Nigeria

By Muhammad Sulaiman

Nigeria and Saudi Arabia have signed a strategic agreement to enhance their participation in the global halal economy, valued at $7.7 trillion. The deal focuses on boosting halal trade, investment, and certification, fostering economic cooperation between the two nations.

Signed during high-level meetings, the agreement positions Nigeria as a key player in halal industries, including food, finance, pharmaceuticals, and cosmetics.

Saudi Arabia, a dominant force in the sector, will provide expertise and market access to support Nigeria’s expansion.

Officials believe the partnership will create jobs, enhance exports, and attract foreign investment, positioning Nigeria as a leading halal market in Africa.

By Uzair Adam

The National Agency for Science and Engineering Infrastructure (NASENI) has announced that engineering work on Nigeria’s first made-in-Nigeria helicopter is almost complete, with a test flight expected soon.

Kareem Aduagba, Project Manager of NASENI’s Aeronautics and Air Vehicle Development Institute in Kaduna, made this known during a Focus Group Engagement organized by the agency.

The event, attended by academics, private sector manufacturers, and government officials, aimed to promote local manufacturing and innovation.

Aduagba explained that NASENI is working on both locally designed aircraft and Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (UAVs) while also leveraging Semi Knock Down (SKD) and Complete Knock Down (CKD) components acquired from developed countries.

“Very soon, we will conduct the first test. Everything is nearing completion, and soon, we will fly Nigeria’s first locally-made helicopter,” he said.

Abdulfatai Ambali, Head of the Manufacturing Services Department at NASENI’s Hydraulic Equipment Development Institute in Kano, emphasized the agency’s renewed focus on commercializing innovations and strengthening collaborations.

He noted that NASENI, under the leadership of Executive Vice Chairman Khalil Suleman Halilu, is increasing awareness of its activities while developing homegrown technologies to reduce Nigeria’s dependence on foreign products.

Saleh Kwaru, the facilitator of the programme, urged Nigerians to support local industries, stressing that national development depends on patronizing indigenous products.

Similarly, Yusuf Suleman, Acting Zonal Coordinator for the North West Small and Medium Enterprises Development Agency of Nigeria (SMEDAN), praised NASENI for addressing quality and production challenges hindering locally-made products.

“Innovation and modern technology are key to improving the acceptance of Nigerian products. This kind of engagement will help tackle production challenges and create more job opportunities,” he said.

By Uzair Adam

The Sultanate Council of Sokoto has declared Friday, February 28, 2025, as the commencement of the search for the new Moon of Ramadan 1446AH.

This was disclosed in a statement signed by Wazirin Sokoto and Chairman of the Advisory Committee on Religious Affairs, Sultanate Council, Professor Sambo Wali Junaidu.

The Daily Reality reports that the council urged Muslims across the country to observe the sky for the new Crescent on Friday and report any sighting to their nearest District or Village Head.

The reports will then be forwarded to the Sultan of Sokoto and President-General of the Nigeria Supreme Council for Islamic Affairs, Muhammad Sa’ad Abubakar, for an official announcement.

The statement also provided contact numbers for reporting confirmed sightings to the Sultanate Council:

– 08037157100

– 08066303077

– 08035965322

– 08099945903

– Murtala Isah (Pharm) – 07067146900

By Abubakar Idris Misau

Part (I)

In his natural quest and curiosity, it’s enticing that man wants to understand everything about all things – even though it’s an obviously unattainable goal. Observing, reading, speculating, conspiring, discussing, studying, manipulating, theorising…, in answering an “if” question of history, the man hardly provides a strictly wrong or right answer. This is simply because anything could be anything. Everything is just within the spectrum of possibility. What “if”, for example, Nigeria was colonised by the Spaniards?; Is a question that can be answered from multiple dimensions.

Reviewing the autobiography of the Former Head of State and Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, General Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida (IBB), titled A Journey in Service, is an inexhaustible assignment.

