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By Bilyamin Abdulmumin, PhD

Whenever I am in my community, I usually go to Kebbi State College of Health Technology, Jega, for computer business services. But suddenly, this Thursday, I encountered violent rioting students, blocking the road with what usually signals tension: burning tyres. When I noticed the school gate ablaze, I realised the situation was out of hand.

Later in the evening, I learned about even more harrowing stories, as the house and vehicles of the school provost, Haruna Saidu-Sauwa, were destroyed beyond imagination. The provost was barely said to have escaped lynching. This is the part of the country where even a peaceful demonstration is culturally and morally avoided, so bringing such riots of this magnitude called for reckoning.

The students reached the breaking point when they felt utterly swindled by the school management. According to some of them who spoke with correspondent of Radio Nigeria Equity FM Birnin Kebbi, they were admitted to study various newly introduced courses for national diploma, boldly indicated by their admission letters. But, unknowing to them, they would be given certificates because their courses were not accredited. What made the matter bitter was spending two years waiting for a ship that never came and the ultimatum to meet the deadline for registration fees or miss the national exam, so through the sweat of their brows, they cough up the 65k examination fee. One student’s story paints the extent of their predicament. According to this student, his father was due for an eye operation, but because of this dateline, the operation had to be delayed.

Penultimate to the incident, the students have been giving excuses, especially by the person they channel their anger the most: the school provost. When one-on-one with him, having exhausted all possible excuses, he allegedly steered up the honest net: “We have nothing to do for you; you can do your worst if you cannot accept certificates (instead of national diplomas). 

Why the student could not settle for state certificates? According to one graduate of the school, only the national diploma gets recognition countrywide, and the state certificate is the lowest pecking order, which is looked down upon even within Kebbi State. When the first set was introduced for employment this year, they were told such certificates didn’t exist.  Thus, one student bore his frustration about this turn of events: the management just wanted, at all costs, to reduce us to roadside hawkers by giving us state certificates.

This turn of events was not all the reason behind the escalation of the matter, just the straw that broke the camel’s back. The school students’ cries have been echoed offline for a long time, and only a few courageous people have taken their cries to social media. The situation of running the school was dire; the light availability, water supply, and environmental sanitation were all allegedly pathetic—these factors, together with the latest lack of accreditation, combined to culminate into the time bomb.

This matter escalated because loyalty wins over competence. Another allegation was that the current provost of the school was chosen over Sadiq Noma, an upright, principled scholar who upholds due process. He was appointed for several days, and even a Walima (eating party) took place to celebrate his appointment. However, the appointment was suddenly terminated in favour of the current provost.

But reading about the predicament of other schools and colleges of health, especially through Dr Muhsin Ibrahim’s posts and the trove of comments that followed them, I realised that the malaise in health colleges in Nigeria is widespread. The sale of admissions has been normalised; benefits for grades are rampant, and now a new layer of irregularity has been introduced: ghost courses.

Health-related courses have the tradition of graduating self-employed students, so unarguably, the reason behind desperation to get admission in such institutions at all costs. Unfortunately, this is the weakness that the officials exploited across the country. Therefore, it is imperative for his excellency, the Kebbi State governor (and, of course, over Nigerian governors) Dr Nasir Idris, as an educationist, to arrest the situation to avoid losing the benefits that come with health-related schools: providing sought-after health staff in the state as well as serving as a source for self-employment.

Bilyamin Abdulmumin, PhD, wrote via bilal4riid13@gmail.com.

By Uzair Adam

The Awareness for Human Rights and Charity Foundation (AHRCF) has warned that Nigeria’s escalating food insecurity, hunger, and starvation are driving a surge in criminal activity.

At a press briefing in Kano on Saturday, AHRCF National Director Comrade Auwal Usman emphasized the dire consequences of the country’s deteriorating conditions.

He stated that, “The skyrocketing cost of living has left millions struggling to survive, with hunger ravaging households and pushing many into destitution.”

Usman urged Nigeria’s influential stakeholders, including former presidents Olusegun Obasanjo, Ibrahim Babangida, Yakubu Gowon, and Abdulsalami Abubakar, to intervene.

He was qouted as saying, “Their collective experience and influence can help address this crisis.

“The foundation linked the rise in banditry and insecurity to widespread poverty and hunger.

