Opinion

By Hafsah Ja’afar

It is a captivating and insightful book that explores the concept of Ikigai, a Japanese philosophy that translates to ‘reason for being’ written by Hector Garcia and Francesc Miralles. This book delves into the wisdom and practices of the people of Okinawa, one of the world’s blue zones. The people of that region are known for their longevity and well-being.

The authors take readers on a journey to discover the essence of Ikigai, which lies at the intersection of four fundamental elements: What we love, what we are good at, what the world needs, and what we can be rewarded for. Drawing from extensive research and interviews with residents of Okinawa, the authors reveal how living a life driven by Ikigai can bring profound fulfilment and joy.

Through engaging anecdotes and practical guidance, the book offers valuable insights into how to uncover one’s Ikigai and cultivate it in daily life. It explores the importance of finding purpose, maintaining a strong sense of community, adopting a positive mindset, and embracing simple yet meaningful pleasures.

Ikigai provides inspiration and actionable steps to help readers discover and pursue their own Ikigai. It highlights the significance of aligning personal passions with contributing to the greater good, emphasising that a life rooted in meaning and purpose can improve well-being, longevity, and overall happiness.

With its blend of cultural wisdom and contemporary research, Ikigai: The Japanese Secret to a Long and happy life guides individuals seeking a more fulfilling and balanced existence. It offers practical tools and profound insights to help readers unlock their inner purpose, embrace the present moment, and lead a life of greater significance and contentment.

One of the surprising things about living in Japan is how active people remain after retirement. Many Japanese people never retire but rather keep doing what they love for as long as they are ‘hale and hearty’. There is no word in Japanese that means “leaving the workforce for good” as it is in English.

According to National Geographic reporter Dan Buettner, having a purpose or reason for being is so fundamental in Japan and the Japanese culture that the word retirement ceases to exist. The art of staying young while growing old is a choice you make; a healthful diet, a strong sense of community, and Ikigai (reason for being) play a significant role in their eternal youth, most especially in Okinawa (the island of eternal youth), one of the blue zones where centenarians the extraordinary human beings live in massive numbers.

Hafsat Ja’afar is a school teacher and wrote from Kano via jaafarhafsat@gmail.com

By Dr. Aliyu U. Tilde

History repeats itself, they say. However, that recurrence was less frequent in the history of rulers of Northern Nigeria. While historians can remember two, we may be at a point of witnessing the third.  

Sometime in December 1652, Muhammadu Kakuna, the 33^rd Sultan of Kano, was ousted under the influence of the powerful Maidaki Auwa, who installed her son, Soyaki. Kakuna retreated to Zaria and, within days, fought back his way to the throne just before the year ran out. That was the only time a ruler of Kano was restored.

In 1901, the British colonialists occupied Kontagora—tudu makwantar rikici—and deposed its 3^rd Emir, Ibrahim Nagwamatse, for his notorious slave expeditions. They installed his son. For some reason, after just two years, the British returned Ibrahim from exile in 1903 and made him the Sarkin Sudan, and he reigned until he died in 1929.  

Muhammadu Sanusi II, the 14^th Emir of Kano, may soon be the third. Like in the case of Kakuna, many saw his removal by Governor Abdullahi Umar Ganduje on the grounds of insubordination as a live specimen of highhandedness, intolerance, and vengeance. The Emir was arrested and banished to Loko, Nassarawa State, for confinement, an action which he successfully fought against before a federal high court in Abuja. On 30^th November 2020, the court declared the internment and the Emirate Council Law under which it was undertaken unconstitutional. It restored the fundamental rights of the deposed Emir to human dignity and personal liberty.  

In contrast to Maidaki Auwa of 1652, Governor Ganduje went beyond the Emir and balkanised the Emirate. He divided it into five independent emirates to prevent the emergence of any strong Emir of Kano in the future. This act of downgrading the system, the first of its kind since Bagauda founded Kano 1,025 years ago, is understandably repugnant to the Kano ruling family and many of its subjects. If the malware, they argue, had only changed the driver file—in this case, the Emir—the system could tolerate that and continue with the same speed. But corrupting the entire system files and downgrading its performance to a status of a photocopier cannot be tolerated. A ‘system restore’ is necessary.  

Restoring the Kano Emirate system to its 9 March 2020 date is now on the fingers of the new administration in the State. It will undoubtedly be greeted with mixed feelings in the next few days, especially as it will portend restoring its unified disk configuration and the deleted driver file.  

History is about to witness that restoration if the feelers from Kano are accurate. How the ancient city would absorb the heat of the operation and bounce back as one of the most important emirates in the region is a matter of immediate concern to its citizens. As Nigerians, we can only hope that it does so without boiling.

Dr Aliyu is a former Bauchi State Commissioner of Education. He can be reached via Twitter @Dr_AliyuTilde.

By Mukhtar Jarmajo 

Bello Elrufai, a member representing the Kaduna North federal constituency, made a mark in the upcoming 10th National Assembly. In a recent interview with Channels TV, Bello showcased his humility, political acumen, and team spirit, making it clear that he is well-prepared for the task ahead.

Although he admitted no one could be fully prepared for the NASS, Bello’s academic background in political science, international relations, public relations, and corporate communications sets him apart. He recognizes the importance of having a team and their input, giving them credit for his ideas. His team helped him prepare ten Bills, which he is waiting to table for discussion at the House.