On a lighter note, borrowing the easiest yet [at least in ruffling feathers] most effective text analysis, a style often used by the critics of Sheikh Fantami and or his works, let us by taking a glance at the title of the memoir furiously carry our pens and jump into action. After all, we’ve heard hearsays much enough to take a side. Phew…

Firstly, they say he confirmed the victory of the renowned 1993 Presidential election by the business mogul Chief Moshood Kashimawo Olawale (MKO) Abiola. And, in a gentlemanly manner, this evil genius made no attempt to contest the annulment that occurred under his watch, prioritising peace instead. He expressed regret and sought forgiveness.

Is that right?! 

Well, he can say that. He is such a nice guy [in Donald J. Trump’s voice]. I like him. He’s a successful guy, a really successful guy.

Meanwhile, based on what we know about the man if not for his health status, Badamasi, a maestro in rhetoric, would definitely make an excellent graduate assistant (GA) in my University’s Department of Political Science. Though a GA for a start, the author of ‘A Journey in Service’ would most certainly be awarded his MSc the day he resumes, his PhD in a week, and attaining readership is a possibility within a month. By the time he is to be crowned with the professorship title during the immediate convocation, naturally, our character would be too humble not to request to be re-nicknamed the political GOAT – for, many steps ahead of Maradona, he is clearly the combination of Ronaldo, Messi, and Mbappe.

In the court of analysis, however, the one crucial question we ask whenever we put history on trial is whether to judge our subjects by their ideals or the outcomes of their actions. Give it a look: While politicians insist that they stand for democracy and human rights (thus, better than soldiers), the argument of the uniform men is not any weaker; they are the nationalists whose role it is to restore order, fight corruption, and wage war against indiscipline – by sometimes risking their own lives (hence, the right patriots to lead). The whole debate sounds so sweet and convincing that one is tempted to suggest a system of government or constitutional arrangement that allows for a tenure for one and another for the other – continually.

Leaning towards social critics, however, it is hard to believe either side. For if for nothing, their actions contradict the gospels they preach. Even to compound that, most of the military-era soldiers are now politicians in their own rights. Recall, for instance, it’s a fact known to many that when G-34 (which, among other groups, was to become the People’s Democratic Party (PDP)), was established by some Nigerian politicians, one of their aims was to form a movement with a force capable of extinguishing military governance, for good, once and for all. 

With Alex Ekwueme (the first elected Vice President (1979-1983) and Professor Jerry Gana (who previously served as a Minister) as the first Chairman and Secretary of the PDP, respectively, it’s laughable that retired soldiers not only joined but ended up hijacking the party to make one of them the presidential candidate and later the first president in Nigeria’s fourth republic. So, who is who? Who are we to believe? Who are we to blame? Who is deceiving who? Who is the actual heroic champion of the power? Are the politicians ready? Can we even see any difference between the civilians and the soldiers?

Once pictured as a civilian vs military dichotomy, transmuted to a South vs North dichotomy, the ‘June 12’ incident, nobody ever sees it as a Muslim vs Christian dichotomy. However, it was a power heist involving friends – with MKO at the receiving end.

In my view, ours is a zero-ideology political arena. I especially expect Marxists (hoping we still have them) to agree with me here: the bunch of unforgiving capitalists who rule[d] Nigeria, death or alive, soldiers or politicians, whatsoever, have no regard for the ordinary citizens in their mind. Quote me.

Part II

Helen Keller, the blind, deaf American human rights activist, disability advocate, and excellent writer, said, “The country is governed for the richest, for the corporations, the bankers, the land speculators, and for the exploiters of labor.”

As a Nigerian (socially between the working and middle classes) with my vision and hearing still intact, Alhamdulillah, I can’t see or hear anything different. Thus, I am so fed up with hearing “democracy was r*ped” or “A and B were dictators.” What wasn’t r*ped, and who wasn’t a dictator fisabilLahi? Is it Fulgencio Batista or Fidel Castro? 

In case it isn’t clear as [and appearing for] what it is, we may well take another look. In the interest of democracy and development, take the most recent samples to the nearest laboratory. Tell me, for I genuinely want to understand: of what importance was it to the North when their son was the president, or to the South when their own was helming the boat (oh, yacht)?