“Desperate individuals, including women, are turning to begging, prostitution, or kidnapping to survive,” Usman said.

He lamented the devastating impact on families and communities, stressing the need for immediate action.

“Stakeholders must come together to alleviate the suffering of impoverished Nigerians and safeguard our nation’s future.”

The AHRCF’s warning comes as Nigeria grapples with soaring food prices, conflict, and climate-related disasters, exacerbating hunger and malnutrition nationwide.

 By Sabiu Abdullahi 

The Centre for Information Technology and Development (CITAD) held a workshop promoting transparency and accountability in governance through technology in public project tracking. 

Held at Bauchi’s NUJ Secretariat Complex, key speakers included the Director of Planning, Ministry of Budget, Economic Planning, and Multilateral Coordination. 

CITAD launched its Office of the Citizens app, which enables citizens to track government-funded projects, monitor progress, and report discrepancies. 

In a statement it released on Thursdsy, CITAD said, “The Centre for Information Technology and Development (CITAD) successfully conducted a one day workshop aimed at promoting transparency and accountability in governance through the application of technology in public project tracking.

“The event, which took place at M.A Abdullahi Conference Hall, NUJ Secretariat Complex, Bauchi on Thursday 17/10/2024, highlighted the critical role of technology in ensuring that government projects are completed on time and within budget.

“The highlight of the program was the presentation of CITAD’s Office of the Citizens, an innovative Android mobile application designed to empower citizens by providing real-time updates on government-funded projects and enabling public oversight.

“The app allows users to track the allocation and expenditure of public funds, monitor project progress, and report any discrepancies.”

On his part, Mujahid Ibrahim, the Chief Officer of CITAD in Bauchi stated that, “Public project tracking is essential for transparency and accountability. With tools like the Office of the Citizens app, we give citizens a voice to engage governments and demand proper resource use.”

The event included hands-on training and discussions on challenges, solutions, and best practices. 

CITAD will promote the app, conduct trainings, collaborate with government bodies, establish feedback mechanisms, and foster partnerships.

By Muhammed U. Hong

Nearly six decades ago, the practice of external borrowing for many developing countries could be linked to two major International Financial Institutions (IFIs): The World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF). These institutions became the most significant source of finance for many third-world economies, particularly in Africa, where countries owe both institutions a large portion of their external debts. However, towards the end of the 1990s and the beginning of the 2000s, the IMF experienced a decline in lending activities in the region. 

The institution was becoming almost irrelevant as most countries were reluctant to borrow from it due to its policies and programs, notably the Structural Adjustment Program, which worsened economic and social conditions rather than improving them. As a result, the IMF’s reputation was severely damaged, and countries began to seek alternatives.

In the last two decades, China emerged as a major bilateral lender, gaining prominence for its infrastructure and economic development projects in African countries through three of its most prominent institutions: The China Exim Bank, China Development Bank, and China Agricultural Bank. This led to the rise of many other private sector entities that helped cater to the fiscal needs of developing countries.

Between 2013 – 2022, African countries’ total external public debt stock, as reported by the World Bank’s International Development Association (IDA), rose from US$109.63 billion in 2013 to US$223.74 billion in 2022. China disbursed loans over the same ten-year span, increasing from US$24.11 billion in 2013 to US$62.89 billion in 2022. As of March 2022, 34% of Africa’s total external debt was owed to multilateral creditors, such as the World Bank’s IDA and the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (IBRD), while 23% was linked to bilateral creditors, including China and Germany. Private creditors, like Bondholders from the United Kingdom, accounted for the remaining 43%.^[1] Only a modest portion of Africa’s total external debt stock is owed to China.

External or foreign borrowing is not inherently negative for countries, including African ones. It is widely understood that virtually no country can sufficiently fund its budget by relying solely on its yearly revenue. Thus, governments resort to public debt to fulfil fiscal obligations, especially when running a deficit or intending to spend more than their revenue. In Africa, external borrowing has served as a necessary tool to fund critical domestic infrastructure projects that aim to generate developmental and social gains.

