Northern Nigeria

By Ahmad Shehu, PhD.

In recent years, Nigeria, particularly the northern part of the country, has gone through a series of debilitating crises that have become existential threats to the region and the entire country and even the West African sub-region to some extent. The Boko Haram insurgency in the northeast, the herder/farmer crises in the north-central, the kidnapping and banditry in the northwest, the ethnic clashes in the middle-belt have all spilt over across other regions of the country, causing chaos, social instability and economic devastation.

Governments at all levels have tried hard to contain these menaces through conflicting policies, strategies and approaches. But, evidently, none of these has succeeded, yet, as these crises grow and engulf more Nigerian lives and properties daily. With the troubles raging, the regional economic and social fabrics go down the slope. Farmers have abandoned their farmlands; herders are on the run, business people are on a massive exodus to urban centres. Schools, hospitals, and other social services are no longer obtainable in many places across the region. These are serious but not insurmountable challenges.

Despite its effects on livelihoods, physical destruction can easily be reversed in a relatively short period. The political history around the world teaches us this basic fact, with Germany, Poland, Russia and even Rwanda as cases in point. Left in rumbles decades ago, these countries provide development models for the world to follow today.

On the contrary, a society whose social fabrics are destroyed is more difficult to rebuild, for a nation grows in and flourishes from the minds of its citizens – their beliefs, dispositions, attitudes, education, etc. Sadly, the proud, significant historical antecedents of northern Nigeria are maliciously challenged on all fronts, with destructive narratives, or what my friend Dr Samaila Yandaki calls “falsification of history” being pushed against the people, culture and sociopolitical freedom of the region. This, as far as statecraft is concerned, is more dangerous to the corporate existence of the area and indeed Nigeria in the long run than the physical challenges we are currently battling. Here is why.  

For many decades, northern Nigeria and its people have endured a consistent assault on their historiography, heritage and sociopolitical status. At the expense of sounding conspiratorial, I believe it is safe to state that the constant ethnic and regional profiling of the North and its people is a deliberate, well-planned assault aimed at breaking the very social fabric that held people together. The orchestrators fully understand the natural advantages and disadvantages of the region at equal proportions.

In today’s Nigeria, the North has been stereotyped in the most dangerous way. In the Nigerian sociopolitical scheme, northern leaders have been systematically stigmatised, with all the evils and ills of the country being falsely but persistently attributed to the failures of the North, even though history proves to the contrary. Some people propagate this antagonism without equal acknowledgement of the good tidings, sacrifices, patriotism and contributions of northern leaders and northerners in the Nigerian project. The bitter, unbiased truth is that the problems and prospects of the Nigerian state are Nigerian, with all regions, ethnicities and religious identities contribute their fair share in making or marring the country.

Similarly, the Nigerian media has worked hard to regionalise or ethnicise all kinds of human criminalities against the North. The media ascribe all sorts of criminal acts to northern folks or, precisely, Fulani, without recourse to the dangers these kinds of ethnic and regional profiling pose to the ordinary northerner. Conversely, criminal gangs, armed robbers in all southern states, notorious kidnappers, internet fraudsters and corrupt public officials would pass as mere criminals if, at all, they get reported. There won’t be a mention of the regional, ethnic or religious identities of those criminals. Unlike the former, we all share the criminal’s misdemeanour as humans and Nigerians. They are now “Nigerians”, not southerners, Igbo, Yoruba, Ijaw, etc. The hypocrisy is stinking.

Furthermore, today’s public discourse in, about and on Nigeria is a mere comparison between a supposedly ‘wealthy, educated’ south versus a supposedly ‘poor, illiterate’ north. This narrative gained traction by consistent and persistent reportage, which went unchallenged for too long. It is indeed true that all you need to validate a narrative is to keep saying it. While the ills caused by the utterly disgusting failure of the Nigerian leadership obtained in the North are reported or tagged as northern, the similar or worse scenarios obtained in the south will not belong to the southern region but the Nigerian federation. For the common audience, this kind of deliberate misrepresentation of information has caused deep-rooted mischief and hatred against northerners.

The dangers this stereotyping portend for the region’s future is, in the long run, worse than its current physical challenges. For one, the political leadership required to solve the physical problems will be entirely messed up in ways never seen before. Secondly, the communal consensus that gave the region the upper hand in the political scheme of the country will be dismantled, leading to distrust, disharmony and possible internal disintegration. Thirdly, young Nigerians constantly fed these venomous, hate-filled narratives are prepared to antagonise their northern counterparts, a situation that will affect their participation in the Nigerian project. The tail end of this debacle is not a story I would like to predict. We have seen examples in Nazi Germany and Rwanda.

The good news, however, is that the solutions to this seemingly intractable problem are not farfetched. It has been said that if you want to use a mirror, buy your own. People are made by their history; their minds are shaped by their stories; while their future is dependent on their world views, their dignity and respect depend on how others view them.

Indeed, the animosity and distrust between the major ethnic and religious groups in Nigeria are as old as the country itself. Among the major culprits in fanning the embers of this powerful but devilish attempt to demonise the North is the Nigerian media which has deliberately and consistently pushed stereotypical narratives against the region.

However, one of the reasons the campaign is succeeding is the total lack of counter-narratives that would eventually challenge the misinformation churned out by the Nigerian media against the region. If this is the case, then the only way out for the North is to speak out, provide content and information, counter-narratives and reliable, factual evidence that will eventually challenge the calculated attempts to demonise its history and hamper its progress. To do this, the region’s intelligentsia, political and economic leaders must be dedicated to and invest heavily in the media. It is only then that the North and its people will be fairly represented.