All military Heads of State and democratically elected Presidents aside, the relationship between Babangida and Abiola was for a very long time so good that some historians and analysts were perplexed by what unfolded before them after the annulment: the bitterness, the chaos, the deaths, and then the silence. With not much to hold on to, conspiracy theorists took to the street with “the General knows the politician very well, so…” But since he was elected by his countrymen, in a process seen by many to be free and fair, that makes no sense whatsoever. 

Close to the above is another contention, shared by the legendary historian, Max Siollun, in his ‘Soldiers of Fortune’, that MKO wouldn’t have been as successful without the role played by his soldier President friend IBB. So, if it was, as explained by a friend recently, a case of two elephants fighting whence the grasses suffer, so be it. However, suffice is to say that it was never about the sold dichotomies. It can’t be about anything to do with talaka. It was all about their own interests. They are the very same people, birds of the same feather, two sides of a single coin.

Wonderful! I also forget other issues such as the assassination of Dele Giwa, the execution of Mamman Vatsa, and his refusal to appear before the Oputa Panel – the Nigerian 2001-commissioned Human Rights Violation Commission. Here, I think we must content ourselves with just one question, since our sources indicate that he expressed hope for the resolution of the Giwa mystery and seems to deliberately avoid the barysphere. My question, albeit odd, is not directed towards the author: Now that we have the other side of the story, are Nigerian human rights activists – including journalists and lawyers – on par with IBB? I only wish Chief Gani Fawehinmi (SAN) were alive. The book would have made an excellent exhibit… May his soul rest in peace.

In conclusion, the words of a “rebel” came to mind. I have yet to encounter a better description of Nigeria and its people than the one found in ‘Because I am Involved’ by the first president of the former Republic of Biafra, Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu. It was this Oxford-educated Nigerian military officer who remarked, “Our leaders are pseudo leaders; our intellectuals are pseudo-intellectuals; our professionals are pseudo professionals; while our occupations are pseudo occupations. Our middle class is pseudo middle class; our elite are pseudo elite; our socialists, Marxists, liberals, and even our conservatives are often very much pseudo.” 

Standing on the shoulders of William Shakespeare, our nation resembles a theatre, with players performing upon its stage while some manage the script and many observe with delight. From NSA-Canada to USAID-Boko H*ram, and now to the June 12 saga, we exemplify ‘one day, one drama’. Moreover, as can be readily deduced, Ojokwu was indeed a pseudo-rebel, just as this writer is a pseudo-writer.

…

To be continued!

Abubakar Idris Misau writes from Katsina, Nigeria. He studied Forestry and Wildlife at the University of Maiduguri and can be reached at abubakaridrismisau@gmail.com.

By Sa’adatu Aliyu 

The word ‘craze’ has often veered my mind towards fashion. It’s not uncommon to hear the noise of the latest, let’s say, designer clothing brands or accessories referred to as the “new craze” in town because of how it has people emptying their pockets and savings just to fit in with the vogue purchasing the latest brands.

Well, since cryptocurrency became a household name (to me) at least six years ago, there has been much obsession with it. 

For those who are unfamiliar with it, individuals involved in this believe that it was not merely introduced to benefit a larger segment of the global population, but rather created to empower people to take charge of their assets—in the form of their finances. For instance, the “Democratization of assets” refers to a situation whereby individuals have the authority to control their wealth. These same individuals argue that it decentralises their interactions with banks and similar institutions. 

Given the vocabulary used to explain this, it’s hard to resist. After all, who doesn’t want to grow wealth “fast” and “more”?

As intriguing as this may sound from personal observation and experience, I would argue that this venture has very little to do with what it claims as its intention. At least, its true intentions seem to have been hijacked by unscrupulous individuals who view this as an easy means of facilitating money laundering or engaging in a classic case of robbing Peter to pay Paul. This means rallying the masses to invest in a venture that ultimately benefits the wealthy more than the impoverished, turning a few into the rich while further impoverishing those already in need. This is unmistakably a form of exploitation that the poor will undoubtedly bear the brunt of. Thus, in the spirit of Marxism, I believe this will only exacerbate the imbalance between the rich and the poor in our society, rather than promote financial liberation, at least not for the latter.

