Nigeria

Nigeria unveils agribusiness strategy to combat food insecurity

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

The Presidential Food Systems Coordination Unit (PFSCU) has launched a new National Agribusiness Policy Mechanism (NAPM) to address food insecurity and strengthen Nigeria’s agricultural sector.

The initiative, announced after the 5th Steering Committee meeting in Abuja, aims to improve coordination and investment across federal, state, and local levels using data and digital tools.

As part of its outreach, the PFSCU introduced the “Harvesting Hope Caravan,” a nationwide tour to engage communities through town halls and demonstrations.

Meanwhile, rising challenges in wheat and rice production prompted the creation of an emergency task force to assess and mitigate risks.

To enhance food security monitoring, the PFSCU is collaborating with the National Security Adviser and the FAO to develop an AI-powered early warning system.

Additionally, the $1.1 billion ‘Green Imperative Project’ is advancing, with 774 farms onboarded and six equipment hubs established to support farmers.

With regional offices set up for data-driven policymaking, the PFSCU reaffirmed its commitment to stabilizing Nigeria’s food systems through innovation and partnerships.

The move comes as food security grows increasingly tied to national stability.

The birth of performance-based politics in Jega  

By Bilyamin Abdulmumin, PhD

There is much to learn from the politics currently unfolding between the Jega community, their constituency representative, and the Kebbi State government. 

It all began with rising criticism directed at the state government over the glaring lack of infrastructure development in the community. What made the criticism particularly serious was the surprise and visible projects by Hon. Mansur Musa Jega, the National Assembly member representing Jega, Gwandu, and Aliero. Unarguably, since the return of democracy, this constituency has never witnessed such a scale of project delivery. So, unsurprisingly, prayers and praise were poured in from all quarters.

With Senator Muhammad Adamu Aliero of Kebbi Central also delivering notable developments, public frustration quickly turned toward the state government—the governor, the state assembly member, and the local government chairman. During the latest Eid prayer, one fierce Imam echoed the sentiment in his sermon before thousands of faithful. 

In a bold rhetorical salvo, the Imam asked: “Where are the capital projects from the state governor? Or from the local government chairman? Has governance been reduced to merely paying salaries?” 

On the other hand, the Imam turns to the constituency member to invoke Allah’s blessings on him for conspicuous township developments. These prayers were the straw that broke the camel’s back. The video went viral, sending shockwaves through the state government and its supporters.

But then, almost immediately, something interesting happened. Based on the advice, the government mobilised contractors to immediately mark for dualisation one of the busiest roads (leading to the house of the town chief). Behold, performance-based politics (which should have been the case) has given birth. 

One interesting lesson from this development is that a politician’s performance speaks louder and travels faster than any political campaign: A politician’s performance becomes an automatic means of political campaigning. Imagine an Imam on Eid grounds before thousands campaigning for one candidate. That’s the power of visible performance.

Another interesting piece revealed by the saga was the political influence of the population. Jega is among the few local governments in Kebbi State with the highest population, hence one of the most influential politically. The old town forms what would be called a swing state in America for its political dynamism or K states in Nigeria for its sheer number of electorates, so winning it is a sign of success in Kebbi State. A reason why the state governor didn’t joke with the Imam and the electorate’s outcry. This shows that a large population, when strategically mobilised, can become a political asset.

 While delivering constituency projects also depends on what committees a representative belongs to, Mansur still deserves credit because there are allegations of constructors conniving with constituency members to divert billions of naira from constituency projects. 

We criticise politicians when they fail; we should also encourage them when they try.

Is the PDP dead?

By Kabiru Danladi Lawanti, PhD

By every objective measure, the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) has ceased functioning as a viable political entity in Nigeria. Its carcass continues to move but without pulse, purpose, or coherence. As a ruling party, the PDP had its moments, but its legacy is weighed down by monumental abuses of power, systemic electoral malpractice, and industrial-scale corruption. 