Bello’s team spirit bodes well for his future political career. He wants to leverage his associates’ expertise to build a strong political front. He is willing to compensate them financially and also give them invaluable experience. It’s a win-win situation, demonstrating his leadership skills and an eagerness to learn from others.

Bello’s focus on team building and valuing his team’s input is refreshing, particularly in a political climate where individualism is prevalent. Bello’s willingness to succeed and go far is admirable. With his thirst for knowledge and team spirit, he has the potential to make a significant impact in the National Assembly.

At 35, Bello is the youngest legislator in the new NASS. However, his age should not undermine his potential or capabilities. Instead, his youth is an asset and could increase the diversity of voices in the National Assembly.

Bello Elrufai is a legislator to watch. His humility, political acumen, and team spirit make him unique and potentially successful. His initiatives, bills, and passion for teamwork will help him make an impact in the upcoming 10th National Assembly. He may be the youngest, but he is one to watch out for.

Jarmajo wrote from Wuse Zone 2, Abuja. 

By Nusaiba Ibrahim Na’abba

There are so many things on the table awaiting the newly inaugurated administration. With insecurity topping the list, there is a great task of realising viable and sustainable economic alternatives, developing a solid healthcare structure, and battling an ever-evolving overwhelming climate reality. The just-inaugurated administration will undoubtedly be challenged by many of what its predecessors fought. Addressing these issues of high public priority is an invaluable facet of the success of Bola Tinubu’s administration.

Unifying the country after a rigorously contested election is another challenge the incoming administration will face. The recently held elections have unveiled another dimension of disunity in this country. Unity is always an essential asset in any country’s development, which is why it is a pillar upon which societies thrive. Even before the new president was elected, the Muslim-Muslim ticket that filled the air was refuted by opposition parties.

Environmental challenges have dreaded many plans to succeed in Nigeria. Recently, because they are primarily multi-faceted. In 2022, they brought an unprecedented climate crisis in Nigeria and the world. Floods have devastated communities in Southern parts of the country, and many of the communities in the North were displaced. The inherent consequences of climate-related problems in our country are truly worrisome.

Over 12,000 farmlands across 14 local government areas were destroyed in Kano State due to heavy and torrential rainfalls. These figures were pronounced by the Kano State Emergency Management Agency (SEMA). In addition, several families were forcefully displaced from their homes.

In Jigawa State, many homes were destroyed by heavy rains and floods. Numerous families had to be dispersed across schools, serving as relief camps for the displaced. Some innocent lives were lost after being buried by the building, an effect of heavy rainfall. A substantial number of farmlands were said to have been destroyed too. These issues occurred while the President Buhari administration was nearing its end and political campaigns heightened.

The federal and state governments rushed to cushion the effects by sharing palliatives with affected communities. Philanthropists also played an essential role in supporting the victims affected. Many families had lost everything, including their only source of livelihood, farming. This challenge intensified living conditions for average Nigerians in these parts of the country as prices of commodities hiked and the cost of living rose significantly.

Now after a year, we’re back at it again. The Nigerian Meteorological Agency (NIMET) has started highlighting forecasts of what we would expect during this year’s rainfall season, and indicators are frightening; heavy rains and thunderstorms are the pointers. And because the foresight comes as a warning signal, many families in these areas are already baffled with unimaginable thoughts, picturing last year’s experiences.

Apart from heavy floods, the inconsistency of rainfall in the Northern part of the country is another climate wrinkle. If not managed with the right agricultural methodologies, the inconsistency of rain will only worsen access to food supplies. Policies of the just concluded government in terms of border closure and later ban on importing products like foreign rice have hit hard a large percentage of Nigeria’s population. Most average Nigerians have long relied on these foreign food supplies for survival. Even with the supposed increase in agricultural activities as the alternative induced by the Buhari administration, the prices are unbearable.

Heat is now persistent with the cut down of trees in the North. The severe effect has been felt by people, unlike heat seasons before. This year’s Ramadan season was barely scaled through because of excessive heat. By now, many are starting to realise the importance of building trees and the ills of cutting them down. Federal and state government initiatives at this stage in our lives must prioritise replanting of new and resilient breeds of trees in places set for infrastructural activities. Our experiences have highlighted that prior climate change initiatives in this respect are not enough.

Health problems are also being exacerbated as climate change continues to unravel. Continuous pollution consistently exposed Nigerians to various health hazards. Gigantic pyramids of waste in cities have polluted healthy air. In areas where the waste pyramids are later burnt down, people are forced to breathe in harmful substances that have long-lasting effects. More so, manufacturing companies in, for instance, Kano, have been hit with several allegations of releasing toxic substances after their production processes.

According to Wasteaid (2021), with no access to waste management services, one in 3 people worldwide have no choice but to dump or burn their waste. Open waste burning is a significant emitter of black carbon, CO2, carbon monoxide, and other harmful toxins. This explains the risks attached to indiscriminate waste generation and management.

The findings are vindicated by United Nations Environment Program (UNEP) 2021 in a study which identified that Nigeria produces more than 3 million tonnes of waste annually, and only 20 to 30 per cent is collected and disposed of. Uncontrolled wasted burning, which is one of the practices, contributes to deteriorating air quality in Urban centres.

