Opinion

By Prof. Abdalla Uba Adamu

I was tagged in a Facebook thread lamenting the perceptions of Hausa popular culture studies by Muhsin Ibrahim on how such a course of action is looked down upon. Indeed, he related personal bad experiences on his encounter with what one might call ‘culture purists’ who do not see anything worthwhile studying about contemporary popular culture. I feel that my response should be enlarged beyond the one I gave in order to reach wider audiences and stimulate debate.

‘So, what exactly is ‘popular culture’? Without being bogged down by technicalities, it is simply what people like. Often referred to also ‘mass culture’. Which differentiates from the ‘elite culture’ preferences of the high order of the society. Elite culture is often favoured because it is seen as cultural representative due to its historical purity. For instance, Shata is an elite culture, while Rarara is a popular culture. Both are singers. But while Shata was a griot whose lyrics represent the historical antecedents of his society and culture, Rarara is a singer whose lyrics represent his pocket.

Thus, everything people do can come under the purview of popular culture – fashion, food, literature, cyberculture, sports, architecture, theatre, drama, films, music, art, you name it, it is popular culture. It is the dominant culture. Some of the universities that teach popular culture in the world include Harvard, Cambridge, MIT, and Stanford, to name some of the top ones, plus thousands of others.

So, why study popular culture? There are many reasons, but one of the most compelling is social awareness. Such a study makes us aware of important social issues. You may not follow Hausa TV show operas, but they illuminate critical tensions within communities, and some reflect the ideals of the political culture; Ado Ahmad Gidan Dabino’s “Kwana Casa’in” is a case in point. Mediated popular culture gives creators opportunities to be creative.

Thus, popular culture can raise awareness about important social issues. TV shows, films, and music often address topics like discrimination, environmental concerns and mental health, sparking discussions and encouraging positive change. For instance, in Kano in early 2023, AA Rufai Bullgates [sic], an individual with mental health issues, became a popular culture media celebrity due to his delusions of grandeur; at one stage, he bought Kano State for ‘gangaliyan’ naira – his coinage. It took social media to make people aware of the extent of his illness – and stop exploiting his guile.

The contempt with which we approach studies of Hausa popular culture – or, let me modify, modern/contemporary culture – allowed a big room for others to be experts on us. In this way, researchers such as Mathias Krings, Carmen McCain, Novian Whitsitt, Brian Larkin and Graham Furniss came to dominate the documentation of Hausa popular culture.

In 2007, I was a visitor to Graham Furniss’s house in London for lunch, and I was blown away by a bookshelf covering a whole wall devoted to his documentation of Hausa romantic (soyayya) fiction containing over one thousand volumes. In Kano, we refused even to acknowledge such novels existed, and at one conference, I heard a University librarian describing them as ‘trash’. Now, if you want to study the earlier novels in the genre, you can only find them in the Library of the School of Oriental and African Studies, courtesy of Graham Furniss – while they are not available at Bayero University, Kano.

Novian Whitsitt, an American, became an expert on the feminist ideologies of Bilkisu Salisu Ahmed Funtuwa and Balaraba Ramat Yakubu – two wonderful and brilliant female writers we ignored. He made a name out of researching their novels – and he had to learn the Hausa language first before he could even read the novels. In Kano, where we speak Hausa, we looked down on these writers. Now, if you want any reference to the works of these ladies, you have to go to Amazon for his books, for he is considered an expert on Hausa feminist writers.

Matthias Krings collected more Hausa cinema tapes than any European researcher and established a vibrant Hausa film reference library at Johannes Gutenberg University, Mainz, Germany, where he is based. In Kano, we refused even to acknowledge that Hausa film is worth studying – until we gave the study a shove and held an international conference on Hausa films in 2003 – the first of its kind in the whole of Africa in studying an indigenous African language film industry. Even the practitioners – filmmakers, producers, directors – don’t see the value in studying their works, believing that such is done to denigrate them rather than a critical analysis of their art. When I established Yahoo! Groups social network in 2001 – long before Facebook – those who entered the group were constantly fighting us for studying their art.

In any event, it was Brian Larkin from New York who even opened up the doors in 1997 with his brilliant paper, “Indian Films and Nigerian Lovers: Media and the Creation of Parallel Modernities.” Soon enough, he became the only reference point on the emergence of modern-mediated Hausa popular culture. I could go on, but you get the point.

As for music, no one cared – until the Talibanic censorship regime from 2007 to 2013 in Kano favourably enabled the separation of Nanaye soundtrack music from Hausa films, creating an independent Hausa Afropop music genre. It also led to the emergence of Rap music among young Hausa lyricists in 2013 – the year of creative freedom for Hausa popular culture. Billy-O produced the biggest hit Hausa Afropop hit of the year with ‘Rainy Season’, producing a brilliant Engausa song accompanied by Maryam Fantimoti.