However, the criteria for borrowing—such as the type of debt, its purpose, repayment terms, currency of repayment, and borrowing conditions—play a crucial role. One key metric that lenders assess is the Public Debt-to-GDP ratio, which indicates what a country owes in relation to what it produces and thereby reflects its ability to repay the debt. The higher the Debt-to-GDP ratio, the greater the risk of default. The World Bank established that a threshold of 64% for emerging markets (such as African countries) and 77% for developed economies is where public debt may begin to impact economic growth negatively. ^[2]

Interestingly, some of the world’s leading economies, including Japan, the United States, and the United Kingdom, have the highest public debt-to-GDP ratios—241%, 114%, and 79%, respectively—while African nations such as Cabo Verde, South Africa, and Nigeria have ratios of 117%, 47%, and 20%. ^[3] This demonstrates that African countries adhere more strictly to their public debt-to-GDP limits than their Western counterparts. Nonetheless, high public debt does not necessarily indicate weak economies, as some countries can rely on other sources of revenue to offset their liabilities.

So, why does Africa find China more attractive as a lender than IFIs? The World Bank and IMF initially offered loans with favourable terms to African countries in need but came with high interest rates and stringent conditions. African governments were often required to implement reforms designed by these institutions, and the loans were subject to strict environmental, social, and governance standards. Not all African countries were willing or able to comply with these requirements, which diminished their appetite for loans from IFIs and increased their interest in China’s concessional loans, which had fewer conditions. Their “no strings attached” model made Chinese loans more accessible and did not require adherence to governance or environmental standards while offering prospects for debt moratoriums.

For example, new data shows that China’s total lending to Zambia stands at $5.05 billion, equivalent to 30% of Zambia’s external debt. About 80% of China’s loans come from low-interest, concessional finance from China’s development banks, like the China Exim Bank, with the remaining $948 million held by commercial entities such as ICBC and Huawei.^[4]  However, there are widespread reports of opacity in Chinese lending practices. African governments have been largely silent about whether loans are used for capital or recurrent expenditures, which makes it difficult for citizens to determine the health of their countries’ debt paths.

This lack of transparency raises concerns about inflated project costs, kickbacks, or the financing of white elephant projects ahead of crucial elections. The China-Africa Research Initiative (CARI), a Washington-based team of independent researchers, is one of the few reliable sources for data on Chinese loans, as it gathers information from loan contracts, interviews, and its global network.

Why do some believe Chinese loans are different from IFI loans and are designed to trap low-income countries into surrendering their natural resources? 

Public-private partnership (PPP) arrangements and the Build-Operate-Transfer (BOT) model, in which Chinese firms manage projects without fully taking over, have been common in Chinese contracts. However, African countries have begun to default on their loan commitments, leading China to adopt the more controversial resource-backed lending model. This model has been used in Africa as a fundamental way to finance many economic and social infrastructure projects like railways, telecoms, mining, construction, power, etc. 

The principle behind the resource-backed lending or resource-financed infrastructure (RFI) model, as they call it, is to allow the borrower country to commit its future revenues derived from the sale of its natural resources to pay for loans provided by the Chinese creditors. Under the RFI model, Chinese lenders have financed an average of 71 projects per year in Africa, at an average value of US$ 180 million since 2010. Between 2000 and 2019, only 26 per cent of Chinese lending in Africa has been tied to the future revenue from natural resources, with Angola taking a sizeable portion of 18 per cent alone. The remaining 8 per cent is evident in loan commitments of US$ 500 million made to Nigeria for its Abuja light rail project in 2012 and 2011 to finance new phases of its airport projects and the Lekki Port’s Free Trade Zone. Others have been used for the US$ 475 million loan in 2011 for the Addis-Ababa light rail project, and in Egypt, for a US$ 1.2 billion loan for their light rail projects.^[5] The primary risk of the RFI model is that commodity prices are volatile, which could undermine debt sustainability. 

According to CARI, in 2019, Chinese borrowings to African governments began classifying the countries that were perceived as ‘less risky’ due to concerns about debt sustainability. This is because most countries borrowing heavily from China have been identified to have histories of IMF bailouts, making new such borrowings from China unsustainable. CARI examined the situation in 17 African countries that are either in debt distress or at high risk of debt distress due to the high lending volume, which has forced China to address the issue of debt sustainability. 