In their recent publication this year, UNEP also states that in Nigeria, sachets have become increasingly widespread, especially in fast-growing cities like Lagos. Research shows that about 50 to 60 million used water sachets are thrown into the streets daily”. When you picture the whole of Nigeria in terms of this indiscriminate act, you know a bigger problem lies ahead unless necessary measures are implored. I have not forgotten about e-wastes that have found dwelling places in Nigerian cities.

I cannot possibly explore all the existential climate challenges within this single piece. On the one hand, the federal government is currently overwhelmed with subsidy removal, dollar instability and making appointments. On the other hand, at state/local levels, some governments a busy investigating the ills of just concluded administrations while others are trying to get a hold of the affairs of the states. Unfortunately, all these aren’t slow down the speech of climate-induced consequences.

In the southern part of the country, Nigeria has been fighting oil exploration problems which have disrupted livelihood. Floods have been a major occurrence in areas where oil is not being extracted. These challenges have to be creatively and carefully addressed.

Nigeria is blessed with enormous human resources capable of producing excellent ideas to combat some of these issues. As part of the government’s obligation to serve, it must consider accepting solutions from communities, creative youths, and start-ups. Many ideas can be supported with considerable investment to help the fight against climate-induced calamities.

Nusaiba Ibrahim Na’abba is a master’s student from the Department of Mass Communication, BUK. She is a freelance writer and researcher. She can be reached via nusaibaibrahim66@gmail.com.

By Abbas Datti

Our newly elected representative, Engineer Sagir Ibrahim Koki, promises to serve the people of the Kano Municipal constituency with integrity and dedication.

In a historic election victory, Engineer Sagir Ibrahim Koki has emerged as the newest member from Kano Municipal in the House of Representatives. Before his campaign, he promised to bring fresh perspectives and foster positive change within the esteemed legislative body. With the weight of public trust on his shoulders, Engineer Sagir steps into office, committed to serving the constituents and championing their interests.

Hailing from the Koki district of Kano State, he has already made waves with his dynamic campaign, installation of transformers, vocational training, distribution of JAMB forms, and rendering assistance to prospective NECO candidates, which resonated strongly with a diverse range of voters across the Municipal Local government area. The constituents were captivated by Engineer Sagir’s passion for public service, dedication to core issues, and vision for a brighter future.

Throughout his campaign, Eng Sagir has demonstrated an unwavering focus on crucial matters such as healthcare reform, economic revitalisation, education enhancement, and environmental sustainability. Drawing from a deep understanding of the challenges the Municipal Area Community faced, Sagir Koki outlined innovative policy proposals that garnered widespread acclaim and support.

As he assumes office, he is determined to turn those promises into tangible action. Eng Sagir’s primary objective is to represent the voices of his people, ensuring that their concerns are heard, amplified, and effectively addressed within the hallowed halls of the legislative chamber. Eng Ibrahim firmly believes that the foundation of a thriving democracy lies in empowering every citizen and working collectively towards progress.

One of Sagir’s key initiatives is bridging the gap between different political ideologies and fostering collaboration and compromise. By promoting bipartisan efforts, he aims to break down the barriers that have impeded progress in the past, seeking common ground to tackle pressing issues head-on.

Furthermore, Sagir Ibrahim understands the significance of transparency and accountability in public office. He has pledged to maintain open lines of communication with constituents, regularly hosting town hall meetings and actively seeking public input to shape his decision-making process. By being accessible, Sagir aims to establish a strong bond with his community, ensuring that their aspirations remain at the forefront of his legislative endeavours.

The road ahead of Sagir may be challenging, but his determination to serve with integrity, empathy, and dedication remains unshaken. He brings a wealth of experience, having worked tirelessly within the community as an advocate for positive change. Now, armed with the power of legislation, Sagir Koki is ready to effect lasting transformations that will profoundly impact the lives of the people of the Municipal he represents.

As the newest addition to the House of Representatives, Engineer embarks on a journey marked by hope, resilience, and an unwavering commitment to the betterment of the people of the Municipal. Therefore, Municipal people are eagerly anticipating the positive changes that lie ahead, placing their trust in the capable hands of their newly elected representative.

Abbas Datti writes from Kano Municipal and can be reached via abbasdattibashir@gmail.com.

By Prof. Abdalla Uba Adamu

My posting about MU Adamu’s 1968 paper on the influence of Arabs on Kano culture, economy and religious practices has ignited a few responses of personal nature from some readers interested in their own interconnected life stories. This is a follow-up and update.

I think it is wonderful that we begin to interrogate our past so that we can appreciate our present in order to make better plans for the future. We were all besotted with this implausible concept of ‘Hausa-Fulani’ that we tend to ignore other genetic tributaries that constitute the Hausa genetic pool, especially in Kano. Such Majma’al Bahrain is either unknown to many or ignored. Bringing it out means that the ethnic picture of the Hausa is more than the mingling of the Fulani genes with the Hausa – there were dashes of Arab in there thrown for good measure.

For the most part, the Arab voices had been silent. I think it is time for them to voice out their life histories in conversations with their elders. Not to further divide a monolithic Hausa society but demonstrate how the Hausa have been developing into distinct, absorptive people. Clearly, then Hausa is not a language but a people. Ask any individual in Kano with ‘Fulani’ or ‘Arab’ ancestorial roots, and they will tell you they are Hausa, ‘even though my grandmother is Fulani/Arab/Russian/Greek, etc.’