PS:

I celebrate the courage and dedication of the young men and women who started this medium, The Daily Reality. It is indeed one of the success stories of the North in 2021. Congratulations.

Ahmadu Shehu is an Assistant Professor at the American University of Nigeria, Yola. He writes from Yola, the capital of Adamawa State.

By Muhsin Ibrahim

Nigeria’s diversity cuts across many things, chiefly cultures, ethnicities, religions and regions. Although several commentators consider the northern part more Islamic and the southern one more Christian, Muslims and Christians, followers of traditional belief systems and non-religious folks may be seen everywhere. Due to these complexities, the country is home to two significant film industries – Kannywood and Nollywood – with many smaller ones operating under these brands.

Kannywood, the name given to the “local” Hausa film industry with Kano State as its epicentre, is a distinct and autonomous film industry in northern Nigeria. Nollywood has its roots in the South, has mainly Christianity and Western-influenced motifs as themes and produces films primarily in English or other southern Nigerian languages. For Kannywood, however, Islam is arguably the trademark, and the East remains their vital source of influence and inspiration. Nonetheless, many people and institutions, including Netflix, see Nollywood as “the default” Nigerian film industry.

Lumping Kannywood and Nollywood or seeing the former as merely a Hausa branch of the latter is problematic. Hence, a prominent Kannywood scholar, Carmen McCain, points out that “In most scholarly discussions of Nollywood, Hausa films are footnoted as an ‘other’ to Nollywood.” The implication of this is enormous. It, among other things, leads audiences and potential investors like Netflix into failing to see and understand Kannywood films in their peculiar socio-cultural and religious contexts. But, yes, Kannywood operates differently from and is independent of Nollywood.

On the one hand, Nollywood, now the second-biggest film industry globally, succeeds because it faces little or no challenge from its audience or any censorship board. On the other hand, despite being arguably older than Nollywood, Kannywood struggles a lot. Kannywood was inaugurated in 1990 with a film entitled Turmin Danya(dir. Salisu Galadanci). Two years later, in 1992, Living in Bondage (dir. Chris Obi Rapu) began what became known as Nollywood.

Subsequently, the editor of Tauraruwamagazine, Sunusi Shehu, coined the name ‘Kanywood’ [with a single “n” before several authors later on added the second “n”, the version that is more recognised globally today]. It appeared in the magazine’s August 1999 issue. “Nollywood” appeared for the first time in a New York Timesarticle titled “Step aside, Los Angeles and Bombay, for Nollywood” by Norimitsu Onishi in September 2002. The Nigerian newspaper, The Guardian, republished the article a few days later. The rest, they say, is history.

Moreover, the “local” Hausa language has more users than any other West African language. The possible shortage of professionals in Kannywood is due to a lack of support from the government, other stakeholders, and investors. Despite all these and more challenges, the film industry stands on its feet, and I believe a little more push will catapult it to the promised land.

Delineating the glaring yet ignored differences between Kannywood and Nollywood is only part of the aim here. The primary objective is to remind Netflix Naija that for “Africans [to] take charge of African stories”, the message its parent Netflix emphasised when launching the local franchise, all Africans – and, of course, all Nigerians – deserve to be carried along.

Nigeria’s entertainment industry is a lot like India’s. Mumbai-originated Bollywood does not represent all films produced in the vast country. Netflix India understands this truth early on and thus accommodates that diversity so beautifully in its rich library collection of Indian films. There are arguably several exciting films from all India’s nooks and crannies on Netflix today. We earnestly wish the same to happen in Nigeria.

Of course, Netflix Naija may argue that Kannywood’s films are generally below their standard. No one can dispute that adequately. However, there are exceptions. Thus, they should get in touch with those exceptional productions. An anonymous top-notch Kannywood director told me some producers have already approached Netflix Naija. Quite regrettably, they have been, at best, told to go and fix this and that, which they did and, at worst, summarily snubbed.

Another way to embrace all is via commissioning movies. Netflix Naija can engage Kannywood filmmakers to see if it is possible to sponsor films or series. Northern Nigeria is rich with stories, perhaps more than other parts of Nigeria, thanks to its fantastic mixture and, admittedly, unfortunate incidents like the Boko Haram insurgency. The famous films Voiceless and The Milk Maid are only two examples based on a single event – Boko Haram’s abduction of Chibok schoolchildren in the northeast. Netflix can and should have originals from northern Nigeria. I bet that will be a commercial success.

Filming in the North is different from telling Northern stories. Thus, having films set in that region is not the same as having filmmakers from the area telling their stories. I am not an agent of division, not at all. Instead, I advocate fairness and inclusion of all, regardless of their culture, ethnicity, region, or religion, among other diversities. Therefore, northern Nigerian filmmakers and their films should equally be aboard the ship Netflix captains in Nigeria.

Muhsin Ibrahim is a PhD student and staff at the University of Cologne, Germany. He can be reached via muhsin2008@gmail.com.

By Muhammadu Sabiu

Reports have indicated that no fewer than five people have been killed in the recent violent attacks launched on some Zangon Kataf communities of Kaduna State.

This was stated in a statement made available to journalists on Saturday by Samuel Aruwan, Commissioner for Internal Security and Internal Affairs. He said that among those killed is a 10-year old by unidentified persons.