This reflects the reality of many instances I have observed. Suppose there is any reward reaped by those who invest time and energy in this. In that case, it is typically only a tiny fraction of people who have succeeded, most likely by promising others definite rewards if they partake in one training or another that offers the secret to unlocking wealth within the crypto venture. For this group, the lies never cease, and for their victims, they cling to the hope that this one more book purchase, class, training, or crypto platform could bring them a step closer to becoming wealthy. 

Consequently, they ensnare people in a cycle of addiction that has driven many to make desperate decisions to “salvage” their so-called wallet or invest further. Among other instances, I have heard of a mother who arranged for the kidnapping of her daughter and used it to solicit donations from the public, which she planned to use to invest in one of these ventures after incurring some losses. 

Another story is of a man who invested all his life’s savings while his family slowly died of hunger. Yet, their breadwinner threw the gospel of their action as driven by a desire to create generational wealth or their long-term investment. This is the habit of a gambler, which inevitably reminds me of the character Isaac Solar in the Telemundo programme Price of Fame, who was a chronic gambler who betrayed his family’s famous Music record label due to his gambling addiction, which eventually led him to the killing of his brother Julio Casear.

So, how is the cryptocurrency scenario any different from gambling–only that it is a digitalised form of gambling that has succeeded in throwing everyone into the loop of addiction? 

Evidently, the actors behind this have tapped into humanity’s psychology regarding the desire for wealth, particularly in our time—it is the new craze of society that we have come to believe can be earned by any means, thereby keeping us on a constant hamster wheel in pursuit of riches. Our attention is drawn to every word, every instance where money is mentioned, casting doubt on its legitimacy. And I could go on. 

So, ultimately, what I set out to say is

People fail to see these mining and crypto-related ventures for what they truly are. To me, they represent another form of gambling, albeit not in the traditional sense we know. Yet, we remain blind to this fact, and even more so, our ears are deafened, as those who have set out to swindle the masses in order to amass wealth for themselves have not only studied the psychology of individuals but have also mastered the art of using language to mislead the world into perceiving this as a reasonable and profitable venture. 

All this does to the poor, however, is rip them of their little savings and, of course, their peace of mind. Many have starved their families just so they could invest in something that yields neither results nor returns; they have gained depression after borrowing and pouring all their life savings into ventures, waiting years for nothing. And let’s not even start with the “it’s a long-term investment” nonsense because that’s rubbish. 

What happens if the investor dies? Can his or her family retrieve the funds? If I need money urgently, can I access my money quickly to address an immediate need? The answer is a definitive no! At least with banks, I can do all of the aforementioned. Therefore, due to the tendency of cryptocurrencies to fluctuate, which keeps you on edge and causes anxiety, I believe banks are more certain alternatives. 

We know for a fact that one of the plagues of the 21st century is the tendency to use language to glamourise the abnormal, turning it into something attractive—the era of double-speak, or what is infamously known as Orwellian language. Where gluttony is called cravings, bleaching is termed toning, being selfish is referred to as self-care, and, of course, in this regard, gambling is portrayed as trading or investment.

Fortunately, few people have gained from these ventures compared to those who spend good time and money but reap nothing over the years. 

It is obvious that after investing, there is no way to retrieve one’s capital in case one no longer finds the venture profitable. It is just dormant, so-called wealth that can’t be retrieved. Let’s not talk about how one’s family cannot retrieve their loved one’s investment after his/her demise. 

It’s sad that many of us have fallen into this trap. Though I’m no Sheikh or Ustaz, whenever I see the craze over cryptocurrency, these are some of the prophets’ sayings that come to my mind.

There is much controversy about the legitimacy of mining or crypto, which is enough reason to avoid it. The prophet SAW has advised us to avoid anything that is ambiguous. 