No attempt was made to internationalise the study of the emergent music genres by anyone. They were all obsessed with studies of the songs of griot acoustic musicians, believing that the Afropop genre was a passing fad. Seeing a room for documentation, I entered into the field. In any event, I was considered a loose cannon in the whole Hausa ‘adabi’ canon. Luckily for me, my foray into Hausa popular culture, or ’Adabin Hausa’ as they often call it (while I prefer ‘Nishaɗin Hululu as the Hausa term for popular culture), was from the prisms of Stuart Hall (Birmingham School) and Frankfurt School critical theory perspectives.

Most importantly, I was analysing popular culture as a mass-mediated communication, rooting myself firmly in communication theories. I was not interested in etymology, morphology, syntax, grammar, pragmatics, stylistics or other branches of the study of literature in my analysis (I profess ignorance of these branches). My focus was that something was happening; it was providing a stethoscope on the social awareness pulse. We need to document it. It was no longer acceptable to let others become experts on us.

Thus, studying or even debating mediated popular culture was definitely frowned upon in northern Nigeria. I believe I am one of the few flying the flag of the discipline – such that it has now crept its way into a university curriculum. Next semester (December 2022/23), I will be teaching M.Sc. Popular Culture in the Department of Mass Communication – one of the very few Departments in the country courageous and bold enough to do so. It’d be a fully interactive class, touching all aspects of what gives us social awareness through mediated popular culture.

Now, to the question of Murja Ibrahim Kunya, a TikTok influencer who speaks at more than 100 km per second. She is important enough to have a Wikipedia page. Dr. Muazu Hassan Muazu was one of the lecturers teaching the EEP 4201 – Venture Creation and Growth course in the School of General and Entrepreneurship Studies (SGES), Bayero University Kano. We once taught the course together. In the first semester (2022/2023) examination, question #5 went like this: “Murja Kunya and Me Wushirya are bloggers who trend by causing scandalous contents on their social media handles, for that reason, they are given advertisement jobs. If they do that, they become – (a) influencer marketers, (b) brand ambassadors, (c) trading agents, (d) marketing managers.” Students are to choose one which they believe was the correct answer.

What drew attention was the focus on the activities of TikTokers – activities not taken seriously, especially those of Murja Kunya, who elicited different reactions from different people. One posting on Facebook even labelled her a mental health patient. And yet, here, a university is asking academic questions about their activities. The entire 70-item question paper included references to various brands – KEDCO, Rufaidah, Salima Cake, A.A. Rano, L&Z Yoghourt, Sahad Stores, MTN, Chicken Republic, and so on. All these are marketing HUBS. Why not TikTokers?

Marketers are looking for audiences – notice how those silly and irritating videos pop up on news sites on your device to attract your attention. Dr. Mu’azu’s inclusion of cyber popular culture in his course – and Chicken Republic, dealing with food, IS part of popular culture – to me, is a brilliant acknowledgement of popular culture and its social relevance. Crazy, drugged, attention-seeker or not, people follow Murja Kunya. That means audiences, that means market – making her a perfect vehicle to advertise products. So, what’s wrong with that? If a woman frying ƙosai by the roadside has the same level of audience attraction, we should also acknowledge her as a marketing potential. That does not mean we endorse what they do – it means we are interested in reaching out to their audiences to buy our products.

Without pop culture, we wouldn’t be able to understand generations, so knowing gives us all a better understanding. Overall, a critical analysis of pop culture and media can help to shed light on the ways in which media interacts with society and can help to promote a more informed and nuanced understanding of media’s role in shaping our world.

Now, print Ale Rufa’is Bullgates gangaliyan note and purchase your village.

By Mukhtar Garba Kobi

The barbaric act of abducting people by some bad elements in the Northern part of Nigeria is one of the major threats to the endearing peace and economic growth; bandits operate on roads, communities and recently in institutions of higher learning. News of an unspecified number of farmers in Borno and students of Federal University Dutsen-Ma has gone viral lately; bereaved families of the victims are still in shock while many resolved to withdraw their wards from schools; this is bad looking at the importance of education to mankind and development of all. People in those areas are doubting the promises made by leaders on protecting lives and properties.

Nobody on this mother earth is above the law. In some developed countries, even incumbent leaders are forced to face the jury and account for their mischievous deeds in office. Still, unfortunately, in Africa, the existence of immunity attached to leaders gives them the audacity to do as they wish.

One of the bandits’ kingpins in the Northern part of Nigeria, Dogo Gide, released an audio message which a well-known media man, Bello Mu’azu, shared. Still, the message contained has added fuel to the blazing fire of insecurity. The dreaded Dogo Gide stated that he preferred to die as a bandit and had no interest in reconciling with the government, no matter the money given to him.

Since most of the bandits’ hideouts are known by our gallant security forces, they (bandits) could be cleared in a few days, but such only end in discussions. Public figures have made excellent attempts to mediate between bandits and governments. Unfortunately, their efforts were fruitless due to the negligence of the government. There is no way fire could be put out with the same fire, but combining the two (attacks and dialogue) would greatly help. Moreover, engaging in dialogue would pave the way for peace in most kidnapping-ravaged States. Culturing crops and businesses would regain their lost glories while students would learn without fear.