Confirming the unfortunate incidents, Mr Aruwan said, “The boy (identified as the son of one Alhaji Dare Mato) was attacked while herding cattle. The corpse of the young herder was recovered and buried.

“An attack was also reported in Kurmin Masara along Bakin Kogi in Atyap Chiefdom.

“One resident, Philip Magu, was killed during the attack before the assailants were repelled by a combined team of Operation Safe Haven and Police Special Tactical Squad.

“Furthermore, gunmen attacked the Jankasa general area around the Zangon Kataf/Kaura LGA boundaries. Troops also repelled the assailants, but one resident (identified simply as Haruna) was shot dead in his farm by the fleeing miscreants.

“The troops also repelled an attack in Ungwan Rana in Zonzon District, after a fierce exchange of fire with bandits. One resident, Bitrus Kauna, sustained serious gunshot wounds during the attack and eventually died in hospital.

“Finally, one Samson Sunday was killed by unidentified persons on his farm in Ungwan Gaiya.

Mr Aruwan added, “Following the disturbing cycle of violence, the Kaduna State Government has appealed to all residents to embrace recourse to the law, and break the brutal cycle of killing and reprisal, to adequately support Government’s peace-building efforts in the area.”

Kaduna State is a northwestern state known for ethno-religious violence, kidnappings and killings by suspected gunmen.

By Muhsin Ibrahim

Religion is one single thing Nigerians of whatever dispensations take in high esteem. Religion is often viewed as the opium of the subjugation of the masses or as their Achilles’ heel. To Rahama, the story is different; religion means nothing to her. It is simply an identifier that she’s a Muslim lady. One might think having grown up in a multi-religious house would intuitively teach her to have respect of some sort for religion, wrong. Her Imams and pastors do not use Qur’an or Bible.

A 28-year-old, stout Rahama Tsoho belongs to a disreputable family of three. Her father, an ex-serviceman, divorced their mother when she was only two. She stays with the father, and her sister with the mother. She had longed to marry since her teenage, but she couldn’t. She always attributes this to her look and family. So, she vows to live a better life in the future by hook or crook and begins to use highly effective and expensive bleaching creams to brighten her skin. She also hunts for a suitor via dubious ways such as flaunting her bosoms and derrière at the workplace and visiting the so-called Malamai, fortune-tellers and sorcerers.

After long and tedious trials and retrials, she meets a fine young man in their office, a newly transferred staff from another state. Without a doubt, she knows he’s beyond her league, but she believes it’s worth a try. But, as feared, the fine-looking new staff turned down her offer right away.

“I swear I will marry that guy by all means”, she declares. Soon after that, she starts consulting her fixers for the aid of whatever nature. “All I want”, she confesses to one of them, a mighty sorcerer who lives atop a high mountain, “is to marry him”.

“That’s easy for us as drinking water”, he assured her. “There are, however, rules, as you well know”.

“I am more than ready to abide by them. All of them, provided my wish will be granted”.

For a start, she’s instructed to visit their family house, which is far away, which is uncommon in the culture of that locality. She unhesitatingly goes. She introduces herself as his colleague. Simple. She, throughout her stay, behaves the most innocent girl-type and spreads greetings to his stepmother and siblings and everyone who cares to respond.

“Oga Rabiu has been very helpful”, she warily announces. “I, therefore, felt duty-bound to visit his family as I am here for another reason, actually a relative’s wedding”.

In the evening of the same day, I saw Rabiu looking bothered and lonely. I was about to ask him what was up when he told me about Rahama. He said she was a magic-savvy lady who shamelessly told him their marriage would yield many blessings. When he asked her how she knew that, she said her Mallam told her.

I was bewildered. I quite well know that she’s neither fit for him nor his scholastic family. He halts my busy mind, which is trying hard to dissect the whole scenario: “Muhammad”, he calls my name, “marrying Rahama would be the greatest mistake in my life”. That relieved my besieged mind, for I was contemplating whether or not I should tell him not to accept her proposal. “So, rest assured; I will avoid it like the plague”.

A few days or weeks, I can’t recall exactly, passed by, and I heard nothing from my dear neighbour cum friend, Rabiu or about Rahama’s blunt, in fact, unheard-of proposal. I had just started thinking the issue was dead and buried for good when he came to me with a bombshell.

“I am getting married next week”.

Wow! I said. I know he and his younger brother have been searching for a fitting life partner for him in the neighbourhoods. I also know he’s rich enough to solemnise his marriage within a few days if both parties agree. Thus, I ask:

“Who’s the lucky girl?”

His look changed from thrilled to timidity in a split second. I wish I could retract my question. But, in this deportment, he managed to respond: “Rahama”.

After calculating the atmosphere, I feel convinced that there is no need for any further explanation on how it comes to that. Her magic, shameless pursuit and insincere insistence have ultimately worked out. Therefore, I pray for the Almighty to bless the union and call it a day.

A few years later, I began to think that we all, who earlier condemned her, were proven wrong. She seems a wife everyone would want to have: caring, loving, dutiful, and generous towards him and his family. Yet, her significant frailty remains in how she handles religion. That too, we reason that she’s from a different background. Therefore, we shouldn’t expect her to behave the way we do or as we want.

Unbeknown to us, she’s simply buying time to portray her authentic self. She’s a wolf in sheep’s cloth. She is now doing the unthinkable; Rabiu has literally been her “yes man”. He worships her; he does everything to please her and parts with everyone she doesn’t like, including his brothers and sisters. He’s, to sum it up, blanketed in her world.