Let’s split hairs here. Having different languages but the same skin colour – whether you are black, white, brown, yellow or (if an alien) green, and submitting to the same central, national governing authority makes you ‘ethnic’. Having the same attributes but without recognition of national authority, only blood and kinship ties make you ‘tribal’. Separation across skin colour is a race, not an ethnic issue. Arabs are a separate race from Africans. So, what happens when the racial divide is crossed (bred)? Will a new ‘race’ emerge?

The Arabs’ contributions to the economy and culture of Kano are far more than any other ethnic group, including the Fulani. Consider the Yemeni alone and their massive contributions to the animal skin trade in northern Nigeria. Initially ‘imported’ as Italian trade agents from Yemen in the early 20th century, they have now become domesticated to the Hausa society. Yes, they are light-skinned, and quite a few speak Arabic; but the mid-generations have lost the Arabic language. As a ‘minority’ group, they intermarried with local African women and their offspring contributed to the sustainable development of culture and life in Hausa societies without the consciousness of being ‘the other’. What are then the cultural specificities that tie them to the Arab world? Can it be in dress, language, food, existential rites and rituals (birth, living, death)? How do theirs – if at all present – differ from those of the Hausa?

Then consider the Lebanese and their input into the goods and products found in various Kano markets – including their influence all over West Africa. They are less integrative with their African hosts but have been linguistically domesticated, and for all intents and purposes, many self-identify as Hausa and retain some living rituals (e.g., food habits). This is an area initially mapped out by Sabo Albasu’s monumental groundbreaking research, “The Lebanese in Kano” (which is based on his 1989 doctoral thesis), and unfortunately, not much else was done on such a scale by other people. I wish he could update and re-print it, as now, more than ever, is the time for it.

The Sudanese, more than the other Arabs, had integrated more effectively into northern Nigerian Hausa communities, perhaps due to the gradation in their skin colours – from extremely dark to extremely light – than either the Tripolitanians, Yemeni, Lebanese or Syrians/Jordanians, whose clearly light skins made them stand out in any group. Establishing themselves in the city of Kano at Sudawa (Sudanese settlement), they formed part of the identity of the Kano city populace.

The Sudanese influence was also more intellectual. While they were instrumental in trade, their main contribution was in education. For instance, when the School for Arabic Studies – undoubtedly the Oxford of Arabic Studies in Nigeria – was established in 1934, it was to Sudan that inspiration was sought, including the teachers. Even what later became Bayero University Kano was first headed by Abdullahi el-Tayyeb, a Sudanese. No talk of Sudan itself being a destination for studies at all levels by northern Nigerians. You don’t see such rush for education in Lebanon or Yemen.

While rummaging through the caverns of an old abandoned hard drive, I came across a booklet that Kantoma (Muhammad Uba Adamu) had asked me to extract from his “Confluences and Influences” as a standalone paper (presented in 1998) and later with additional material, as a booklet. We named it “The Presence of Arabs in Kano”. Lack of funding prevented its publication, but I was able to get it published as a paper in a book project. A link to the paper is given at the end of this posting.

For those interested, I have included the table (from the paper attached) of the 25 Arab-dominated Kano inner city wards. I did this because not many would have the time to read 43 pages of the paper!

Adamu, Abdalla Uba. 2014. The presence of Arabs in Kano. In A.I. Tanko & S. B. Momole (Eds.). Kano: Environment, Society and Development (pp. 125-164). London & Abuja: Adonis & Abbey Publishers.

Or: https://shorturl.at/dgzW0

By Jamilu Uba Adamu

Late Mallam Sa’adu Zungur (1915 – 1958) in his song Arewa Mulukiya ko Jamhuriya said;

“Ya Sarki Alhaji Bayero,

Ga Yan birni da Kanawiya.

Tun Bagauda na saran Kano, Suka fara fataucin dukiya.”

Kano State has been a trading and crucial commercial centre throughout its history.  History has shown that Kano has produced several wealthy individuals whose names will always be there in the annals of history.

The ability of Kano and its people (Kanawa) to create wealthy individuals did not start in this modern era. The likes of Madugu Indo Adakawa, Muhammadu Dan Agigi, Madugu Dangomba, Umaru Sharubutu, Mai Kano Agogo, Alhasasan Dantata, Adamu Jakada, Muhammad Nagoda and many others were among the wealthy individuals that Kano produced.

Late Alhaji Haruna Kundila (1810-1901) was known for his great wealth and fortune in the pre-colonial Kano during the reign of Emir Abdullahi Maje Karofi and his successor Emir Bello Ibrahim Dabo.

This popular Hausa saying attributed to him, “Ba na siyarwa ba ne; ya gagari Kundila”, means that there is nothing Kundila can’t afford to buy unless it is not for sale because of his massive wealth and purchasing power.

Haruna Kundila was born in 1810 at Makwarari Quarters in Kano city. 