Countries like Ethiopia, Mozambique, the Democratic Republic of Congo and Djibouti were all denied fresh loans in 2019. Others like Kenya, Cameroon and Zambia were given relatively small loans. Angola, the continent’s largest borrower of Chinese loans, with an average of US$ 4 billion per year between 2010 – 2018, experienced a decline to about US$106 million in 2019. This is despite securitising Angola’s future revenue from its oil exports. Nigeria, which surpasses as the continent’s largest crude oil exporter with a history of debt sustainability since 2000, had only been granted a loan commitment of around US$500 million. ^[6]

The issue of debt sustainability gained further attention during the COVID-19 pandemic, leading to widespread calls for debt relief. China responded by offering debt relief packages (debt cancellation) and an (undisclosed) deferment of interest payments due to the pandemic. In 2020, China joined the G20 to create the Debt Service Suspension Initiative (DSSI) framework to alleviate the economic suffering imposed by the Coronavirus pandemic on African countries. By the following year, China was reported to have suspended debt worth over US$1.3 billion for 23 countries, out of which 16 are African countries.^[7] In a similar vein to tackling the Coronavirus pandemic, the IMF was also reported to have approved $500 million to cancel six months of debt payments for 25 countries, with 19 of them in Africa – which is almost one-third of what China had been able to offer to African governments.^[8]

According to Jubilee Debt Campaign UK, now referred to as Debt Justice, a UK campaign organisation to end exploitation of debt by more affluent countries, China remains the largest suspender of debt with a whopping $5.7 billion in debt repayment). ^[9] The China Development Bank – which is a major lender to African countries – had also since 2021 provided US$1.168 billion in debt relief to these countries as a way of cushioning the impact of the pandemic.^[10]

What makes China engage in “debt-trap diplomacy” with its African borrowers? — An allegation that Chinese firms intentionally lend to financially irresponsible governments that will be unable to repay loans to take possession of assets.

Many unsubstantiated claims about the Chinese takeover of major state assets in developing countries exist. The most cited case for reference is the Hambantota port in Sri Lanka. The Sri Lankan government secured 2007 finance from China’s Export-Import (EXIM) Bank to develop the port. In 2015, however, Sri Lanka had to arrange a bailout from the IMF even though the Chinese loans only accounted for some 10% of the debt. The government sought to raise cash by privatising state-owned assets, including a significant stake in Hambantota port. Then, a Chinese company got wind of it and successfully bided and bought 70% of the shares. The Sri Lankan government used the proceeds to pay for Chinese loans and other debt services. ^[11] However, no definitive evidence suggests a similar practice is prevalent in Africa.^[12]

Ultimately, it is hard to think that Chinese loans to Africa are meant to inextricably trap them for their rich oil and other natural resources. Over the past decades, Africa’s growing need for infrastructure has led China to fill the void created by Western financial institutions, offering easier access to capital with fewer stipulations. 

Although the African continent has managed its debt well, there are still significant risks and challenges associated with Chinese loans, particularly in governance and transparency. It is also true that China’s approach to lending has evolved from being more lenient to becoming more cautious, especially in response to concerns about debt sustainability. This is why it tries to mitigate the risk of defaulting by primarily resorting to the resource-backed financing model, and this has only been linked to a meagre percentage of all its loan commitments to the continent– with the exception of Angola. While resource-backed lending seems pragmatic, it is not necessarily predatory or equate to an intent to exploit or trap countries, especially given China’s history of debt relief. China’s participation in debt relief efforts is consistent with its broader strategy of maintaining long-term relationships with African countries rather than exploiting them.

Africa must halt the practice of raising money at the Eurobond markets—where a range of investors trade bonds—because these bonds come at steep commercial rates and are subject to the dictates of the international financial markets. African countries must also be discouraged from seeking bailouts from financial institutions like the IMF and World Bank to offset existing loans, which excessively pile up debts that lead to unsustainable liabilities. 

African governments must ensure prudent financial management while refraining from depleting their foreign currency reserves to pay high interest on those loans. The utilisation of these loans for their intended purposes, whether in infrastructure, social or economic, is crucial for Africa to foster sustainable development, bolster its revenue growth, and improve the quality of life for its citizens. Loans that yield commensurate economic benefits.

Muhammed U. Kong wrote via muhammedu.hong@gmail.com.

By Sumayyah Auwal Ishaq

The Nigerian Army has reacted to the absence of the Chief of Army Staff, Lt. Gen. Taoreed Lagbaja and dismissed claims of a leadership vacuum in the NA at present.

It said such claims are mere speculation, as all routine and scheduled activities of the service are on course.

The Amry therefore assured the general public that the absence of the COAS has not created any leadership vacuum within the service.