Rabiu is known for much discretion, but not any longer. You dare to tell him your undisclosed secret; you would hear it spoken of in the neighbourhoods. If you ask who told them, they would say Rahama.

Uncharacteristically enough and against Islam, Rabiu has, on several instances, bequeathed his wealth to be given to her should he die, as they don’t have any children yet. He cannot even reflect or recall that his father, who should rightly get the lion’s share, is still alive.

There is a single path to get to Rabiu now, and that’s through Rahama. Rabiu is for Rahama, and Rahama is for her family and pocket. He sees, but he cannot decipher. So everyone believes that he’s conjured. And that doesn’t last forever.

Muhsin Ibrahim is a student and staff at the Institute of African Studies, University of Cologne. He can be reached via muhsin2008@gmail.com.

By Tordue Simon Targema

Although extortion by security agents mounting roadblocks on Nigerian highways is not a new phenomenon, the trend has assumed an alarmingly worrisome dimension recently. A foreigner plying Nigerian roads in a commercial vehicle would think Nigerian security agents are double-tasked to be collecting taxes as well from drivers! Perhaps, the confidence which the officers demonstrate while collecting the illegal money and the coercive techniques which they deploy in doing so will dispel any doubt from the foreigner that such money is illegal and extortionist in nature. Sadly, this is the situation motorists and commuters on Nigerian highways have found themselves in.

I have extensively travelled across Nigeria. As an academic staff of a university, I have the privilege of travelling across the country. For instance, after obtaining my bachelor’s degree in the northeast, I moved to the northwest and obtained a master’s degree, and am currently pursuing my doctorate degree in the south-south. This has given me extensive exposure to Nigerian roads. Also, I have attended several academic conferences in each of the six geopolitical zones. My experience on Nigerian roads is a very horrible one, made so by a multiplicity of factors such as the deplorable nature of the roads and massive extortion by security agents. These have made the thought of travelling in Nigeria by road a dreaded one even to people who are extremely adventurous by nature, to talk less of those who have a phobia for travelling.

My experience on a recent trip to one of the south-south states from the northeast spurred me to pen down this piece. In what appeared to be a painfully interesting drama series, we watched cheerfully, albeit in deep anguish as our driver bargained with our security agencies who, I learnt, have raised the charge from the normal 50 naira to 100 naira, a development that did not go down well with commercial drivers. My driver was highly agitated paying the new charge but could not help it. He devised all possible gimmicks to resist it which could not help out. First, he attempted evading as many of these checkpoints as he could- army, police, civil defence, immigration, road safety and vigilante, custom, produce tax force ….name it! But this strategy usually backfired, as each of the checkpoints he evaded would call the very next checkpoint ahead and ask them to bundle us right back.

In no time, he realized that this was not by any means a workable strategy, and with intense pressure from the equally agitated passengers, decided to cooperate. Of course, he had to, because the few experiences we had with the checkpoints he evaded were terrible, as the security agencies were utterly aggressive and would at each of such instances traumatize him, heap up charges against him and intimidate him as much as they could to coerce him into submission. Worst of all, each of those checkpoints he evaded demanded – and actually collected from him – far more than their normal 100 naira. To cap it all, he nearly had an accident in the process of evading one of such checkpoints! Obviously, evading the checkpoints was not the way to go; a different strategy was, thus, imminent.

Mind game, pleading, teasing and joking with the security agencies was the next strategy. At each of the checkpoints, he would use any of these he felt was the most appropriate. For instance, if he had discovered by virtue of experience, appearance or instinct that a certain officer was a northerner, he was sure to use emotional appeal as a way to escape the payment. Language would have been a formidable force in this regard but for the obsession of our officers with money who would still insist he tip them after the pleasantries. You would feel their whole being and soul depend squarely on the illicit money they collect from drivers! Well, on a handful of occasions, this strategy worked and he was waived the charge.

Teasing and joking with the security operatives was the next strategy, but after it, they would always ask: anything for the boys? In such cases, our driver would retort: oga, when I de return, I’ll see you. At this, some would let go, but most would remind him that that is what he said while he was coming down! In such unfortunate cases, he would have no escape but to cooperate.

Another strategy he adopted was to tell them he had no change. In such cases, he would give them a thousand naira note to prove he has no change. This was a counterproductive strategy and in no time, he had to drop it, perhaps, forced by pressure from passengers because it was time-wasting. Why? Upon receipt of the thousand naira note, the officers would not let him go with it, but reluctantly look for change from their previous collections and give him. In the event they did not get it there, they would have to wait until collections from other drivers coming behind us complete the change! This generated intense condemnations of the passengers who felt that he was wasting their time and asked him to be cooperating or if indeed he had no change as he claimed, look for change at a filling station. Of course, the driver himself was pissed off with the attitude of the officers and had no choice but to change strategy.

Next was the use of prospective NYSC members as a bargaining point. This strategy worked for him significantly- not without difficulties though. Luckily for him, he had about four prospective NYSC members from the south-south deploying to their orientation camp as his passengers. Trust our smart driver; it took him no time at all to activate this as a point of a bargain! Oga, na kopas I carry ooo, he would tell each officer that rudely returned his 50 naira. Boom! Questions from all angles would start pouring out: kopa never pay for their transport? Na for free you carry them? Blablabla. At these, he would strongly insist that the prospective corps members were government properties, that the car he was driving is a government vehicle (the car actually had SURE-P inscribed on it), and that the officers too are government agents, hence, there is no point collecting much from him for conveying the corps members to their orientation camp. This would usually weaken the officers who would never give up but instead, as a final push, return to us: where are the kopas? At this we would all chorus: na we ooo! Of course, even those of us that were not corps members would join in to add to the echo. They would then tease us, ask us some few jovial questions, collect the 50 naira and then we move.