The story about his source of wealth says that “one day when he came out from the house, he met Mallam Sidi (according to the story, Mallam Sidi is a pious, God-fearing Islamic teacher, and many people believe that he is a “Waliyyi” ). Mallam Sidi asked Kundila how he could help him get those that could evacuate his sewer pit. Kundila answered him positively.  When he checked and couldn’t find anyone to do the job, he decided to do it himself. When the Mallam returned and asked whether he had seen the people? He told him that the people had already come and done the work; Mallam Sidi asked him again, “How much were they supposed to be paid for the work? But suddenly, someone who witnessed how Kundila did the work alone intercedes and tells Mallam that Kundila did the work alone. When the Mallam heard that, he shook his head and said; To , Insha Allahu, duk inda warin masan nan ya buga gabas da yamma, kudu da arewa, sai ka yi suna, ka shahara an san ka “

History tells us that Haruna Kundila, who was a slave trader in those days, had trade relations with traders coming to Kano from foreign countries such as Mali, Sudan, Libya, Senegal, Damagaram, Agadas, Garwa, Duwala, Bamyo and Fallomi. 

In his heyday, no one in Kano has Kundila’s wealth. Kundila was rich and had estates by each city gate (Kofofi). It was said that he owned more than one thousand enslaved people. He was the wealthiest trader in nineteen century Kano. 

The name Kundila is because Haruna has a younger sister named Binta, who follows him at birth. After she grew up, one day, Haruna went home and found his sister in their mother’s room. He said to her, “Please, Binta, miko min kundina”. The sister started repeating the words “Ina kundina? Ina kundina? Since then, Kundila has followed him for the rest of his life. Until today, some government housing estates in Kano, such as Kundilar Zaria Road, bear the name.

It was said that when he died in 1901 (two years before the British conquest of Kano), Kano was shaken by the loss of one of the greatest wealthiest individuals in its history.

Jamilu Uba Adamu wrote from Kano via jamiluuba856@gmail.com.

By Bilkisu Kabir Ibrahim (Mrs)

It is often said, “Destruction is easy, but rebuilding takes more time to achieve.” 

Politics and governance are two sides of the same coin, as they are often used interchangeably even though they differ in veracity. In modern democratic societies, citizens (and leaders, by extension) fail to understand the difference between the two concepts in terms of meaning and operation. 

Barely less than two weeks after the swearing-in of the newly democratically elected governors and members of the states’ assemblies across the states of the federation, several governors focus on so many engagements as part of the fulfilment of their campaign promises, ranging from suspension and removing many top heads of the state’s ministries, departments and agencies alongside forwarding of new nominees to their respective state house of assemblies for various positions.  

However, the reverse is the case in Kano State as the new governor fulfils his campaign promises where demolishing illegal structures is part. In his inaugural speech, his Excellency Abba Kabir Yusif revoked all sold public places and assets by his predecessor by ordering security agencies to take over such sites. A few days later, he began a demolition exercise with a 3-story building with 90No. Shops along Racecourse Road Nassarawa GRA which were reportedly owned by the son of the outgoing governor of the state, followed by another multi-billion Naira project via Public Private Partnership (PPP) arrangement initiated by his predecessor, situated at old Daula Hotel (state’s property) on Murtala Muhammad Way, Kano.

Nevertheless, several structures have been marked and knocked down as illegal buildings, which include; Eid-Ground Shops (Masallacin Idi), shops detached from Sani Abacha Stadium Kofar Mata and Buildings at GGSS Dukawuya Goron Dutse as well as some structures at Kano Hajj Camp among others. 

Subsequently, mayhem erupted in the state capital and neighbourhood when the governor ordered the demolition of the historic Kano roundabout structure in the early hours of Wednesday, 14th June 2023. The roundabout, known as Kano Golden Jubilee Monument, was erected in 2017 and conceived and designed by a young female architect to commemorate Kano’s 50-year attainment as a state.

While several indigenes and residents have condemned in totality the demolition of the monument, the press secretary to the governor, Sunusi Bature D/Tofa, in his reaction, revealed that the roundabout was demolished for security and safety reasons, “it also poses traffic challenges around the area due to its size blocking the view of drivers accessing all routes linked through the roundabout”. 

Nonetheless, mixed reactions become the order of the day; some residents are hailing the governor for staying firmly to his campaign promises, while many traders lament the demolition exercise as it truly affects their commercial activities by creating a hostile business environment forcing many of their customers from within and outside the state to stay away. During my interview sessions, a respondent feared the ongoing action as “it scared away private investments in the state, which is the time needed for a successful administration”. Another respondent (a victim) revealed that, on Saturday, he supplied aluminium and other equipment for a window project at Old Daula Hotel worth N30,000,000.00 but were all looted in the night immediately after the demolition, which the looters termed as “GANIMA” in Hausa. 

Similarly, it was reported that, in the heart-wrenching incident, a young boy lost his life after being struck by a truck during the demolition of a structure. The unfortunate event occurred amidst the efforts to clear the unauthorised constructions. The boy was not the only one affected, but also several individuals sustained severe injuries as they attempted to take advantage of the demolition exercise and loot multimillion items.

Some critical questions were asked about this light exercise. This government is supposed to concentrate on critical infrastructure and human development to overshadow its predecessors instead engaged in revenge and self-centred aggrandisement. 

His Excellency Abba Kabir may wish to remember that some projects need maintenance and sustenance to suit the rising demands of the good people of the state. Instead, the government should have to determine the legality or otherwise of the allocated lands by constituting high-powered technical committees to, among other things, investigate the following: 

a. Whether the due process for land allocation is followed;

b. Whether all building codes and regulations have been complied with;

c. The rationale behind the building purpose;

d. Was the land sold at market price, and whose account was the money deposited into or allocated as enshrined in the Land Use Act?

e. Was the land allocated to the rightful applicant? 

f. Was the roundabout demolition in the interest of most of the populace? Etc.

g. The committee to proffer some recommendations to the government for a proper solution. 