In a statement released on Saturday by the Director of Army Public Relations, Maj. Gen. Onyema Nwachukwu, he explained that Lagbaja is on official leave, and necessary protocols have been put in place for the Chief of Policy and Plans (Army), Major General Abdulsalami Ibrahim, to act on behalf of the COAS during his absence.

“There have even been insinuations that there is a leadership vacuum, with officers confused about what to do. Nothing could be further from the truth. To be very clear, the Nigerian Army is a highly structured establishment with well-laid-out procedures and processes for dealing with different circumstances.

“Before proceeding on leave, necessary protocols were put in place for the Chief of Policy and Plans (Army), Major General Abdulsalami Bagudu Ibrahim, to act on behalf of the COAS while he was away.

“This is not peculiar to the NA, as there have been instances where unforeseen human frailty kept service chiefs away for about three months, and their Chiefs of Policy and Plans held sway in their absence.”

The statement further clarified that the COAS’s absence has not stalled promotions for officers.

It added that the results of the Captain-to-Major promotion exam had been released following the approval of the Chief of Policy and Plans.

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini 

The Chairman of the Northern States Governors’ Forum (NSGF) and Governor of Gombe State, Muhammadu Inuwa Yahaya, CON, has led a delegation of Northern Governors to Jigawa State to express sympathy over the devastating petrol tanker explosion that claimed over 150 lives and left many injured. 

During the visit, Governor Inuwa Yahaya announced that each Northern Governor is donating N50 million to support the victims, their families, and survivors.  

He noted that the collective contribution is to help alleviate the suffering caused by the incident and assist the Jigawa State Government in managing the aftermath of the tragedy. 

“This tragedy affects us all. We therefore must support the Government and people of Jigawa State through these difficult times to help rebuild lives and overcome this challenge,” Governor Inuwa Yahaya stated. 

Describing the explosion as one of the most tragic incidents in recent memory, Governor Inuwa Yahaya underscored the shared responsibility of the Northern Governors to stand in solidarity with Jigawa.  

He expressed particular sorrow over the loss of young lives, acknowledging that many of the victims had the potential to contribute meaningfully to leadership and nation-building. 

“The loss is not just for Jigawa but for the entire region and the nation. It is painful to lose promising talents with bright futures,” the governor remarked. 

Governor Inuwa Yahaya urged the people of Jigawa to remain strong, steadfast and united during this challenging period, and place their trust in the Almighty’s will.  

He also prayed for the peaceful repose of the souls of the deceased and strength for their families to bear the immense loss. In his response, Governor Umar Namadi of Jigawa State expressed profound gratitude to the Northern Governors for their solidarity and generous support. 

“We deeply appreciate the visit and the generous contributions from the Northern Governors led by His Excellency, Governor Muhammadu Inuwa Yahaya.

Your compassion and solidarity during this tragic moment provide us with strength and hope,” Governor Namadi said. 

He further noted that the financial assistance would play a vital role in providing relief to the survivors and families of the victims.  

“This support will significantly aid our efforts in easing the burden on the affected families. We are grateful for your prayers and words of encouragement, and we remain committed to helping our people recover from this painful loss,” he added.

By Uzair Adam

The Transmission Company of Nigeria (TCN) has addressed reports of a national grid breakdown on Saturday, describing the incident as a “temporary grid disturbance.”

The grid collapse, which occurred early Saturday morning, marks the third disruption this week, leaving many states in a total blackout.

According to data from the Nigerian System Operator’s portal (niggrid.org), the grid recorded zero Megawatts (MW) as of 8:16 a.m. on Saturday, with all 22 generation companies (GenCos) down.

This latest incident is the eighth grid disturbance recorded in 2024.TCN’s General Manager, Public Affairs, Ndidi Mbah, confirmed that power has since been restored, explaining that the disturbance was triggered by an explosion in the bus section of a current transformer at the 330kV Jebba Transmission Substation.

“The protection system responded immediately, opening the busbars to prevent further damage and the outbreak of fire,” Mbah said.

Engineers at the Jebba station were able to isolate the faulty transformer and reconfigure the busbar arrangement, restoring power to the station and other parts of the grid.

By Uzair Adam

Jigawa State Governor Malam Umar A. Namadi has ordered the immediate suspension of Auwalu Danladi Sankara, Commissioner for Special Duties, following serious allegations raised by the Kano State Hisbah Board.