Furthermore, research conducted by SBM, which is an investigative firm, revealed that between June of 2022 and July of 2023, three thousand six hundred and twenty (3,620) people were taken hostage in five hundred and eighty-two (582) kidnap-related incidents in Nigeria. It was further uncovered that “North-West and North-Central regions exhibit higher in-kind ransom demands. This aligns with Nigeria’s poverty and its correlation with areas where food is commonly demanded. Additionally, these regions have seen a surge in motorcycle demands due to economic opportunities and possibly because of their potential use in terror activities”.

Some of the factors that fuel kidnappings include high levels of poverty and hunger; waking up empty-pocketed and nothing for family members to consume have forced many into the act, especially unemployed Fulani herders. The second factor is greed and uncontrolled love to be rich, which also persuaded many into kidnappings; shallow-minded persons often view abduction as the easiest way to get enough money to meet their daily needs. Kidnappers play vital roles in influencing their friends; they give uninterested friends convincing points while those low faculty of thinking accept the offer without a second thought on the implications of such ventures. 

The mass abduction of people can be stopped if the following measures are adopted: schemes for employing youths or training them on skills have left behind several villagers, and most of the arrested kidnappers were dwellers; there is a need for the villagers to be included in whatever government came-up with. Since kidnappers have leaders, there is a need to have a virtual or physical meeting with them to know why they are kidnapping. Governments should ensure that their demands are met. Granting amnesty to repentant kidnappers would be a welcome idea, but they should not be reintegrated back into societies. They should be taken to rehabilitation homes and trained on different skills to be useful community members. 

Mukhtar writes from Bauchi and can be reached via garbakobim@gmail.com.

By Sa’id Sa’ad

Earlier this year – when Bello Galadanci’s videos were becoming popular on digital platforms – a colleague posted a video of his skit on his WhatsApp status. From what might be a simple curiosity, I asked him if he knew who the person was – of course, expecting him to at least know a bit – but he replied that he did not know him beyond his not-so-much-funny recent “comedy skits.”

That was weeks after the publication of my recent essay, A Crack on Hadiza Gabon’s Wall: Humanizing Northern Nigeria Storytelling, where I described what the show meant to storytelling in Northern Nigeria and the impact of what I called “hypocritical denial and intentional lack of acknowledgement” from the northern community. As it has always been, I bumped into a tweet where a young person from “northern” Nigeria condemned the entire comedy skits made by Bello Galadanci. If I weren’t from the North, I would have wondered why Northern consumers always find a way to devalue Northern content creators in whatever discipline. But I didn’t, because I understood the game. So. Well. It is nothing to raise a brow at, mainly because, as creatives, criticism as such is often expected, “Thanks for the PR” was the short response Galadanchi gave him.

Even with the recent trooping of young creators into the skit-making industry in Nigeria, majorly due to its financial and digital-popularity lakes tunnelled by TikTok, Instagram and YouTube, one could guess accurately – as most other useful or even useless “developmental” growth – that adoption of content creation as a business by young people in Northern Nigeria, came very late, as well. It is difficult to mention by name – the northern skit creators who began early – and still maintain the same consistency as one would mention Taoma or Aproko Doctor or Mr. Macaroni from the South. Only Galadanchi and a few others still retain their craft consistently.

Many young people in northern Nigeria continue to comment, criticise, or label Bello Galadanchi and his skits in multiple ways.

Aside from the unpopular northern Nigeria population that perceives his skit as the “working-for-the-white” theory (or the painting north black belief), and the many who – due to educational standards and exposure – fail to comprehend the satirical nature of his contents, most of those who do not find him funny do so due to Broda-Shaggying or Sabinufying Galadanchi’s skit.

Unlike most skit makers in Nigeria, whose focus is majorly only on sowing laughter and entertainment into the market and reaping their golds, built on creative juice – Galadanchi’s contents are meant for social and political commentary using humour and satire. Backed by journalism, creative, and educationalist careers, it might seem almost impossible for Galadanchi – even by himself – to create non-questionable or fluid content only meant for laughter because creatives are muscled with the hunger to correct and change using their art. His could be simplified as addressing serious problems without being too serious.

Therefore, this makes it difficult for those Broda-Shaggying and Sabinufying him to comprehend the content as, thus, they expect a consciously endowed full-length comedy. I don’t mean to belittle content created by skit makers whose conscious aim is to create a hundred-percent comedy piece. However, expecting an all-comedy-induced piece from a skit maker whose purpose is challenging social and political ills using humour could be as good as expecting something from nothing.

While writing this essay, I shared on WhatsApp status a short clip from an interview Bello Galadanchi granted CGTN where he sat on stairs with three other Chinese, in a swagger-spirited looks with polished accent and blonde hair. Most GenZ’s (respectfully) responded to have known him only through his comedy and never “expected” him to be this “polished”, so far away from what they expected Dan Bello (his character) to be.