To crown it all, the governor may further wish to recall the Oath of Office taken during the swearing-in session, that “….I will not allow my personal interest to influence my official conducts or my official decisions …” Surely, Almighty God will ask for such utterances. 

Bilkisu Kabir Ibrahim (Mrs) wrote from Kano state, Nigeria. She can be reached via bilkisukabir1@gmail.com.

By Nasiru Manga

Anytime Nigeria’s myriad problems and challenges are raised in a discussion which also involves how to turn around the country’s fortune, it more often than not leads to a fascinating argument among intellectuals as to which is more important between establishing a solid institution which produces successive good leadership or having a leadership of strong men to engender strong institutions. In that instant, I find myself vacillating between the two opinions. I find both of them valid and very difficult to be disputed. It’s a case of a chick and an egg dilemma regarding which must have existed first, the chick which laid the egg or the egg from which the chick was hatched.

Reasoning with either of the points, I reflected on my teenage experience in secondary school more than two decades ago. I then relate the arguments with the leadership of five or six successive principals in my secondary school, Government Arabic College, Gombe. How these principals managed the school was a practical example of the validity of the two arguments depending on the side one takes.

One of the principals, in particular, stood out. He is Malam Saidu Jibrin Kwami. His exemplary leadership during his stint as the school’s principal afforded me the feeling of what good leadership can do, even in a small school environment. Before him, his predecessors couldn’t make any difference. The principal who succeeded him couldn’t equally build on his achievements. It’s also proof that without a vital institution, a strong leader’s efforts come to nought if he leaves the stage and succeeds by a weakling. For my readers to deeply appreciate why Malam Saidu Jibrin Kwami’s exemplary leadership towered above the rest of the principals, let me take you down memory lane of what was obtainable in the school.

The system was, and until we left the boarding secondary school in 2002, the principal, in addition to the daily management of the school, was in charge of students feeding. I didn’t know whether the funds for the feeding were released to the principal directly from the state ministry of education or the ministry provided the school with all foodstuffs. It released some funds to the principal for the daily running of the school and buying groceries. But I did know that the school store was getting restocked regularly.

The three square meals day in and day out consisted of mostly pap with sometimes two pieces of ƙosai served as breakfast. The pap had no sugar, and perhaps, due to how it was prepared, it had a sedative effect on students during school hours. Black tea with rumpled tiny bread was served as breakfast once a week. The lunch and supper were either tuwo made from processed maize, mostly half-done, called gabza by students or eba made from gari, served alternately for lunch and supper. The soup for the gabza or eba, mostly miyar kuka, was prepared with little to no spices and bereft of any accompanying protein in the form of meat. Rice which one couldn’t tell whether it was a jollof rice or simply white rice without soup, was served on Thursdays. The meat was served only once in a blue moon.

It is needless to say that the rations were not enough for students. Worse of it, many students used to end up not having their rations as what was given to the cooks to prepare was barely enough to go around. The service was, therefore, on a first-come-first-served basis, excluding senior students who needed not join queues. If one missed his share, that was all, and he would be told “ka bi Yerima“, an expression meaning “you have missed, there is nothing for you.” It was said that the cliché “ka bi Yerima” has its historical origin in one of the Gombe princes who sought and lost his father’s throne to then Emir of Gombe, Alhaji Shehu Abubakar. So “ka bi Yerima” means one followed in the footsteps of the prince, a loser. Ask me not about its authenticity.

To be fair to the principals of my secondary school, the situation was almost the same in all boarding public secondary schools, at least in Gombe and Bauchi states, around that time and even some years before that, as confirmed by those who attended the boarding schools before us. There were, of course, slight differences here and there occasioned by changes of different school administrators depending on their level of prudence and management of resources.

One incident I can’t forget during my first year was a riot in the school. The then-principal was unbelievably niggardly. Students’ rations which were, to start with, too little, only enough to feed a three-year-old baby, became so frequently inadequate to go around. Kun bi Yerima became the order of the day as more and more students started missing their rations at the dining hall. This was exacerbated by the fact that it was towards the end of a term when the foodstuffs brought from home by students and some money given to them by their parents to complement the school feeding programme had finished, thereby forcing many to rely on the food provided by the school which was not enough. There was also a shortage of water in the school.

So, one morning, some senior students from SS 2 and 3 woke up and said they had had enough. They took to the school’s streets chanting slogans that the principal should go and that he was a thief. After gathering, they headed to the school’s staff houses, where the principal lived. They started pelting stones at his house. He escaped by a whisker, and the school got shut down for a few weeks.

Upon resumption, we met a new principal and were informed that about seven (7) students, leaders of the protest, were expelled from the school. But still, there was no significant improvement in school feeding or academics. We only had three to four subjects maximum, out of the nine subjects we were supposed to have daily. The only exception was when we had teaching practice students from the Federal College of Education. And during that time, permanent teachers virtually abdicated their responsibilities, leaving everything to the student-teachers. Another two principals we had afterwards couldn’t effect any change. Their priorities were neither students’ academic nor their nutritional well-being.

