Rivers State

By Muhammad Abubakar

NDLEA operatives have seized illicit opioids worth ₦9.3 billion during a joint inspection at the Port Harcourt Ports Complex, Onne, Rivers State.

Between May 28 and 30, seven flagged containers were searched, yielding 825,200 bottles of codeine-based syrup and trodol (valued at ₦5.77 billion), and 5.1 million tapentadol tablets (valued at ₦3.57 billion).

In Kano, NDLEA officers intercepted two men—Abubakar Hussein, 42, and Sahabi Adamu, 53—on May 30 with $900,000 in suspected counterfeit currency along the Kano-Maiduguri road.

Meanwhile, NDLEA’s War Against Drug Abuse (WADA) continued with sensitisation programs across secondary schools in Katsina, Enugu, Anambra, Kano, and Cross River.

NDLEA Chairman, Brig. Gen. Mohamed Buba Marwa (Rtd) praised officers for reducing the drug supply and promoting public awareness nationwide.

By Blaise Emeka Okpara

If recent events in Nigeria’s body politic are anything to go by, then one would be right to conclude that our democracy is headed for the rocks. At no time in our nation’s history has such a calamity of monumental proportions befallen us! What is worse, we are witnessing for the first time an unholy alliance between the three arms of government. What this portends is that the people, who should be the primary concern of governance, are now being relegated to the background.

There is great danger, and from the look of things, it might not get better anytime soon. The current reality in Nigeria, where both the legislature and judiciary have collapsed their structures into that of the executive, has created an atmosphere of distrust and hopelessness among Nigerians. There is a disconnect between the government and the people. This dichotomy exists due to the nonchalance associated with the current crop of political leaders.

Of great concern is the recent declaration of a state of emergency in Rivers State, which saw the suspension of a duly elected governor and the appointment of a sole administrator. While it is undeniable that the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, in Section 305, bestows upon the President the power to declare a state of emergency, it does not grant him the power to remove an elected governor. 

More disheartening was the speedy ratification by the Senate through a voice vote. How, on earth, did the Senate determine a two-thirds majority through a voice vote? These and many other questions continue to bug the discerning.

As if that were not enough, the Attorney General of the federation and Minister of Justice, Lateef Fagbemi SAN, was vociferous  in his outburst, threatening that the President would not hesitate to declare more states of emergency in any state if it becomes necessary. In a democracy! Such unguarded utterances should not be encouraged because they go against the principles of democracy. 

Moreover, from all indications,it seems that the days of healthy debates in the national assembly are gone. Today, Nigeria has a  national assembly that functions as an extension of the executive. One wonders what might become of our democracy if President Ahmed Tinubu decides  to prolong his stay in office beyond the constitutionally required terms. With the antecedents of this current national assembly, one might conclude that it is a done deal. 

Sadly, the judiciary is not exempt. At a time when Nigerians look to the judiciary as the bastion of democracy, the institution has been so undermined that it no longer inspires confidence among the populace. Brazen disregard for justice, driven by monetary inducement, has become the norm. This is even more evident in the audacity with which Nigerian politicians now instruct aggrieved individuals to go to court. 

Outcomes of judicial processes can easily be predicted by simply observing those involved. When a nation has a judiciary that takes orders from the executives, where then lies the hope for the common man? One can only find judges hobnobbing with politicians in a compromised judiciary.  

The return to constitutional democracy was met with great expectations and optimism from Nigerians after years of military rule. However, more than two decades later, it seems Nigeria is gradually drifting towards a darker era where only a privileged few individuals manage the affairs with little or no regard for the people.

There is a pervasive feeling of helplessness among Nigerians that those in positions of authority can do and get away with anything. As scary and unsavory as this may sound, it is the truth, given recent occurrences. It reeks of a lack of empathy for a President to declare the removal of the subsidy on the day of his inauguration without considering the impact on the people. To this day, Nigerians are still reeling from the effects of that hasty decision. Needless to say,millions of Nigerians were plunged into poverty as a result. 