I come in peace.

 A verse of Allah to reflect upon: 

(2:275) “As for those who devour interest, they behave as the one whom Satan has confounded with his touch. Seized in this state, they say: “Buying and selling is but a kind of interest,” even though Allah has made buying and selling lawful and interest unlawful. Hence, he who receives this admonition from his Lord and then gives up (dealing in interest) may keep his previous gains, and it will be for Allah to judge him. As for those who revert to it, they are the people of the Fire, and in it shall they abide.”

 And the Hadith of the prophet:

Messenger of Allah ﷺ said, “Verily, there is a Fitnah (trial) for every nation, and the trial for my nation (or Ummah) is wealth”. At-Tirmidhi.

Instead of viewing cryptocurrency and its likes as another innovational breakthrough or digital economic revolution, let’s reflect on it from the perspective of the end of times.

Saadatu is a writer and lecturer at the ABU Distance Learning Centre. She can be reached at: Saadatualiyu36@gmail.com

By Anas Abbas

The United States has unveiled its list of countries eligible for the 2025 Visa Waiver Programme (VWP), notably excluding all African nations except the United Kingdom. 

While the UK retains eligibility under certain conditions, countries like Nigeria, Ghana, and South Africa are excluded from this visa-free travel initiative.

Among the updates, Romania has been welcomed as a new participant in the 2025 VWP, which largely maintains the existing roster of eligible nations. The US government has focused on enhanced security measures and prioritized countries that demonstrate strong diplomatic relationships and robust border security practices in its selection criteria.

The Visa Waiver Programme, as outlined by the US Bureau of Consular Affairs, allows citizens from participating countries to visit the United States for tourism or business purposes for stays of up to 90 days without needing a visa. 

However, travellers must first secure a valid Electronic System for Travel Authorization (ESTA) prior to their journey and meet all other stipulated requirements. Those who prefer to have a visitor visa can still apply for one.

The 2025 programme introduces several policy updates regarding eligibility, adjustments to the list of participating countries, and new travel regulations to streamline visa-free entry for millions of travellers globally.

The list of 40 countries whose citizens can travel to the US without a visa under the 2025 VWP includes: Andorra, Australia, Austria, Belgium, Chile, Czech Republic, Croatia, Denmark, Estonia, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Iceland, Ireland, Italy, Israel, Japan, Latvia, Liechtenstein, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Malta, Monaco, Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, Poland, Portugal, San Marino, Singapore, Slovakia, Slovenia, South Korea, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, Taiwan, and Romania.

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

Ugandan police are investigating the tragic death of Nigerian footballer Abubakar Lawal, who fell from the third floor of Voicemall Shopping Arcade in Kampala early Monday.

The 29-year-old striker, who played for local club Vipers, had been visiting a Tanzanian friend residing in one of the mall’s apartments. According to the friend, she left Lawal alone shortly before the incident occurred.

Authorities are reviewing CCTV footage and conducting interrogations to determine the cause of the fall.

The Vipers Sports Club issued a statement expressing their grief, saying: “We are deeply saddened to announce the sudden and untimely passing of our beloved player, Abubakar Lawal.

Our thoughts and prayers are with his family, fans, friends, and loved ones during this difficult time.”

Lawal joined Vipers in July 2022 after two years with AS Kigali in Rwanda.

By Sani Mu’azu

I am still reeling from the news of Souleymane Cissé’s passing. As a young filmmaker, I had the privilege of meeting him at the Shitengi Film Festival in Cape Town and later at Fespaco in Ouagadougou. His presence, wisdom, and generosity left an indelible mark on me.

Cissé’s cinematic legacy is a testament to his unwavering commitment to African storytelling, deep humanism, and profound political engagement. His iconic film Yeelen (Brightness) was a turning point for me. Its powerful narrative, stunning visuals, and masterful storytelling ignited a fire within me to tell African stories that matter.