Then came the revolutionary principal, Malam Saidu Jibrin Kwami. We were in SS 3, about five years after that principal against whom students revolted, and the fourth in the succession of principals since we enrolled in JSS 1.

The first thing he undertook was an improvement in our academics. He frowned at some teachers habits of sitting and chit-chatting in staff rooms without attending classes. He declared that he wouldn’t condone their flagrant negligence of duty. He insisted that every teacher must not miss his lesson twice weekly without a genuine reason. We then started having completed nine lessons on an unprecedented day.

How did he achieve that? He gave all class monitors notebooks to use as registers where each teacher would write their name and append their signatures at the end of their period. At the end of the class every day, the class monitors would queue up at his office, where he checked the register of each class to see if there was an absentee teacher. He also told us in the assembly that we should report any teacher we observed wasting away their period of 30 minutes or 45 minutes blabbering instead of teaching.

Malam Jibrin Kwami also introduced extra evening classes (which we called prep) daily, save weekends. Before him, there was not much importance attached to it by his predecessors. Only junior students used to attend it, and it wasn’t daily. But during his time, he supervised the evening classes himself; and he would personally go around hostels to chase out stubborn senior students who would rather stay put in the hostels while the prep was ongoing. If he sighted a student loitering about, he would shout from afar, “Who is that gardi?” He also ensured that all the classrooms and all the streets from students’ dormitories leading to the classes were fully lit so that students wouldn’t complain of darkness. There were no Discos then, and NEPA was genuinely faithful. How he achieved that, beat me.

You may be wondering what happened to our food, right? Suffice it to say that during his short period as the school’s principal, we also saw what our parents enjoyed in public schools in the ‘70s and ‘80s. He told us that he also finished in the same school in 1982, and it was unfortunate that things had deteriorated to that level.

Most days of the week, our breakfast became tea (not just black tea, but with milk) and bread as against pap. And we started feeling the taste of sugar in our pap too. White rice and stew, tuwo and eba started competing as our lunch and supper, with rice winning most times. Pieces of meat suddenly appeared in our daily meals, and the soup started having condiments.

One day, he summoned us as the school’s prefects, informed us that we would notice a change in our meal the next day, and urged us to survey and feed him about the change.  He told us the meat price was high, so he decided to alternate the meat with fish. So he wanted us to sample students’ general opinions on the fish substitute as he knew some people didn’t like fish. Such a thoughtful leader!

Unfortunately, as they say, good things hardly last; his tenure as a principal was short-lived. No sooner had we started enjoying his good leadership than he got elevated and appointed as the secretary of our state’s pilgrim board. The school was literally thrown into mourning upon hearing the news.

The man who succeeded him couldn’t properly step into his shoes. Things started deteriorating very fast. Before you know it, we were back to square one. This is the case of having a strong man without a strong institution. And the strong institution doesn’t exist in a vacuum; it has to be built by strong men.

Nasiru Manga can be reached via nasmang@gmail.com.

By Murtala Sani

Beyond the eloquence and vibrancy that are attributed to the newly elected Deputy Governor of Kano State under the platform of New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP), Comrade Aminu Abdussalam Gwarzo, there are other special qualities that earned him the title of a Comrade. His entire life, from teenage to date, is spent in the struggle for the betterment of the lives of the people.

Comrade Aminu Abdussalam Gwarzo was born at Gwarzo Local Government, Kano State, on 6th November 1960. He was set for the quest for Islamic knowledge at Alkalawa Islamiyya and then transferred to Kofar Fada Islamiyya, all in Gwarzo town. He was later enrolled into Gwarzo Central Primary School from 1966 to 1972 and then proceeded to Kano Educational Development Centre (K.E.D.C) in 1973 for Secondary School Education.

Within one year, Aminu was transferred to Kano Teachers College (K.T.C) and graduated from the college in 1977. In the same year, he started teaching at Kara Primary School on 1st July 1977 for six months, when Kano and Jigawa States were in the folder old Kano State. The brilliant young Aminu was the youngest primary school Headmaster when he headed Salihawa Primary School in Gwarzo Local Government.

In his quest for more knowledge, Aminu got admission into the School of Management Studies, Kano State Polytechnic, in 1981, where he obtained a National Diploma in Banking and Finance, the qualification that propelled him to get a new job at the Kano State Board of Internal Revenue in 1986. In the same year, Aminu was re-admitted to the same School, School of Management Studies, Kano State Polytechnic, and bagged Higher National Diploma in the same course, Banking and Finance. In 1988, Aminu received his National Youth Service Certificate (NYSC) after serving as a corps member at Nigerian Mining Corporation, Jos, Plateau State.

As a youth, the comradeship of Comrade Aminu started manifesting glaringly when his activism beckoned him to join Gwarzo Youth Progressive (GYPA) in 1980. The Association was founded in 1979, but he became its first Chairman in 1981 due to his immense struggle to bring positive change within his society. The dominant role he played in stabilizing the then embattled Gwarzo Development Association (GDA), an association of Gwarzo elders, made the elders accommodate the useful Aminu into their association. They also considered his impact on the progress of GYPA, especially the way his wonderful leadership brought huge development within Gwarzo Local Government.