Unlike in 2013, when the then-President removed the fuel subsidy and Nigerians had the freedom and courage to take to the streets, the reverse is now true. In fact, during the last “Hunger protest,” most protesters were teargassed by the police, and some were arrested. The criminalization of protests in Nigeria by the current administration has instilled fear among citizens. When citizens are frightened by the government of the day, it’s not a democracy.

The usual refrain by the police that protests would be hijacked is purely a calculated attempt to suppress dissenting voices. This confrontational approach to peaceful protesters is undemocratic because it contradicts citizens’ rights to freedom of expression as enshrined in section 39 of the 1999 constitution (as amended). If citizens’ rights to protest are being trampled upon, then it is correct to conclude that we are gradually sliding back to the despotic years of the military, where speaking truth to power was considered an act of bravery. 

Conclusively, most of those in positions of authority today, like the sitting President, often wax lyrical about their heroics during the NADECO days of the military. President Tinubu was among the major organizers of the “occupy Nigeria” protests, which saw his party, the All Progressive Congress(APC), come to power. If protest was fashionable then,why is it not now? 

Democracy thrives on fundamental principles such as the separation of powers among the three branches of government to ensure checks and balances, fundamental human rights, the rule of law, popular participation, and, most importantly, legitimacy. 

Only the people can bestow this legitimacy through periodic elections. When these core principles are abused,democracy is in danger. Political office holders need to engage in introspection to curtail their high-handedness and save our democracy from imminent collapse. To be forewarned is to be forearmed.

Blaise Emeka Okpara writes from Abuja and can be reached at: emyokparaoo1@gmail.com.

By Anwar Usman 

The Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Nyesom Wike, hosted suspended Rivers state house of assembly lawmakers in the United Kingdom on Monday.

The Senior Special Assistant to the Minister on Public Communications and Social Media, Lere Olayinka, posted on X.com on Tuesday that the lawmakers, who are in the UK for “legislative capacity building,” were hosted to a dinner by the minister.

He stated that “Yesterday, the FCT Minister, Nyesom Wike, hosted Rivers State House of Assembly members who are in the United Kingdom for Legislative Capacity Building, to a dinner.

Reports have it that on Sunday, the suspended Rivers lawmakers, led by the Speaker, Martins Amaewhule, departed Nigeria for a tour in the United Kingdom.

Amaewhule was said to have declared open the 10th Rivers Assembly Legislative Tour of the United Kingdom on Friday.

He emphasized that the legislative tour would allow the House to learn new things outside Nigeria, which would improve members’ capacity for the tasks ahead.

On March 18th, President Bola Tinubu declared a state of emergency in Rivers State and suspended Governor Siminalayi Fubara, Deputy Governor Prof Ngozi Odu, and members of the state House of Assembly.

By Zayyad I. Muhammad

I strongly disapprove of Governor Siminalayi Fubara’s betrayal of his political godfather. Fubara entered the political arena without established structures, financial resources, or widespread recognition; he was relatively unknown. 

Former Governor Nyesom Wike provided him with the platform, support, and influence that ultimately led to his rise as governor. Yet, despite this, Fubara has turned against the very person who paved the way for his political ascent. 

Both sides should share the blame for not shifting grounds. The declaration of a state of emergency in Rivers State came at a critical time to address rising insecurity and unrest that threatened to spiral out of control. Left unchecked, the situation could have led to a resurgence of militancy and severely disrupted oil exploration activities, which are vital to both the state and national economy. 

Beyond the economic implications, the deteriorating security situation also risks derailing governance and has somehow ‘assisted’ Governor Fubara in escaping impeachment. President Tinubu may justify his decision—he has access to security intelligence and reports that the general public does not.

However, although addressing security concerns is essential, suspending an elected governor and members of the state assembly is not only unconstitutional but also sets a dangerous precedent for Nigeria’s democracy. This issue goes beyond the 2027 elections; it strikes at the heart of democratic governance and the principle of electoral legitimacy. 