Yeelen‘s exploration of traditional Bambara culture, the struggle for power, and the quest for knowledge resonated deeply with me. It was a cinematic experience that not only inspired me but also challenged my perspectives on African identity, culture, and history.

As I grew in my filmmaking journey, I often reflected on Cissé’s words, wisdom, and work. His passion for African cinema, dedication to mentoring emerging filmmakers, and unwavering commitment to telling our stories with dignity and authenticity continue to inspire me.

Papa Cissé, as I affectionately called him, may be gone, but his cinematic legacy, his wisdom, and his impact on African cinema will continue to illuminate our screens, our hearts, and our minds.

Rest in peace, Souleymane Cissé. Your brightness will continue to shine.

Farewell, Papa Cissé.

By Bashir Uba Ibrahim, PhD

Etymologically, the terms “autos”, “bios”, and “graphein” are Greek forms. While the former stands for “self”, the “bio” represents “life”, and the “graphein” which diachronically and morphologically changes over time to “graphy,” means “to write”. Thus, autobiography is a self-written narration of one’s own life. 

According to Celluni, “All men, whatever be their condition, who have done anything of merit, if so, be they men of truth and good repute, should write the tale of their life with their own hand”. Thus, the recent 420-page memoir launched by the former military Head of State, Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida, on Thursday, 20^th February 2025, is a typical instance of a self-written account of one’s own life experiences.

Babangida’s A Journey of Service: An Autobiography is highly anticipated due to the author’s role as one of Nigeria’s most controversial, if not enigmatic, military leaders. His perceptive ingenuity and cunning leadership style earned him the nickname “Maradona” or “evil genius.” Thus, his reign was marked by numerous seemingly unforgettable controversies and troubles, ranging from the mysterious death of journalist Dele Giwa, the failed coup of Mamman Vatsa and his subsequent execution, Gideon Okar’s bloody failed coup, the Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP), the OIC palaver, and above all, the 1993 June 12 saga. 

As noted by Lejunre (1975), the supreme value of autobiography lies in its nature as a product of the writer’s self, the private realm of his reflective self that informs the bios and graphein, with which they interact to form a text as a discourse about his existence, particularly emphasising the development of his own life and personality. Therefore, as an autobiographical text, A Journey in Service represents a personal account of its author.

In addition, Babangida, in this book, makes a striking revelation, submissions and confessions that left some of its readers in a deep shudder and bewilderment. For instance, about the June 12 saga, an election that was annulled in broad daylight by him, he writes that on June 23^rd, 1993, he left Abuja for Katsina to commiserate with the Yar’adua family over the death of their patriarch, Musa Yar’adua, the father of Major General Shehu Yar’adua and the late Nigerian president Umar Musa Yar’adua when “a report filtered to me that the June 12 elections had been annulled” (pp-275). He thus shifts blame to former Head of State General Sani Abacha, who was then his Chief of Defence Staff, the accusation which some people view as not only baseless but rather a joke and a scapegoat as succinctly captured in the book “But annulment was only a component of series of other options. But to suddenly have an announcement made without my authority was, to put it mildly, alarming. I remember saying: ‘These nefarious inside’ forces opposed to the elections have outflanked me! I would later find out that the forces led by General Sani Abacha annulled the election. There and then, I knew I was caught between a devil and deep blue sea” (pp-275).  

Therefore, Abacha served as a whipping boy or a fall guy, thus taking the blame. This is where the need for thanatography- a death writing comes up. Had Abacha been alive, the people would like to hear his side of the story on this saga, or had it been possible to write from the grave, thanatographically, his submission will help in striking a balance. Therefore, it is probable to say that Babangida’s autobiography, A Journey of Service, is just a metaphor of self that conceptually and schematically treatises his life journey from his early years, school years in Wushishi and Bida, early military career as a young officer to Nigerian civil war and NDA teaching years, mounting the saddle of leadership as the military head of state and the challenges that follow. 