This was one of his most effective strategies. Despite its seeming efficiency, some of the rude officers would outrightly reject his 50 naira, ask him to go and park and delay us until he gets the sense in his head to give them their rightful 100 naira. Indeed, it was their entitlement. A look at the manner in which it was being demanded and collected dispels every doubt that such collections are illicit. At some of the checkpoints, the officers would, without saying anything else, ask the driver to go and park. At such points, he would oblige, park his vehicle, come down and walk up to them to give them their due. I found this arrogant and irritating too. Why? If you are shameless enough to descend so low and extort poor commercial drivers, then you should be prepared to keep aside all silly notions of pride and dignity and take it right there on the road before the prying eyes of passengers and all onlookers. But some of our pompous officers feel they are above this, and would rather the driver park, walk back and pay them their dues. No thought of the delay such would cause the commuters, no. they simply wanted their money and nothing else!

In one of the states in the north-central region, this worrisome trend has assumed yet another funny dimension. Trucks (used for pushing water and other commodities) are used at checkpoints, perhaps, because they are easier to push and much more flexible than logs of woods. Still in the same state, the officers- almost at each checkpoint- have engaged the services of jobless young men who stand on the road and coordinate the illicit deal for them. At these points, such young men are as pitiless and brutal as the sun or heavy rain on a lone traveller in the heart of a desert. They would neither listen to any plea nor get amused by the jokes of the driver. Never would they give in to any of his antics or gimmicks, worst of all, they have scant or no regard at all for NYSC! If anything, the mention of it gets them irritated. They got our driver really hard at this. Who be kopa? Na weting kopa de give me? They would ask him. And their gallant officers were ever ready to step in should any driver underrate them. Perhaps, the driver understood that they are traps to lure the wrath of the officers. He would oblige, give them the 100 naira once all tricks fail and then they would pull away their trucks and we would move on.

As we drove deeper into the night, the due increased. Rightfully, it increased to 200 naira, then 300 naira. It got to a point where we had to go down and collectively beg the officers that we are NYSC members deploying to our orientation camp, that they should give us consideration. They first turned deaf ears at us- perhaps, out of guilt- but later allowed our driver to pass. Clearly, our infuriated driver saw that he would not continue at that pace. He had to find a town nearby, parked at a filling station and we passed the night there.

You would think the proliferation of security checkpoints on our highways is an assurance of safety! At this, I bet my last kobo that you are woefully wrong. Around 4:30 am, we hit the road again. At the first checkpoint after we took off, an officer- after collecting his due – whispered to the driver that the road was not safe. Armed robbers were on operation some miles away! Armed robbers with this heavy security presence? I asked myself. The driver had to stop again. At first, we thought it was a lie but could not take the risk of defying the caution, so we stayed there till daybreak. Around 6:00 am, we continued and, lo and behold, came to the spot of the armed robbers’ operation! Two 18-seater buses stood there, their front tires flattened with bullets and the windscreen pierced through with bullets too. No passenger was wounded, even as they stood there, traumatized. They were unlucky. They got robbed. An old woman who could not stand the trauma fainted and was rushed to the nearby hospital afterwards. We stopped by and the stranded passengers eagerly narrated their ordeals. We couldn’t help out because our vehicle had no space for more passengers, and so, we only kept them solidarity companionship of about five minutes and moved on.

No doubt, the rising tide of insecurity contributes significantly to the deployment of security operatives on the highways. This explains why their presence is most conspicuous in conflict-tone and banditry-ridden states. Little wonder too that they feel their services on the roads are indispensable and they should be handsomely appreciated or rewarded by the people they protect. Now, I am not disputing this fact, neither I’m I underrating their importance. But I feel strongly that the government whose primary prerogative is to secure the lives and property of citizens should saddle the responsibility of catering for the welfare and incentives of the security operatives they deploy on the highways squarely, and not to push it to vulnerable drivers and commuters.

Of course, commuters bear the financial burden too, indirectly through arbitrary increments and hikes of transport fares. A friend of mine boarded a commercial bus and was charged 6,050 naira as transport fare. Curiously, he asked what the 50 naira on top is meant for and was promptly told it will be used for settling security operatives at checkpoints. I do not envy Nigerian commercial drivers, I really don’t. Jalingo to Porthacourt for instance has way over a hundred security checkpoints. Imagine giving 100 naira at each of the checkpoints, that’s way over 10,000 naira. In essence, an average commercial driver uses the transport fare of about two passengers just for settling security operatives at checkpoints. This is outrageous and really unfortunate, to imagine that the cost of spare parts has skyrocketed to an unprecedented degree. I won’t talk of fuel and lubricants required to service the vehicles. I began to ponder: what do the drivers take home after giving returns to their companies, fuelling the vehicles, minor and major repairs here and there, and settling our officers on the highways? No answer came in handy. I simply shook my head and redirected my thoughts to the music in my earpiece. That made more sense and in no time, I got engrossed in my thoughts and forgot about the security men as though they never existed.

It is sad to admit that although our security operatives deserve our daily prayers due to the danger they face daily confronting bandits and terrorists here and there, this extortionist tendency has taken away the public sympathy they deserve and earn them a curse and disrespect from commuters and drivers. This is very bad. It is about time the government checked the rising trend. In the interest of our commercial drivers and commuters, all forms of extortion on the highways must be abolished. Government should be prepared to shoulder the responsibilities of our officers on the highways and when that is done, deal decisively with officers found extorting vulnerable passengers.