The suspension, announced in a statement signed by Malam Bala Ibrahim, Secretary to the Government of Jigawa State, is intended to allow a thorough investigation into the matter.

Sankara is accused of engaging in an illicit relationship with a married woman, among other offenses.

The Kano Hisbah Board confirmed the arrest of Sankara on Friday after tracking his activities.

According to the board’s Director General, Dr. Abba Sufi, Sankara was caught in an uncompleted building with a married woman, following complaints from her husband’s younger brother.

“We have arrested Auwalu Danladi Sankara, the Jigawa Commissioner, with a married woman in an uncompleted building,” Dr. Sufi told reporters, adding that the arrest was part of a broader investigation into Sankara’s alleged immoral behavior.

The woman’s husband, Nasiru Bulama, had filed a formal complaint with the Kano Police, Department of State Services, and Hisbah Board, accusing the commissioner of having an affair with his wife, Tasleem Baba Nabegu, the mother of his two children.

In addition to the adultery accusations, Sankara is reportedly facing charges for allegedly operating illicit drug centers under names like Picklock and 360.

The Jigawa State Government emphasized that the suspension is a precautionary step to ensure transparency and integrity in the state’s administration, with Governor Namadi committed to upholding accountability in governance.

“The suspension is a precautionary measure intended to facilitate a fair investigation,” said Bala Ibrahim, underscoring the government’s dedication to ethical standards and its responsibility to the people of Jigawa.

By Sumayyah Auwal Usman

The late arrival of materials marred Saturday’s local government election in Kaduna State. Voters were seen stranded at various polling units across the metropolis and its environs.

The Daily Reality correspondent, who visited some polling units at Kawo, Unguwar Kanawa, Badarawa, Hayin Bakin, Kabala, Barnawa, Tudun Wada, and Badikko, among others, noted that the election materials had not been received as of 3:00 p.m.

However, a few voters were still seen at the collection centers awaiting the distribution of election materials. A voter at the Kawo polling unit, known as Dauda, told The Daily Reality that several people who came out to cast their votes left when the materials did not arrive on time.

At the time our correspondent left the metropolis around 3:38 p.m., only a few voters were still awaiting the arrival of election materials.

By Hassan Idris

Honestly, I’m tired of Wadata Community, Makurdi. I have spoken out and written several articles and been published in various newspapers, yet things continue to worsen. The incessant killings in the name of cultism are exhausting and appalling. Every day, we wake up to the sound of continuous heavy gunshots. And with each shot comes injury or death.

Some weeks ago, there were serious gunshots at night. I had to close my gate tightly and hide inside my room. Not less than ten bullets were fired into the sky. Last night, I was startled awake by gunfire in our Wadata Community again. Sadly, these disturbances aren’t uncommon, so I tried to go back to sleep despite feeling uneasy.

This morning, as I rushed to the Islamiyya where I teach, eager to start the day with my students, I saw people around the area. I was told that the gunshots I heard last night killed Nurah and injured another young man. Bullets had pierced through Nurah’s neck while he was having tea and bread at a Mai Shayi joint. Nurah was rushed to the hospital but died instantly, while the other young man, who was shot in the leg, is still receiving treatment.

This is a stark reminder of the grip cultism has on our community. Like many others, this young man paid the ultimate price due to our collective negligence—parents, society, and the government alike. As I stood there this morning, I couldn’t help but imagine the pain and fear he must have felt in his last moments.

Cultism in the Wadata Community, Makurdi, is a tragic cycle of violence that has claimed too many young lives, leaving families devastated and dreams shattered. It’s tempting to blame parents, society, or the government, but the reality is more complex. Cultism thrives in neglected and indifferent communities, preying on vulnerable young people. It’s a symptom of deeper issues—a lack of opportunities, guidance, and protection for our children.

As I stood before my students, unable to find the words to teach, I felt a deep sense of urgency. We can’t keep losing our young people to cultism. It’s up to all of us—parents, teachers, leaders, and policymakers—to come together and tackle this problem head-on.

May we find the wisdom and courage to act decisively, to protect our children’s future, and to heal the wounds caused by senseless violence. Only then can we restore the promise and potential lost to the darkness of cultism.

Hassan Idris wrote via idrishassan035@gmail.com.