In short, this autobiography is timely as it emerges in an era where one of MKO Abiola’s disciples, who fought for the cause of June 12, which led to his exile, is ruling the country. Meanwhile, the public’s eagerness to hear Babangida’s perspective after 32 years since the incident, along with numerous intricate mysteries, controversies, and decisions that characterised his regime, makes the book’s readership thought-provoking. 

However, my prediction is that the book will be subjected to various interpretations, re-readings, and misinterpretations depending on the perspective of its readers. Therefore, critics of this autobiography or memoir may approach it with the intention of deconstructing it, as the autobiographical activity (by Babangida) is also a form of deconstruction, evident through the narrative account and the self-writing upon the subject self.         

Dr Bashir Uba Ibrahim writes from the Department of English and Literary Studies, Sule Lamido University, Kafin Hausa. He can be reached via bashirubaibrahim@gmail.com.

By Ibraheem A. Waziri 

On February 20, 2025, Nigeria marked a pivotal moment in its historical and literary landscape by launching A Journey in Service, the autobiography of General Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida, the nation’s former Military Head of State. Held at the Transcorp Hilton Hotel’s Congress Hall in Abuja, the event drew an illustrious crowd: President Bola Tinubu, former Presidents Yakubu Gowon, Abdulsalami Abubakar, and Goodluck Jonathan, alongside business magnates Aliko Dangote and Abdulsamad Rabiu. 

Beyond the fanfare and the nearly N17.5 billion raised for the IBB Legacy Centre—mistakenly dubbed a presidential library in early reports—the memoir’s release reignites a profound discussion about autobiographies. Far from being vessels of absolute truth, such works are meticulously crafted narratives designed to logically articulate an author’s perspective while justifying their actions and thoughts—past, present, and future. Babangida’s A Journey in Serviceembodies this, offering a lens to explore the constructed essence of autobiographical storytelling.

Autobiographies are, by design, subjective endeavours, distinct from impartial chronicles. They weave personal accounts from memory, intent, and selective disclosure, often prioritising coherence over unvarnished fact. Babangida, who governed Nigeria from August 27, 1985, to August 26, 1993, remains a divisive figure. Known for deft political manoeuvres—earning monikers like “Maradona” for his agility and “evil genius” for his cunningness—he oversaw a tumultuous era marked by economic upheaval and democratic setbacks. His most infamous act, the annulment of the June 12, 1993, presidential election—widely deemed Nigeria’s freest at that time, won by Moshood Abiola—has haunted his legacy for 31 years. 

Nigerians anticipated A Journey in Service as a chance for clarity or confession, yet its launch reveals a narrative sculpted to reflect Babangida’s self-perception. He acknowledges Abiola’s victory, a move Tinubu hailed as “unusual courage,” but frames the annulment as an unauthorised act by General Sani Abacha and other officers while he was in Katsina, sidelined by circumstance. This selective disclosure suggests not a full unveiling but a justification, repositioning him as a constrained leader rather than complicit.

This subjectivity underscores a broader truth: books, especially memoirs, filter reality through hindsight, bias, and audience expectation. Babangida’s 420-page work, reviewed by former Vice President Yemi Osinbajo, promises insights into his eight-year tenure—economic reforms like the Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP), infrastructure feats, and banking deregulation—yet sidesteps a complete reckoning. 

Critics highlight glaring omissions: no confession regarding the October 19, 1986, assassination of journalist Dele Giwa by a parcel bomb widely linked to his regime; no accounting for the $12.4 billion Gulf War oil windfall, per the 1994 Pius Okigbo report; and no remorse for the executions of coup plotters like Mamman Vatsa in 1986 and Gideon Orkar in 1990. Babangida’s claim that he feared Abiola’s assassination if he took office—a speculative justification—casts him as a reluctant actor amidst a military cabal, absolving himself of agency. As much as the revelations, these silences illustrate how A Journey in Service constructs a narrative that defends, rather than fully discloses, a deliberate choice aligning with autobiographical norms.