That means most of those who denigrate his content would have been from their “expected lens” through which they measure him to be. As argued in my previous essay above – could this also be what I called “hypocritical denial and intentional lack of acknowledgement” of the northern population for contents and creators coming from the north? Because, of course, what Bello Galandanchi is doing for northern Nigeria-specific social and political issues is what Aproko Doctor is exactly doing for Nigeria’s health sector and health-related issues.

Though satire could emerge in professional, amateur, elitist, and popular forms, those who do not comprehend his satire might also be due to their level of comprehension rather than the perceived educational standard or exposure. However, I believe both play a role here. Of course, satire is meant to use humour and irony to criticise, as in the case of the Nigerian writer Elnathan John with his famous book, Be(com)ing Nigerian. However, because Galadanci focuses on the “North”, he is quickly labelled with the “working-for-the-white theory”.

Perhaps if Elnathan’s book was a digital piece as Galadanci’s – and produced in the same form and language – the same label could have been blanketed for him, too. Sometimes, the theory sounds a lot like a comedy skit as well because even a deported northerner fighting the cause of his people – in any way different from the (usual) northern norms – would be considered brainwashed to work for the whites.

More so, those who do not comprehend the satire in the contents are often blindfolded from seeing the patriotism in these pieces. If not for a deep love for a people, I wonder how one would continue to create these provocative contents that question deep political ills in the region. While also soaking insults from young people in the same region who barely understood the depth of what his craft was uprooting.

However, looking at his pieces of art critically (beyond Broda-Shaggying them), how they are deeply immersed in satire and sheer creativity, one could vividly tell how varying it is from the contents created by other skit makers. If other skit makers called theirs “contents”, a creative could easily describe Galadanchi’s as a “piece of art”. The beauty in the work is so immense that one could smell creative fragrances all over the place.

Imagine if the digital youths in the north focus on – if not creating – promoting creators from the region rather than policing social media in the holy name of the north. Imagine if we all question the system in the individual creative juices deposited in us. Imagine if we learn to place a market value on the creators and contents from the north rather than wasting our time watching these wayward girls crowd-chasing nonsense on TikTok in Hausa and serving them to your screen back-to-back. Imagine if we focus on the problems rather than those who help us understand the problem. Imagine if we don’t call for the heads of those who create alphabets to remind us of where we are.

Galadanchi didn’t just find questioning the ill social and political system for Nigerians in Nigeria. He has lived with the system, experienced the system and carried dozens of scars from the system to wherever the world took him.

If these pieces of art are what come out from creatives whom the ill Nigerian system has wounded, then very soon, the Bello Galadanchi in all of us will prevail.

Sa’id Sa’ad is a Nigerian writer, poet, and playwright from Maiduguri. He won the Peace Panel Short Story Prize 2018 and the NFC Essay Prize 2018. He tweets @saidsaadwrites and can be reached directly via saidsaadabubakar@gmail.com.

By Zayyad Muhammad

In my piece, “What Next for Aishatu Binani?” Published months ago, I postulated that the Adamawa APC Gubernatorial Candidate in the 2023 election, Senator Aishatu Dahiru Ahmed Binani, had three options to choose from, which would make or mar her political future. First, Binani can continue to insist that she is the ‘Governor-Elect’, as declared by the suspended Adamawa INEC, Resident Electoral Commissioner (REC) Barristers Hudu Yunusa Ari. In this case, Binani will approach the tribunal with that sole demand.

The second option for Binani was to pursue her case through the tribunal while ignoring Hudu’s bizarre actions. The third option for her was to retreat and congratulate Governor Ahmadu Umaru Fintiri. That’s to discard the option of any litigation and move forward for the future. Binani and her team chose the former; they opted for litigation. Now, the Adamawa Governorship Election Tribunal has dismissed her case, thus putting her in a catch-22 situation. If Binani has to pursue the case to the Appeal and the Supreme Court—she will overstretch her luck—in politics, when you overstretch your luck, you may hit the wall with your head.

Everything being equal, Binani will battle three issues: she has lost a good rapport with most Adamawa APC-critical stakeholders. Second, the party itself seems not to be on the same page with her. Thirdly, continuing the legal battle means pressure on her pockets while knowing she has no chance. All the politicians that will hang on Binani’s side will only continue to do so if it will oil their courses.

Prof. Jibrin Amin has a famous saying: Ba’a adawa, babu dawa (opposition only survives with resources at hand). Fourthly, her philanthropic activities will diminish because she is not in a government position that allows her easy access to the materials used for the philosophical activities. Fifthly, discontinuing the case will portray her as weak in the eyes of her supporters. All Binani diehard supporters heavily rely on ‘the court case’ to have temporary relief and hope.