Our democracy has matured to a point where a sitting governor can be removed only through due process, as outlined in Section 188 of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (as amended). If we are not careful, one day—God forbid—a president or his allies could create chaos in a state simply to justify declaring a state of emergency and unseating an elected governor for political gain. Such actions would undermine democracy and erode public trust in the electoral process. They pose a danger to our future. 

The Rivers state or any political conflicts should be resolved within the framework of the law, not through forceful interventions that threaten democratic stability.

The key actors in Rivers State must set aside their personal and political grievances to prioritize reconciliation. Prolonged instability is unacceptable, as it harms the people, governance, and economic progress. A peaceful resolution is the only path forward.

An elected Governor’s mandate is sacrosanct and must be respected. He is the top citizen in the subnational.

 Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja via zaymohd@yahoo.com.

By Uzair Adam

Operatives of the Rivers State Police Command have rescued four children from an alleged child trafficking ring and arrested two suspects linked to the crime.

The children, aged between one and thirteen, were reportedly found at Alaeze Guest House in the Rumukwachi community of Obio/Akpor Local Government Area, where they were allegedly being held before being handed over to a nurse identified as Loveth, who runs a maternity home.

Grace Iringe-Koko, the Public Relations Officer of the command, stated that the hotel manager played a key role in uncovering the situation.

“The Managing Director of the Guest House became suspicious of the activities of one Esther Anthony, who attempted to check out with the children. He insisted that she provide proof of being their mother,” Iringe-Koko explained.

In response, Anthony left the premises and returned with police officers, accusing the manager of abducting the children and threatening her with a firearm.

However, the manager contacted the Choba Area Command, leading to Anthony’s arrest.

Further investigations revealed that Anthony had conspired with another suspect, identified as Favour, to traffic the children from Swali community in Bayelsa State.

Another accomplice, Purity Silas, was also apprehended in connection with the case.

In a startling development, a family in the Rumuodara area of Port Harcourt identified Anthony as the person who had previously stolen three of their children and sold them to Loveth.

The suspects have reportedly confessed to the crime and are now in police custody, with the case transferred to the State Criminal Investigation Department (CID) in Port Harcourt for further investigation.

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

The Court of Appeal in Abuja has nullified the judgment of the Federal High Court concerning the Rivers State local government elections.

The Appeal Court ruled that the Federal High Court lacked the jurisdiction to entertain the suit filed by the All Progressives Congress (APC), which was the first respondent in the case.

Consequently, all orders and decisions made by the Federal High Court regarding the matter have been set aside.

This decision reaffirms the validity of the Rivers State local government election and overturns the earlier ruling that sought to challenge it.

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

Former Super Eagles coach Finidi George will return to the NPFL with Rivers United.

Reports say Finidi met with Rivers State Governor Siminalayi Fubara on Tuesday to discuss his impending appointment, and he will shortly be presented as the head coach of the Port Harcourt outfit.

Long-serving coach Stanley Eguma was fired during the past season, and Evans Ogenyi led the team for the remainder of the campaign.

Former Ajax winger Finidi led Enyimba to win the NPFL championship the previous season before he was appointed Super Eagles coach in May.

He quit his Super Eagles post after the NFF appointed a foreign coach to be his boss following a 1-1 home draw with South Africa and a shock loss to Benin in the 2026 World Cup qualifiers.

By Sabiu Abdullahi

The Rivers State House of Assembly finds itself mired in an ongoing crisis as law enforcement once again took control of the assembly complex on Tuesday.

Tensions escalated as members aligned with rival factions reportedly conducted separate sessions at different locations. 

A notable security buildup included the presence of four police patrol vans at the assembly’s entrance, coupled with restricted movement along the Moscow Road Axis.

An Armoured Personnel Carrier patrolled the area, accompanied by armed operatives strategically positioned.

The specific reasons prompting this surge in security measures remain undisclosed. 

Reports indicate that on Tuesday, House Speaker Martin Amaewhule led a gathering of 25 lawmakers who deliberated on the suspension of the strike by the Parliamentary Staff Association of Nigeria.