The memoir’s role as a legacy-building tool further amplifies its constructed nature. Launched as Babangida, now 83 (born August 17, 1941), nears life’s twilight, and Nigeria approaches the 2027 elections, the event doubled as a fundraising spectacle for the IBB Legacy Centre. Billion-naira pledges from Dangote, Rabiu, and others—totalling N17.5 billion per ThisDay—underscored Babangida’s enduring clout 31 years after stepping down. 

The title A Journey in Service reframes his rule as a patriotic endeavour, softening the authoritarian edges of his “evil genius” persona. By admitting Abiola’s win while distancing himself from the annulment’s execution, he crafts a complex portrait: a transformative leader navigating chaos, appealing to admirers who credit him with modernisation while mitigating critics’ ire over economic hardship and political repression. This duality reflects a narrative engineered to reconcile his past with the statesman image he seeks today, extending its influence beyond the page into Nigeria’s political present.

The historical context of Babangida’s tenure enriches this analysis. His regime followed a series of military coups, inheriting a nation battered by oil-dependent economics and factional strife. The SAP, intended to liberalise the economy, sparked inflation and unrest, while his annulment catalysed protests and deepened ethnic divides, paving the way for Abacha’s reign. A Journey in Service likely glosses over these ripple effects, emphasising achievements—like the Third Mainland Bridge or Abuja’s development—to counterbalance failures. This selective memory mirrors how autobiographies prioritise legacy over accountability, inviting readers to weigh Babangida’s narrative against Nigeria’s collective experience.

Reactions to the memoir underscore its status as perspective, not fact. Tinubu, a June 12 activist turned president, praised its candour as setting “records properly,” perhaps reflecting political pragmatism. Afenifere, a pan-Yoruba group, rejected it as too late to mend the annulment’s “ogbonge damage,” echoing Yoruba grievances. Activists accused Babangida of exploiting Nigeria’s accountability vacuum, a sentiment rooted in decades of unresolved justice. Literary scholar Pius Adesanmi, were he alive, might have called it a “textual performance,” blending truth and theatre. These responses reveal a fragmented reception: the book’s narrative is interpreted through readers’ biases, not universally embraced as truth, highlighting the elusive nature of autobiographical authority.

However, this constructed nature does not diminish the value of A Journey in Service; rather, it enhances its complexity. It provides a window into Babangida’s mind: his rationalisations, regrets, and aspirations amid a career of calculated risks. At the launch, Goodluck Jonathan urged the preservation of such narratives to enrich Nigeria’s political archive, calling for the institutionalisation of personal histories. 

Readers, however, must approach it sceptically, recognising it as one voice in a cacophony of perspectives—those of June 12 activists, SAP victims, and silenced journalists. Its significance lies not in claiming absolute truth but in sparking reflection and debate, compelling Nigerians to confront the ambiguities of their history. For youth, as commentators suggest, it offers leadership lessons—resilience and adaptability—albeit through a self-justifying lens that demands critical parsing.

Comparatively, A Journey in Service fits a global tradition of autobiographical narrative-building. Nelson Mandela’s Long Walk to Freedom blends triumph with curated humility, while Barack Obama’s Dreams from My Father navigates identity with selective introspection. With its wit (per Osinbajo’s review) and strategic candour, Babangida’s work joins this lineage, tailoring Nigeria’s military past to a personal saga. Its launch timing—amid economic woes and democratic flux—amplifies its relevance, positioning Babangida as a commentator on leadership in crisis, a narrative thread justifying his past while influencing future discourse.

In conclusion, autobiographies like A Journey in Service are not absolute truths but woven narratives serving their authors’ ends. Launched on February 20, 2025, Babangida’s memoir—through selective revelations, strategic omissions, and legacy-driven intent—justifies actions like the annulment while shaping his present stature and future remembrance. 

As Nigerians grapple with its contents, it stands as a testament to storytelling’s power: not a final word, but a provocation to question, analyse, and seek broader truths it skirts. In a nation wrestling with its past—where military rule, economic policy, and democratic betrayal remain raw—such narratives are vital, not for certainty, but for the conversations they ignite, urging a deeper reckoning with history’s many voices.

Ibraheem A. Waziri wrote from Zaria.