To be fair to Binani, she is among the few politicians with cult-like followers. She has fought a good battle in her own rights, but now she has found herself between two dicey options: one: reformat her politics by discarding all the unnecessary legal tussles; two: mend fences with her party at the state and LG levels, including lowering her head to some APC stakeholders who, hitherto, she assumed were not important, but they have shown her their capacity and understanding of how Adamawa politics works.

Two: go with her cult-like followers, whose only hope and temporary relief is to continue with the extraneous legal battle. And, whichever way she follows—Binani will now battle with being absent from the scene—no federal presence and local presence were cut short by the tribunal dismissal of the case and loss of influence in the local APC chapter.

Another salient fact is that one cannot discuss Binani’s political future without looking at Barr—Hudu’s faith in the court. A federal high court has ruled that Hudu’s trial can go ahead. Hudu’s conviction will have an impact on Binani’s political future.

Furthermore, the Adamawa APC will continue to have two sides: the Binani side, who have suffered massive losses of positions and steam due to court judgements against them, and the other side, who are in absolute control of the party machinery, federal might, and also sitting akimbo, laughing at the former’s predicament.

Nevertheless, one big picture is that Binani, as a person, will have to sit down and look at things from one important angle—the feasibility of being the sole financier of an opposition facing a battle from two fronts—its party and the government in power. Will Binani resort to what she did after the 2015 elections? When she suffered a ‘not surprising’ defeat in the 2015 Adamawa central senatorial election, she imposed upon herself a premature retirement from politics. The 2015 senatorial outing was a product of a miscalculated political move—contesting for the senate on a very weak platform—the PDM.

Here is the big dilemma: if Binani decides to temporarily ‘abscond’ from the scene, events and ‘new’ people will take over her spot before the 2027 election cycle, and if she decides to pursue her case to the Appeal and Supreme Courts, it will be an extraneous and costly adventure.

Here are three suggestions for Binani: First, she has lost goodwill within the APC family but has strong goodwill within her supporters’ base, so it’s time for sober reflection and amendment. Two: Governor Ahmadu Umaru Fintiri appears to be more calculative and bold. The Fintiri team—the Deputy Governor, SSG, Chief of Staff, and the rest—appear to work with the ‘books’ and off-the-shelf as well. In contrast, Binani’s team heavily relies on weak pivotal emotion hearsay and is confined to just a minute unit, which their eyes see, forgetting the wider picture.

The best bet for Binani is to congratulate Governor Fintiri and move on, as Mallam Nuhu Ribadu did to her after the APC Gubernatorial primary election tussle. The last suggestion for Binani is to make a deep soul search for where she wants to be in 2027 and the tough road ahead.

Congratulations, Governor Ardo Ahmadu Fintiri!

Zayyad Muhammad writes from Abuja. He can be contacted via zaymohd@yahoo.com.

By Abdurrazak Muktar Makarfi

In the depths of the night, when most of the world sleeps, there are those who choose to rise. They are the ones who understand the value of Qiyamul Lail, the act of waking up to pray during the night. This predawn vigil is not just a spiritual obligation for Muslims but also a powerful manifestation of one’s deepest desires and intentions.

Qiyamul Lail is an act of devotion and a reflection of one’s commitment to one’s faith. It is a time when the world is still, and the heart is most receptive to spiritual connection. The act of willingly sacrificing sleep to stand in prayer is a testament to the strength of one’s faith and the sincerity of one’s desires.

Desire, in its purest form, is the driving force behind our actions and aspirations. It is what motivates us to work hard, to overcome obstacles, and to strive for better lives. But how can we measure the depth of our desires? Qiyamul Lail offers a unique litmus test.

If you find yourself desperately wanting something in life, be it success, happiness, or peace, and yet you are not waking up for Qiyamul Lail, then you may need to question the authenticity of your desires. True desire demands sacrifice. It requires us to prioritise what matters most to us. When we value something deeply, we are willing to make sacrifices to attain it.

Waking up for Qiyamul Lail is not just about fulfilling a religious duty; it’s about demonstrating the intensity of your yearning. It’s a declaration that your connection with the Divine is so profound that you are willing to forgo sleep, one of the most basic human needs, to nurture that connection.

Moreover, Qiyamul Lail is a time for reflection, self-examination, and supplication. It is a chance to pour your heart out to the Creator to seek guidance, forgiveness, and blessings. It is a moment when you can lay your deepest desires and concerns before the Almighty with a heart filled with humility and hope.

In the stillness of the night, when the world is hushed in slumber, you have the opportunity to reflect on your aspirations and the path you are on. If your desires are sincere, if you truly long for your goals to be realised, then Qiyamul Lail is your arena to prove it. It’s a chance to show that your ambitions are not mere words but a profound yearning that drives you to action.

So, let the night prayer be a reminder—a reminder to measure your desires against your actions. If you’re desperately wanting something and you’re not waking up for Qiyamul Lail, then you don’t want it enough. But if you’re willing to rise from your slumber, stand in devotion, and whisper your desires to the heavens, then your desires are genuine, and you’re on the right path to fulfilling them.