As a civil servant, his activism earned him the seat of Interim Secretary General of the Nigerian Union of Teachers (NUT) of the Gwarzo branch in 1981. Again, he became the Secretary-General and then Chairman of the National Civil Service Union (NCSC) board. Noticing his charisma while steering the leadership of the Union in the board, the then Chairman of Nigerian Labour Congress (NLC), Kano State, Comrade Baffa Gaya, suggested that talented people like comrade Aminu should not be limited to a low level. Therefore, Comrade Aminu was propelled to the position of Auditor General of the Nigerian Civil Service Union (NCSU), Kano State branch, from 1987 to 1991.

After carving Jigawa State out of Kano State, Aminu Abdussalam clinched the seat of Chairman National Civil Service Union, Kano State. As a politician, the Comrade was among the seven Local Government Chairmen that initiated the formation of the Association of Local Government Chairmen of Nigeria (ALGON) in the whole Country. He was the pioneer Chairman of ALGON in Kano State. He was the pioneer National Co-ordinator of ALGON North-Western States comprising Kano, Kaduna, Katsina, Sokoto, Kebbi, Zamfara and Jigawa, and lastly, the pioneer National Auditor of ALGON.

His passion for the struggle for the masses led him to support Mallam Aminu Kano’s Peoples Redemption Party (PRP). He was also an active member of the Social Democratic Party (SDP), the political party registered alongside Nigerian Republic Congress (NRC) by General Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida. Comrade Aminu’s diving into mainstream politics was when he contested and got elected the Chairman of Gwarzo Local Government of Kano State in 1996 during the reign of General Sani Abacha’s military regime. After the formation of New Political parties by the same Government, Aminu vied for membership in the Federal House of Representatives to represent Gwarzo/Kabo Constituency under the umbrella of the Democratic Party of Nigeria (DPN). The controversial election declared his opponent, Alhaji Aminu Sule Garo of the United Nigeria Congress Party (UNCP), the winner of the election. Therefore, Aminu Abdussalam challenged the victory in court.

On 5th December 1999, Comrade Aminu Abdussalam was elected as the Chairman of Gwarzo Local Government, Kano State, where he defeated Engineer Abdullahi Tijjani Muhammad Gwarzo, who contested under the platform of All Peoples Party (APP). His pragmatism led him to develop Gwarzo through the execution of countless developmental projects, providing employment and other humanitarian activities. This moulded him to become a strong political clout in the stream of Gwarzo Politics. From 1999 to 2011, Comrade Aminu was the Director General of Senator Bello Hayatu Gwarzo’s Campaign Organization, the leadership that hugely contributed to the victory of the senator throughout his four Senatorial races. During the Presidency of late Alhaji Umaru Musa ‘Yar’adua, the Comrade was appointed the Federal Commissioner of the National Assembly Commission.

When Dr Rabi’u Musa Kwankwaso was re-elected as the Governor of Kano State in 2011, he appointed Comrade Aminu Abdussalam as the Commissioner of Monitoring and Evaluation. Satisfied with his hardworking, honesty, trustworthiness and loyalty, Kwankwaso promoted him to the position of Commissioner of State Affairs, thus, occupying the office very close to the Governor. The duo decamped to the All Progressives Congress (APC) and supported Dr Abdullahi Umar Ganduje to become the state’s governor. In President Muhammadu Buhari’s tenure from 2015 to 2019, Comrade Aminu was appointed the Chairman Governing Council of the Federal College of Education, Kwantagora.

After the eruption of a feud between Kwankwaso and Ganduje, Comrade joined his boss, Kwankwaso, by decamping back to PDP, where he and Abba Kabiru Yusuf contested for Deputy and Governorship seats, respectively, in 2019. Although they won against Ganduje with more than twenty thousand votes, the election was declared inconclusive by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) due to the controversy that trailed the election. Again, Comrade and Abba contested and won the election against Nasiru Yusuf Gawuna and Murtala Sule Garo under the platform of the New Nigeria People’s Party (NNPP) during the 2023 gubernatorial election.

One of the greatest challenges against Comrade Aminu was when he was contesting for Member at the Federal House of Representatives to represent Gwarzo and Kabo Constituency. At that moment, more than twenty of his prominent supporters were arrested by the forces challenging his candidature. This made others flee from Gwarzo to other hidden places within and outside Kano State, seeking refuge.

At the same time, Comrade’s house was invaded by political goons who attempted to break into his house and assassinate him. With the help of his die-hard supporter, a ladder was erected for him and his entire family and escaped to his neighbouring house. This forced him to run for political asylum in the Cameroon Republic, but on his way, he found refuge in Gombe State. Again, the Comrade escaped lynching by some political thugs in 2003 at the Madadi ward of Gwarzo Local Government when they set his official car ablaze.

Every discerning mind could detect Comrade Aminu’s erudition and intellectual analysis either on the podium of a political campaign or interview. He expresses himself with facts and figures while debating. He laces his speech with quotes from Qur’an or Hadith.

Comrade faces a lot of criticism, one of which is his austerity measures at home office or public. He doesn’t pamper his children to run a luxurious life. He doesn’t embezzle government funds or throw money at his followers. Furthermore, Comrade frowns at favouritism and nepotism. He only relies on creditability and merit. Moreover, he detests thuggery and bloodshed; he allows things to flow naturally. More so, the Comrade doesn’t hesitate to get his beautiful, educated and morally sound children married to commoners or children of commoners.

The Comrade has two wives with twenty-three children.

Murtala Sani, a lecturer at Kano State Polytechnic, writes from Kano.