I must confess that this is one area president Muhammadu Buhari’s administration has dashed my expectations woefully. In 2015, just before his inauguration, I recall travelling to another part of the country. A security officer was boisterously threatening to beat up our driver for refusing to give him his due. The sharp reaction of our young driver created a scene and in no time, the officer trumped up charges that never existed on the young man- driving licence, manifest, vehicle papers, commuters’ national identification documents, bla-bla-bla. He eventually got the driver who succumbed to the pressure that was already mounting and paid the due.

After we passed, I told the elderly man seating beside me with an air of confidence: the General has come, let me see how they will do this come next month. The old man chuckled and asked me: you think so? I replied in the affirmative. He smiled again and, with a tone of indifference, told me that nothing would actually change. In fact, he charged me to expect the worst. A conversation ensured and I tried my best to explain to him that although I was not president Buhari’s fan and did not think I will ever be, I was confident that once he takes over, all forms of extortions- especially the obvious ones like those on the highways would cease with immediate effect. The old man simply dismissed my argument in a predictive tone:  well, time shall tell better. I affirmed his submission and hoped for a day when extortion on the highways would become a thing of the past in Nigeria, a day that has refused to, and seem never to arrive anytime soon.

Concerned authorities should note that while this day delays its arrival, the effects on commercial drivers and commuters are, at the moment, unbearable. The time to end extortion on our highways is now. By the way, the deplorable condition of our roads is one other thing that usually stress-out life from commuters! In my next article, I shall relieve my experience on the Jalingo-Numan and Odukpani-Uyo roads. I am sure you will find it heart touching too, for now, I leave you in peace.

Tordue Simon Targema writes from the Department of Mass Communication, Taraba State University Jalingo. Email: torduesimon@gmail.com.

By Muhammadu Sabiu

Two suspected kidnappers have been reportedly killed by men of the southwest security outfit, popularly known as Amotekun, in Iwajowa Local Government Area, Oyo State

The state Commandant of Amotekun, Olayinka Olayanju, told journalists that the kidnappers were killed during an operation by the Amotekun security outfit on Friday, July 30.

HumAngle, an online newspaper, quoted him as saying, “It is true. There was an operation yesterday afternoon.

“With the support of local vigilantes and hunters, we killed two of them,” he added

Recall that reports indicated that the kidnappers launched an attack on Iwere Ile town on Friday in a failed attempt to abduct some community residents. Officers of Amotekun engaged the assailants in a gun duel and eliminated two of them.

Killings and kidnappings are not a threat only in Northern Nigeria—the southwest is also badly hit by the menace.

By Abdulrahman Yunusa

Like anyone in this sinful world, one must get in touch with one unforgettable phenomenon in his life, and such experience will hunt them throughout their lives. So, Sheikh Abubakar Gumi might not be an exception because even prophets, who are the best people, get tested with many tragedies. As one Hadith entails, “Ashaddul Balaa al Anbia, thummal Amsal fal amsal”.

Gumi was a man with an impeccable personality and exceptional habits. He is the only Sunni cleric with almost all Awliya qualities: his kindness to his family and students was phenomenal. His worldly abstinence “Zuhud” is second to none, and his vision as a scholar was solid.

Perhaps of all the men of class and honour and men of power and money that late Sheikh Gumi lived and mingled with during his life, he had no open enemy. As I’m speaking to you, Gumi was the most respected cleric in the history of Nigeria, for he was blessed with many natural gifts.

He lived a well amusing as well as exciting life. His reputation cut across boundaries. None among politicians and merchants ever pointed him with an accusing finger, yet almost every responsible man befriended him. Not only politicians but even scholars did that full of humility.

Based on the intriguing accounts I have read so far in Ismaila A. Tsiga’s work, Where I Stand, even the father of the notable Islamic scholar, Isyaka Rabi’u, once eulogised Gumi and showered him with excellent remarks. Moreover, as a learned person, Sheikh Rabi’u didn’t hesitate to honour the scholarly correction issued to him by Gumi.

The same happened in his student-teacher relationship with Sheikh Malam Nasir Kabara, who taught him some books in his house. Later on, Gumi entertained his case while serving as Northern Nigerian Grand Khadi. Also, Malam Nasir kept Gumi in high regard till the day death took them apart.

However, throughout Gumi’s life journey, since the early 1920s, nobody had ever deemed it fit to belittle his personality or maltreat him as a person until when he met dictator General Muhammadu Buhari, who became his waterloo and a sign of divine test. You know, none among sincere men of God has ever lived a trial-free, tragedy-free life. So, his collision with Buhari at that moment was a blessing to him.

Although, one shouldn’t forget that Gumi had enjoyed the companionship of many past Nigerian presidents. He embarked on his advisory journey on national and religious matters before Nigerian independence.

As such, he had good contact with Sardauna. Most of his enthralling life voyage begins with Sardauna, then followed by General Yakubu Gowon. Gen. Gowon’ Christianity did not hinder him from seeing Gumi with the respectful lens as his predecessors. The same way he went with Gen. Murtala, Gen. Obasanjo and Alhaji Shehu Shagari. Nonetheless, Buhari deliberately disgraced him for not kowtowing to accept all his hogwash and twaddle policies to deal with some men.