By Mansur Hassan, PhD

Engr. Abba Kabir Yusuf, the Executive Governor of Kano State, has recently shed light on the alleged misappropriation of funds by Nigerian governors, exposing lack of impactful policies.

Over the past eight years, Kano State witnessed a dearth of policies that benefit the less privileged directly. In contrast, the Kwankwasiyya administration, led by Abba Gida Gida, has swiftly demonstrated its prowess in governance within five months, particularly through transformative healthcare and educational ‘revolution’ spanning from primary to tertiary levels.

Under Kwankwasiyya’s leadership, there has been a significant focus on education, including sponsoring first-class graduates to foreign universities—an initiative emulated by other nations. The educational revolution initiated during the 1999-2003 and 2011-2015 periods has left an enduring mark, with numerous scholars benefiting from foreign scholarships.

However, the governors who presided over the state from 2015 to 2023 failed to implement any substantial policies for the state’s improvement. Criticism was leveled against the transformative programs introduced by H.E. Abba Kabir Yusuf, particularly after the mass wedding event known as “auren ‘yangata.” The sponsorship of 1001 first-class graduates further intensified opposition, with the former Governor of Kano State, Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, dismissing the program as useless.

This criticism seemingly stemmed from the program’s focus on underprivileged children, contrasting with Ganduje’s past sponsorship of his own children’s education abroad. The clash underscores a debate on priorities and equitable policies in Kano State.

Dr. Mansur Hassan is a Senior Lecturer, Department of Mathematics, Yusuf Maitama Sule University Kano

By Bilyamin Abdulmumin

Last week, during the FEC meeting, the Minister of Budget and National Planning, Senator Abubakar Atiku Bagudu, made a groundbreaking announcement by revealing the budget forecast for 2024. It sent shockwaves through the nation, and understandably so, as the projected budget of 26 trillion naira was unprecedented; it was a staggering  4 trillion compared to the previous year.

Nigerians have consistently expressed concerns about the ever-increasing budget forecasts year after year. Regrettably, this budget inflation trend has persisted. For instance, the budget started at 299 billion during the Obasanjo government in 1999 but ballooned to 2.3 trillion when he left office. Yar’adua handed over a 4.4 trillion budget to Jonathan, who returned the exact figure in 2015 (despite presenting a 4.9 trillion budget in three previous years). The budget increase went wild during President Muhammad Buhari’s tenure, reaching a staggering 21 trillion in 2023 when he left office.

Although I am not an expert on budget matters, it’s apparent that every budget must consider factors such as market dynamics, inflation, and the growth of the national population and its demographics.

Rather than fixating solely on the budget figures, we, as citizens, should focus on the prudent and effective utilisation of these budgets. If the Nigerian budget had been prepared and executed more efficiently, we might have already achieved the promised Eldorado.

For example, 43 years have passed since the Shagari and Gowon green revolution, 33 years since Vision 2000, and a decade since Jonathan’s Agricultural Transformation Agenda. However, the majority of Nigerians still lack access to quality housing and healthcare, and we continue to struggle to feed ourselves. Similar ambitious visions have come and gone, including IBB’s structural adjustments, Abacha’s Vision 2010, Obasanjo’s Vision 2020, Yar’adua’s seven-point agenda, and PMB’s Vision 2050.

One crucial issue highlighted by BudgIT, a civic organisation monitoring the Nigerian budget, is the disconnect between our budget and national planning, hindering the realisation of the promised utopia. Our budget is not aligned with our national planning, and it seems that from the beginning, Nigeria has not been drawing the budget structure from national planning.

In the words of Oluseun Onigbinde, Global Director of BudgIT, “The Nigerian budget has delivered sub-optimal results because it has not been linked with national strategic plans written for the medium or short term. The current President has a public manifesto, and the Federal Government recently, at a significant cost, also delivered strategic plans that terminate in 2025 and 2050. It does not make sense if the national budget is not linked to these documents. The budget needs to stop just being a contract vending machine stuffed with varied interests but a thorough planning document.”

If the masses can redirect their attention to this issue rather than merely reacting to budget forecasts, expecting more effective and desirable results is plausible.

Interestingly, the Minister of Budget and National Planning, Senator Atiku Bagudu, has pledged to address this issue and reached out to the public for understanding and engagement. This outreach occurred during an official visit by the House of Representatives Committee on Alternative Education. The minister reaffirmed the government’s commitment to the APC comprehensive plans, particularly Agenda 2050 and the 5-year development plan.

Dear Nigerians, it’s time to refocus our priorities and stop chasing after the shadows.

By Prof. Abdelghaffar Amoka

Kogi state still remains one of the worst-governed states in Nigeria since its creation in 1991. We are 14 days away from electing the man who will run that state for another four years, and every camp is doing its bit to enhance its victory at the poll. The zones of the candidates of the major political parties are all hopeful. Kogi West is hoping for a miracle to happen as the 139,485 votes from the senatorial election can’t win the election, supposing Dino Melaye can mop up all those votes from Kogi West. Unfortunately, Dino’s presence at the East and Central seems weak.