Additionally, they called on State Commissioner for Police, Olatunji Disu, to launch an investigation into the recent explosion that ravaged the Assembly, causing significant damage. 

In a parallel development, lawmakers aligned with Speaker Edison Ehie expressed staunch support for Governor Siminalayi Fubara during their session on Tuesday.

A resolution passed during this meeting commended the governor for his developmental initiatives and security measures aimed at preserving peace in the state. 

Speaker Ehie, represented by Legislative Aide Ken Uchendu in an official statement, lauded the governor’s visionary leadership and pledged ongoing support for his consolidation and continuity agenda.

This faction vehemently condemned the recent attack on Ehie’s residence and the arson that engulfed the House of Assembly, urging the governor to expedite rehabilitation efforts. 

Furthermore, lawmakers from this faction urged the Inspector General of Police and other pertinent security agencies to conduct a comprehensive investigation into the attacks, emphasising the importance of swiftly bringing the perpetrators to justice.

By Muhammadu Sabiu

Four brothels along Azikiwe Street, Mile 2 Diobu in Port Harcourt Local Government Area of Rivers State have been ordered to be sealed down by a Federal High Court in Port Harcourt.

After the federal government sued Cool Breeze Hotel and Royale Hotel, who were named as defendants, the court issued the order.

In order to execute the court order, the National Agency for the Prohibition of Trafficking in Persons was in Azikiwe Street on Friday with assistance from the Nigeria Security and Civil Defense Corps and court representatives.

Before the brothels were sealed off, their residents were evicted.

While granting an ex parte application from NAPTIP, the court also ordered that the brothels stay closed for 30 days while NAPTIP’s investigation is still ongoing.

The case was postponed until December 5, 2022, to allow for the investigative report.

On October 29, 2022, a team from the Nigerian Navy, NSCDC, and NAPTIP raided the Cool Breeze and Royale brothels. During the raid, some girls were rescued, including young girls who had been “forced” into prostitution. Suspected traffickers were also detained.

Nwamaka Ikediashi, the NAPTIP Commander in Rivers State, promised that after the investigation was finished, the accused would be brought before a judge.

By Tordue Simon Targema

Secondly, there is the notion of power shift to the South which is shared even among Southern politicians that are not positively disposed to Wike. Indeed, all political stakeholders in the party are unanimous in their conviction that power should shift to the South, as President Muhammadu Buhari is completing a second term, an uninterrupted eight-years Northern presidency come 2023.

This conviction has earned what many in the South would have ordinarily termed ‘Wike’s unnecessary self-centred nagging and ranting’ some form of legitimacy, giving him strong strength to bargain on the negotiation table. Worthy of note is the fact that even though Atiku dreads this negotiation table like a house infested with leprosy, he has no option than to face it, and fillers from the discussions so far indicate that the standard bearer is not finding it funny yielding to the demands of his ego-centric demigod of a rival.

What are the Issues on the Negotiation Table By-the-Way? Fillers from the negotiation table indicate that Wike clearly wants to show Atiku that he is not a force to relegate in the opposition party that he strive hard to sustain from 2015 to date when most party big-wigs including Atiku deserted it for the APC and other political formations. From what is in the public domain so far, few things stand out from Wike’s litany demands.

First and foremost, Atiku must do just one term and return the presidency to the South by the next election season, i.e. 2027. Secondly, Ayu must resign as the National Chairman of the PDP and a new chairperson for the party should emerge from the South West to balance the power structure in the party. Thirdly, Wike will install key ministers in Atiku’s cabinet, etc.

Of course, these are not by any means, too difficult conditions to meet if the standard bearer is determined to unite his house and put forth a formidable campaign team to challenge the ruling APC and other emerging opposition parties. After all, politics is all about concessions.