Therefore, as Buhari failed to honour his intellectual sagacity at that moment, he went further by ditching his head by incarcerating him, holding his salary as a source of living. He even went out of focus helter-skelter to cease his visa. What a sad moment for a kind soul like Gumi’s. When did advising and cautioning leaders become an offence?

No, only those with knowledge and honour easily identify men of their calibre and confer them the burden of respect and altruism they deserve. Unfortunately, the man Gumi met around that particular junta was quite ignorant of knowledge and honour.

Lastly, Gumi endured all the persecutions and enjoyed them good fate until he bid a farewell to this wicked world. However, that never stopped him from achieving his life goals, of which receiving the King Faisal Award topped most of his achievements.

Surely history will forever remember this Buhari as rude and unfair to the most celebrated Sunni scholar in Nigeria. May Allah keep the soul of Malam Gumi in Jannah, amin.

Abdulrahman Yunusa is a political and public affairs analyst. He writes from Bauchi and can be reached through abdulrahmanyunusa10@gmail.com.

By Muhammad Tsaure

The Biafra saga is no longer South East or South-South issue; instead, it has culminated into something more devastating and absolute hatred to Buhari in particular and Northern Nigeria in general.  I garnered series of experiences primarily based on the discussion I held with a significant number of people from the southeastern region. I learned from them that they mainly think the North doesn’t want them to leave the union because the proportionate percentage of the country’s GDP comes from their region. Thus, if they secede, the North will be left bankrupt and nowhere to turn to.

Unknown to many of those people, this thought is nothing short of ignorance about the exact nature of Northern Nigeria. The North is endowed with whatever a country needs to survive, prosper and develop. We are not parasites, as they claim. But, if they want to go, please, let them go in peace. Nigeria doesn’t necessarily need Igbos to survive.

The North has come of age now; we can fend for ourselves and don’t need any region to live and survive as a country. Whoever wants to go, let them go. The North has treated Igbo people with dignity, love and leniency. The entire Biafra States are not up to Kaduna State in terms of population as well as geography.

In 2015 I was at the Niger-Delta University (NDU) at Wilberforce Island for a conference organised by the Literary Society of Nigeria. After presenting my research paper entitled “Diaspora Literature: A Protest Literature or Romanticism?” We went along with other colleagues to Yenagoa (the capital city of Bayelsa State) to explore or otherwise become a group of tourists. But, to my amazement, the entire Bayelsa State is not up to Bichi local government area in Kano or Funtua local government of Katsina State. Yet, they have three Senators; representing Bayelsa Central, Bayelsa West and Bayelsa East and five Members House of Representatives, and one minister of State on Petroleum.

The conference lasted for six days, and I visited the entire eight (8) local government areas of Bayelsa State. You hardly believe whether or not people are living in some of these local governments. Houses scattered, each community has its language or dialect.

The same week I came back home, I went to Bichi local government of Kano state to verify my assumption or guess. On reaching there, the conclusion I had to make was that Bichi local government is far larger in terms of population, buildings, and whatever one could think of than Bayelsa State. And nobody in the North ever complains about that.

Muhammad Tsaure is the Principal of Government Secondary School, Tsaure. He can be reached via 76muhammadtsaure@gmail.com.

By Salisu Uba Kofar-Wambai

It is very mind-blowing to view a national football team that ideally suppose to possess the quality of national outlook looking so sectional and tribal. Unfortunately, for quite a long time, the Nigerian football national team has been dominated by only what we called “southern players” at almost every level.

One will wonder why the utmost and utterly lopsidedness? After all, with its advantages, thanks to its vast population over the South, northern Nigeria has the upper hand to have more visibility in such national assignments. However, the reverse is always the case. Is that signifying that the northern folks lack interest in sports, especially football? Or does it mean that the North is consciously hiding its light under a bushel? NO! 

If one wakes up at dawn in northern cities and towns, the young, agile athletes are often the first people to meet exercising to their respective football pitches.

Moreover, the geographical advantage in terms of the landmass, with all the potentialities of its flatness, accurate for football arena and pitches against terrain nature and scarcity of southern land is another pointer that ought to have shot north ahead.

It is an indisputable fact that if you take around northern states, you will invariably discover that numerous football clubs are established in several places in the region. You will find players who can match the skills and talents of Messi, Ronaldo, Zidane, Figos, but all – or most – go nowhere. They mostly played in their small villages and ended up uncelebrated.

In Kano alone, the heart of the North, there are more than thousands of clubs playing in different levels and capacities. The Sports Ministry is, year-in-year-out, organising leagues for these clubs from league A to Z. These clubs produce young talents that can play at every level of football worldwide.

With globalisation and communication technologies taking centre stage of our lives, if one goes to viewing centres, where foreign leagues matches are shown, the story and impression one will get is that football has become part and parcel of our youths’ routine. It’s now popular culture. Football is always the topic of discussion on the lips of northern youth. Therefore, the football obsession comes in both ways – theoretical and practical, respectively. But why northern players are almost absent or underdogs in the national team?

And again, with football now going lucrative venture that quickly shoots up people to billionaire charts, with the abject poverty bedevilling the north and youth joblessness, sports can do a lot towards alleviating these monsters if taken significantly.

The central question is why many a time Kano clubs are the favourites and always win all Nigerian secondary schools? I think the appropriate answers to these questions are:

The North should embrace sports as a way of livelihood like its southern counterparts and encourage its youth to put in their best. The North should also give them support in terms of mentorship, send people of interest, read coaching courses, and, of course, financial assistance. Our well-to-do and government should facilitate our talents to get contracts in Europe through agents that secure clubs for players.