Kogi East is leveraging on its strong voter strength to reclaim Luggard House after eight years break. The truth is that the zone has the largest votes, and there are 217,460 votes from the Senatorial election to hold onto, supposing Muri Ajaka can mop up every one of those votes from Kogi East. The zone actually doesn’t believe that any other zone deserves to occupy the Luggard House. You can’t blame them. An election is said to be a game of numbers. Those with the number can even make an idiot to lead the wise.

Kogi Central, no doubt, has the least voter strength. They have a total of 106,303 votes from the Senatorial election, which cannot win the governorship election. But just like everyone else, the governor is working hard to make his preferred candidate succeed him. He has picked Usman Ododo, a potential successor, from his Local Government. His candidate has now been adopted as the KC Agenda. He is using the incumbency factor to get support from the East and West for his boy.

There was the emergency establishment of the third state university in the West, and the ministerial slot went to Kogi East. That is a nice political calculation, but is that enough to swing votes from these zones? Commentators are wondering what will a state that can’t pay LG and primary school teachers do with the burden of another state university.

There was a recent report that the state government has appointed over 200 SAs. 215 Special Assistants in an election period and a few months to the end of the government does not make sense to an ordinary person, but it makes a lot of sense to politicians. They are likely special assistants on election matters. Nearly all the traditional rulers, including that of my clan, are now first-class chiefs. Will my clan and the other clans across the state work for the victory of the governor’s candidate just because our traditional rulers are now upgraded to first class?

There is also an ongoing reconciliation within the Kogi Central. There are ongoing radio programs telling the people that they know they have wronged people and appealing to them to forgive and forget. It’s like the governor realises that it’s not everything that can be achieved with force and no more sending glowing fire to perceived enemies. He is trying to deploy a peaceful approach. We have not heard much of threats in recent times. That’s not a bad idea.

I read the names of some professors and other respected elites on a reconciliation tour. My question was this: where were these people when they were busy excavating and digging trenches on the roads of the opposition zone that they refused to fix? Where were they when criticism was considered as “haram” and critics were hunted? Where were when our public schools were left without teachers for the past seven years?

I wish these respected individuals had played an advisory role to right these wrongs before now. I hope the LG and primary school teachers and their families will find it easy to forgive and forget our ethnic and Kogi agendas

Is the reconciliation move late? It may be, and it may not be. Human beings, especially Nigerians, are known to have very short memory. We live by the moment. We are quick to forget yesterday if today is favourable. If I were the Governor, I would have started the reconciliation in January 2023 in preparation for the election and my agenda.

One of the basic problems is salary payment. No matter his achievements in other areas, the salary issue has shrouded them. If I were him, I would have blocked the loopholes and mopped up the available cash to improve the percentage of the salary paid to LG workers and primary school workers. Promise the workers that the next government will improve on it. Make them see reasons why they need to support me to actually the Ododo Agenda for “renewed hope”, especially on salary payment. The people need a glimpse of the promised hope before they can key into your project. That would have resuscitated his battered image and attracted support from unexpected places. He could have found it easy to sell the candidature of Ododo across the state without much stress.

Nobody is even discussing the future of Kogi state and the well-being of the people of the state. It’s all about selfish agendas. However, it’s about two weeks to the election, and I am still struggling with the choice of who to support. So, who should I support? Ododo for KC, my zone, to retain power for another 4 to 8 years? Muri for KE to reclaim their birthright? Or Dino for KW to also have a taste of Luggard House? It doesn’t matter if the candidate is said to be a clown.

The people of the state have gone through a lot over the last seven years. It was tough and tougher now economically.

My appeal is for the election gladiators to ensure that we have a violent, free election. Please, let’s have a peaceful election.

Abdelghaffar Amoka PhD, wrote from Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria. He can be reached via aaabdelmalik@gmail.com.

By Aliyu Nuhu

No easy way for a country with bizarre economic behaviour. The economic laws are there for easy implementation in a normal society. But Nigeria is not normal. Everyone, from the leases to the ordinary citizens, is looking for ways to damage the country for personal gain. NIGERIA operates its economy with laws made from hell.

We all know our huge appetite for the dollar is driven by our need for foreign goods which we are unable to produce. If we don’t need foreign goods, there will be no demand for dollars since we only need the currency for imports. But who is not guilty among us here?

Naira supply affects inflation since too much money is chasing a few goods but is not the direct cause of the fall of the Naira in the forex market. Laws of demand and supply drive the forex market. More Dollars available will lower its value and vice versa with Naira. But these laws don’t work in Nigeria because of distortion in all economic policies created by the government, mostly by greedy Nigerians and the officials themselves.

The forex window allows funding of critical sectors with dollars by the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN). But the distortion here is that those given dollars to import goods will take the money to the money market for round-tripping. The CBN officials will also take the dollar and exchange it for quick gain. Each governor that gets FACC allocation in Naira will take it to market chasing the dollar.

