Iguda/Guda. I am sure you know the famous Muhammed Gudaji Kazaure, a Member of the House of Representatives of Nigeria and his media presence in late 2022.

Each of these sampled names reflects a philosophical worldview, reflecting spiritual resignation or slight humour. They, therefore, encode the traditional Hausa perspective of living and dying as inscribed in the way they name their children.

Names that even the contemporary Hausa avoid because of bad collective memory are those linked to wealth and being owned or slavery.

Slaves have prominently featured in the political and social structure of the traditional Hausa societies, especially in the old commercial emirates of Kano, Zaria, Daura and Katsina. Their roles are clearly defined along socially accepted norms, and they are expected to perform given assignments demanded by their masters.

Slaves in Kano are divided into two: domestic and farm-collective. Trusted and, therefore, domesticated slaves are mainly found in ruling houses and are prized because of their loyalty to the title holder. Farmyard slaves were often captured during raids or wars and were not trusted because of the possibility of escape. They were usually owned by wealthy merchants or farmers and were put to work mainly on farms

Although the institution of slavery as then practised has been eliminated in traditional Hausa societies, the main emirate ruling houses still retain vestiges of inherited slave ownership, reflected even in the categorisation of the slaves. For instance, in Kano, royal slaves were distinguished between first-generation slaves (bayi) and those born into slavery (cucanawa).

At the height of slave raids and ownership, particularly when owning a slave was an indication of wealth, the names of the slaves often reflected the status of the owner. Examples of these names include Nasamu (given to the first slave owned by a young man determined to become a wealthy man), Arziki (first female slave owned by a man), Nagode (female slave given away to a person as a gift), Baba da Rai (first gift of a male slave to a son by his father), Dangana (male slave of a latter-day successful farmer or trader, although later given also to a child whose elder siblings all died in infancy. The female slave variant is Nadogara), and Baubawa (slaves with a different faith from the owner), amongst others.

The changing political economy of Hausa societies since the coming of colonialism has created new social dynamics, which included the outward banning of slavery. Thus, many of the names associated with slaves and ‘being-owned’ in traditional Hausa societies became disused, unfashionable, or, which is more probable, to be used without any idea of their original meaning. It is thought that some records of them may be of value. An example is ‘Anini’, usually a slave name but later used to refer to a child born with tiny limbs. The ‘smallness’ is also reflected in the fact that ‘anini’ was a coin in the Nigerian economy, usually 1/10th of a penny—a bit like the small Indian copper coin, ‘dam’ (from which the English language got ‘damn’, as in ‘I don’t give a damn’).

Further, with the coming of Islam, slave names were eased out and replaced by conventional Muslim names as dictated by Islam, Retained, however, are slave names that also served as descriptors of the functions of the slave, even in contemporary ruling houses. Examples of these slave titles, which are rarely used outside of the places, include:

Shamaki (looks after the king’s horses and serves as an overseer of the slaves), Ɗan Rimi (King’s top slave official and looks after all weapons), Sallama (King’s bosom friend [usually a eunuch], same role as Abin Faɗa), Kasheka shares the household supplies to king’s wives [usually a eunuch], Babban Zagi (a runner in front of the king), Jarmai (the head of an army), Kilishi (prepares sitting place for the king), amongst others. These names are almost exclusively restricted to the palace and rarely used outside its confines. Cases of nicknames of individuals bearing these names remain just that but had no official connotation outside of the palace.

The coming of Islam to Hausaland in about the 13th century altered the way traditional Hausa named their children and created the second category of Hausa beside the first ‘traditional’ ones. This second category became the Muslim Hausa, which abandoned all cultural activities associated with the traditional Hausa beliefs. This was not an overnight process. However, taking it as it does, centuries. Even then, a significant portion of Muslim Hausa material culture remains the same as for traditional Hausa. The point of departure is in religious or community practices, which for the Muslim Hausa, are guided by tenets of Islam.

Affected at this point of departure is naming conventions. This is more so because Islam encourages adherents to give their children good meaningful names. These names must, therefore, not reflect anything that counters the fundamental faith of the bearer or reflect a revert to a pre-Islamic period in the lives of the individuals.

However, while predominantly accepting Muslim names, traditional Hausa parents have domesticated some of the names to the contours of their language. For instance, Guruza (Ahmad), Da’u (Dawud), Gagare (Abubakar), Auwa (Hauwa), Daso (Maryam), Babuga (Umar), Ilu (Isma’il), amongst others.

So, here you are. If you are looking for an authentic, ‘clean’ traditional Hausa name or trying to understand your friend’s traditional Hausa name (or even yours), you are welcome to 1001 Traditional Hausa names.

The list is divided into two. The first contains 869 authentic traditional Hausa names. The second contains 132 Arabic/Islamic that the Hausa have somehow domesticated to their linguistic anthropology.

The file is available at https://bit.ly/42HJl97.