Already, His Excellency Atiku Abubakar has made his intention to run for just a single term known to the general public, even as such promises hardly hold water in politics if previous experiences in the country’s political landscape are worthy to go by. This is the more reason why Wike requires a concrete commitment to that effect, not just a promissory note that would likely bounce in the bank of equity when the time to cash it is due.

The third condition too is not too difficult to meet, considering that Wike is considered a big name in the party in his zone and likely to pull substantial votes for Atiku in the South. Lest we forget that the ‘Obi-dient’ movement and Tinubu’s effect are critical factors that would collapse whatever structure Atiku has in the South but for the support of strong party pillars in the region like Wike.

Indeed, Atiku needs a formidable team in the South, and no amount of concessions in terms of political appointments will be too big to woo the right people on board, his campaign train. Perhaps, the biggest hurdle right at the moment is for Ayu to accept to resign. As at the last minute, the third-republican political juggernaut is still holding unto his mandate, solidly. In fact, with an air of confidence like one who is firmly in charge, he describes those calling for his resignation from the party’s top seat as ‘small children’ who should not be taken seriously.

Indeed, this boast followed a vote of confidence passed on him by members of the party’s National Working Committee in Abuja, recently which Wike simply dismissed as the same path that Ayu’s predecessor, Prince Uche Secondus followed in his inglorious exit from the party’s top seat. Indeed, all indications point to Ayu’s eventual resignation in no distant time. It is in line with this expectation which seems the only sure path for a likely truce that the Board of Trustees Chairman of the party, Senator Walid Jibrin resigned his position in Abuja recently as a move towards uniting the party.

At the moment, calls for Ayu’s exit have reached advanced stage as all is set for formal commencement of campaigns later in the month. In a South-West stakeholders meeting of the party at Ibadan, Governor Seyi Makinde, one of the key members of the Wike’s camp reiterated their position that Ayu must go.

Makinde described the need to reshuffle leadership positions in the party as the party’s demonstration of commitment towards restructuring which has been its mantra since 2019; although Atiku dismissed this premise and maintained that even if Ayu resigns, a northerner is constitutionally most likely to take over as the party’s henchman given the provision of the party’s constitution.

A power shift in the party, Atiku explained, is only possible in the event of a constitutional review of the party’s constitution which is not likely in the current circumstances. In the meantime, Ayu jets off to Europe on vacation.

Meanwhile, several questions bug the curious mind as follows: is this trip a tactical move to pave the way for peaceful transition in absentia? Is Ayu working on his transition notes to hand over to a new party chairman upon return from vacation in line with the demands of Wike’s camp?

Is His Excellency Atiku Abubakar willing to sacrifice Ayu and broker a truce with Wike, or he is ready to call off Wike’s bluff and dare the consequences? By-the-way, does he has adequate time right at the moment to fully contemplate his options before formal commencement of campaigns later in the month?

The composition of the campaign team with Wike’s camp relegated to the background is a pointer to this line of thought. But if previous experience is anything to go by, then His Excellency Atiku Abubakar is threading on a treacherous ground.

Recall the revolution in the PDP that led to the emergence of the new-PDP which eventually joined forces with the APC in 2014, thereby forming a formidable opposition party that sent the PDP to the debris in 2015 general elections. Apparently, this history is about to repeat itself with the Wike’s puzzle. Coincidently, Just like2015, the current travail of the party starts from Rivers State.

One is, thus, curious to pose: is history repeating itself in the PDP camp? Can the Wike factor cost Atiku the price that former President Goodluck Jonathan paid in 2015 for ignoring Governor Chibuike Rotimi Amaechi? Wike’s puzzle is certainly a hard one for Atiku to crack, and until he is able to crack it successfully, it remains a clog in the wheel of what seems his final shot at Nigeria’s top job.

How best he cracks this puzzle and steers the party to victory remains to be seen, as other political movements are restlessly cashing into the crack in the party to consolidate their holds on the South-South zone which, hitherto, was PDP’s stronghold.

Tordue Simon Targema writes from the Department of Journalism and Media Studies, Taraba State University, Jalingo. Email: torduesimon@gmail.com