With such behaviour, the Naira can never get a breather. It is this distortion that makes it difficult to explain the reasons why Naira is not only weak but unstable. Currency instability is the worst thing that can happen to a country. At any point in time, investors can never know their profits and losses. It is the reason why companies like Emirates, ShopRite and Game are closing shop.

After looking at some of our promising macro trends, Nigeria is still unable to keep Naira strong because of the depletion of the country’s foreign exchange reserves. The major function of foreign reserves is to keep the Naira strong. But regime after regime keeps spending the reserve account to a point that no one can precisely say the balance of NIGERIA’s foreign reserve.

World Bank said irrespective of all other macroeconomic shortcomings, the Naira can still be exchanged for a dollar one-on-one if we can have $900bn in our foreign reserve. But what do we have today? Less than $30bn!

Kuwait is a consumer country like Nigeria, but because it has a foreign reserve of $137bn and a gold reserve of 78.97 tonnes, it has the strongest currency in the world. But Nigeria has 21.37 tonnes of gold in its reserve and a $34bn reserve for an economy with a GDP of $489bn. Kuwait is able to save with a GDP of $106bn! There is evidence that shows that GDP growth and employment growth increase in response to positive shocks to foreign currency reserves (forex reserves) accumulation, whereas unemployment declines.

Read the reports on the new government report on CBN, and you will understand that the Naira is only competitive by sheer luck, if not a miracle. Everyone, including people in charge of Naira’s health, is out to destroy the Naira.

By Usman Muhammad Salihu

In the world of education, some paths are straightforward, while others are winding, challenging, and filled with unexpected detours. My journey towards obtaining an HND in Mass Communication at Abubakar Tatari Ali Polytechnic (ATAP) in Bauchi State, Nigeria, certainly falls into the latter category. It’s a tale of determination, sacrifice, and the unwavering support of family, mentors, and friends.

The story began in early 2020 when a conversation with my model, Abu-Ubaidah Ibrahim Kuna, led to my contemplating furthering my education. During my diploma days, I had already embarked on a professional course, Mass Communication, but some circumstances are forcing me to delve into sociology. Abu-Ubaidah’s advice struck a chord in my heart, prompting me to reconsider my choices.

Yet, life had its complexities. I was now a family man, responsible for providing for my loved ones. Pursuing my passion for Mass Communication while residing in Gombe seemed daunting. The course was unavailable nearby, and sponsorship was scarce. This predicament led me to opt for sociology. As they say, “In the absence of desirability, you make the availability your desirability.”

As fate would have it, the Direct Entry application period had elapsed, and waiting for another year was not a viable option for me. I thought of returning to Abubakar Tatari Ali Polytechnic in Bauchi, but the distance from Gombe presented its challenges. Who would sponsor my education and care for my family during this journey?

With courage and determination, I applied for HND in Mass Communication at ATAP and, to my delight, secured admission. In November 2021, I embarked on a motorcycle journey from Gombe to Bauchi State, joining my fellow students as lectures had already commenced.

As if the journey had become more challenging, I found myself in Stream B, paying registration fees every semester without a sponsor. However, divine intervention came through my elder brother, Jubril Salihu (Baban Hajiya), who provided much-needed support.

Balancing lectures and providing for my family back in Gombe was no easy feat. I travelled back almost every week, seizing every opportunity for sustenance that came my way. Skipping breakfast and even lunch became the norm, but our determination to succeed remained unshaken.

The challenges were numerous, from putting food on the table to completing assignments with limited resources. Still, we pressed on, making our presence known inside and outside the classroom as we joined the school unionism.

Our lecturers, especially Mal. Abdul Ahmad Burra singlehandedly led us to the membership of the pen profession, Mal. Nazir Abba Pali and Mal Abdul Rasheed Bala Tulu were pivotal in our journey. They nurtured us into aspiring journalists, and our articles began appearing in renowned Nigerian dailies and online media outlets. Friends like Muzaffar, Adams, Raheenert, Bello class rep, Jalam, Alpha, Aliyu, Yahya, Ibrahim, Wale, Usaina, Saeedah, Celestina, A’isha, Rinret, Anas, Baba Fema, Baba Damina and many others became our pillars of strength.

I would be remiss not to express my gratitude to my family, especially my parents, brothers and sisters, the heads of department at ATAP, my mentors, and Dr. Saidu Wanzami, who supported us during our educational journey.

In the face of adversity, we persisted. With the unwavering support of our loved ones and mentors, we overcame the obstacles on our path. Our journey to an HND in Mass Communication is a testament to the power of perseverance, determination, and the support of a strong community. As we graduate, we look back with gratitude and forward with hope, ready to embrace the challenges that lie ahead, knowing that with faith and resilience, nothing is impossible.

Usman Muhammad Salihu writes from Jos, Plateau State, Nigeria, and can be reached via muhammadu5363@gmail.com.