Our soccer administrators should make it compulsory for every coach vested with the responsibility of forming teams, especially in the under-17 and under-20, to always go round Nigeria for the players’ selection process. In most cases, those coaches sit back in their regions, select players from the South because they have already stereotyped northerners as worthless in that respective. And it is mostly the players of these levels that graduate into senior national teams levels and secure lucrative contracts to play in the prestigious leagues of Europe.

Northern youth should also try to go off weeds smoking; it is unfortunate to see a talented footballer and later find out that he’s a weed smoker. Most of them end up without achieving anything for obvious reasons. They should equally try to finish their secondary schools and be ready to go anywhere to play and show their resilience.

And above all, parents should pray for the guidance of their kids.

By doing this, I think the North will avoid the situation we are currently experiencing where northerners are a dot in the circle in the team of players representing Nigeria in the ongoing Olympics games in Japan.

Salisu Uba Kofar-Wambai is a PhD student at the Department of Mass Communication, Bayero University, Kano. He can be reached via salisunews@gmail.com.

 As we move closer to 2023, when power may be shifted to the South, social and political events point to a bleak future for the North. The North/South relationship is at its lowest level; tension is growing by the day, the body polity is being heated, and behind the scene, enemies of the country are planting the seeds of animosity. 

A bad omen is set for a bleak 2023 early this month when the Southern governors met in Lagos. Their communique strongly called for a power shift to the South come 2023. The governors had forgotten that leadership rotation was the brainchild of the North, that it was a political concession meant to heal old wounds following the June 12 political turmoil. They also forgot that when President Umar Musa died two years into his first term, the same South flouted the power shift arrangement. Former President Jonathan openly said this section of the country hated him because they said the power shift arrangement be honoured. 

Two recent social unrests define the Noth/South relationship and the political tension that’s setting. First was a disagreement between a Northerner, tomato seller and a Yoruba woman that degenerated into killings and displacement of mostly Northerners in Ibadan. Then came the IPOB’s sit-at-home order in the South East, where ethnic persecution of the Northerners ensued. Many were killed and hundreds displaced.

Recently, there seems to be a collective animosity towards the North and whatever the North represents. The problem with many Nigerians is that they can’t differentiate between elitism, elitist tendencies and the massive social gaps between the two classes. Historically, these same elites from either side of the divide have been known to exert elitist solidarity in perpetuating their own interests, in the process, alienating the masses. 

Most of these Southern grievances emanate from skewed political appointments by President Buhari. They forget that Buhari’s government is the reincarnation of Jonathan’s. Once, Air Marshall Alex Badeh, Major General Minimah, Air Vice Marshall Amosu were chiefs of defence, army staff and air staff, respectively. Only Admiral Jibrin was from another faith. Moreover, the President, Secretary to the Government, Senate President, Speaker of the House of Representatives, Minister of Finance were from the same faith. The same with the ‘Kitchen Cabinets.’ Remember the powerful economic team? Hausas say ‘idan ɗan maye ya manta…’

Granted that President Buhari’s government suffers from poor public relations from the President himself to his public relations team. So also was Jonathan. Towards the end of 2014 and the beginning of 2015, shortly before the general elections, Jonathan and his wife, Patience, went to churches in Abuja and South East preaching the gospel of hatred. I am not condoning nor defending the present arrangement, far from that; I am reminding us about the past lest we forget. 

The recent Afenifere political blunder is a clear pointer that Southerners would politically persecute the Northerners when power is shifted to the South. Afenifere strikes intentionally and timely to cause disaffection. Like Chalie Hebdo, they know that to Muslims, Prophet Muhammad (SAW) is the centre of gravity; he’s the Prophet, the Divine link, the undisputed spiritual leader, the guide, the intercessor, the light, the mercy and blessing to humanity. To the Muslims, Prophet Muhammad (SAW) is the best that could happen to the world. Yet, they intentionally came out to hurt feelings and cause disaffection.

They claimed to be liberals, but where’s the so-called liberalism when you lack empathy? Where’s the so-called freedom of expression when it overlooks inclusion ànd pluralism? Where’s the so-called free press when it can’t draw a line between the intellectual identification of feelings, sensitivity, thoughts of a people on the one hand, and on the other hand, the subjective urge to exhibit petty tribal solidarity?  

What Afenifere does is self-immolation. This is because there’s no ethnic group in Nigeria that’s socio-culturally cohesive, an ethnic group that’s equally infiltrated by the two major religions like Yoruba. Religious consciousness is new to them. Now the Yoruba Muslims would undoubtedly realise that Afenifere doesn’t represent them. Thus, setting an unprecedented social trajectory of an ethnic group stratified along religious faultline. It would be the worst-case scenario, for this would divide families, friends, and social groups along religious lines as is found in the North, the root cause of social unrest.

The North may have a majority in the service chiefs and defence, yet they can’t secure the North from the clutch of marauding bandits. We have the minister of finance who can’t lessen the Noth’s skydiving poverty! 

As 2023 draws closer, it seems, whoever is selected to be president from the South, there may be the tendency of political persecution of the North, and the basis of this would be justified on the failure of the current leadership to stabilize the region. When finally we demand attention, they would respond that our kin couldn’t give us what we demand from them. For now, the sociopolitical trajectories portend a bleak future. But for now, only time will tell.

Salisu Yusuf can be reached at salisuyusuf111@gmail.com.