From the open manipulation of election results mid-process to the weaponisation of state institutions for partisan gain, the party leadership helped normalise impunity at the highest level. Two decades on, many of these cases—alleging theft of billions—are still unresolved.

But the party’s death didn’t happen overnight. It began in 2007, when President Olusegun Obasanjo imposed a sick candidate on Nigerians, followed by Goodluck Jonathan’s directionless presidency. In 2014, a mass defection gutted its internal cohesion, when five of its governors established the new PDP to challenge what they called a lack of internal democracy within the party. 

Losing power in 2015 should have been a moment for self-correction. Instead, the PDP lost its ideological compass. It abandoned the one role opposition parties must play in democracies: the duty to provide clarity, contrast, and credible alternatives. 

Even as the All Progressives Congress (APC) drifted into policy incoherence from 2017 onward and the confusion that followed – petroleum prices increase, ASUU and other university union strikes, economic recession, open stealing never seen before in the nation’s history, fuel subsidy removal, minimum wage controversy, etc.- the PDP remained inert—leaderless, rudderless, and largely invisible.

Today, what remains of the PDP is a loosely held patchwork of political actors in retreat. Governors are defecting. Its 2023 vice-presidential candidate has walked away. State-level structures are hollowed out. Internal leadership is fractured, and there is no unifying idea or strategic doctrine to rally around. What does this tell us? The PDP is not in decline. It is defunct.

Nigeria is experiencing a vacuum of governance across federal, state, and local levels. What is needed is a credible alternative with intellectual spine, strategic clarity, and moral authority. The PDP has forfeited that opportunity. Nigerians are now confronted with two bleak options: to stick with a failing ruling party or scavenge among opportunistic startups branded with catchy acronyms and no ideological soul.

The PDP’s collapse is more than a party’s fall—it is a signal of deeper systemic decay in Nigeria’s political architecture. But in every collapse lies an opening: for principled political entrepreneurship, grounded in values, competence, and execution. Who will offer that? The people that landed us in this mess in the first place or new faces? 

We need new faces in the political arena. These people parading themselves as opposition are no different from the PDP or APC; they are the same. Our youth need to return to their senses, and most people we see in leadership positions started showing their ability to lead in their early 20s. We must step forward if we want to see a Nigeria of our dreams. The time for lamentations is over.

The future belongs to those who can build systems, not just win elections.

The unfinished battle for local government autonomy

By Lawal Dahiru Mamman

In countries where governance works in favour of the people, citizens always look forward to progress and innovation. In contrast, Nigeria often clings to nostalgia, with many, including those who never lived through certain eras, romanticising what they fondly call the “good old days.”

Believing that the past was always better than the present, some advocate for a return to free education and overseas scholarships. Others yearn for the days of kobo coins, arguing that Nigeria’s economy thrived when they were in circulation and the naira held strong against the almighty dollar.

The era of Native Authorities, which largely financed itself through poll taxes and prioritised education, is also missed. Back then, local administrators ensured students were transported to and from school dormitories at the beginning and end of each term, reinforcing a system that valued structured governance and community welfare.

These administrative units, established under British colonial rule, eventually led to local governments (LGs). Initially, the LGs performed well, maintaining orderly markets, paying teachers’ salaries, and addressing essential grassroots needs.

However, over time, they lost autonomy and are now seen as mere appendages of state governments. Recognised as the most crucial level of governance due to their proximity to the people, successive administrations have made efforts to grant LGs full autonomy.

Yet, these efforts have consistently faced resistance. In 2012, former President Goodluck Jonathan declared his commitment to local government autonomy, emphasising that meaningful national development was impossible without functional local councils.

He argued that empowering LGs would have mitigated the rising insecurity. Jonathan also opposed the state-local government joint account, insisting that councils had a pivotal role in his administration’s “Transformation Agenda.”

At one point, he took legal steps to actualise this vision, but the dream of LG autonomy remained unrealised. Former President Muhammadu Buhari also pursued this goal. In May 2020, he signed an Executive Order granting financial autonomy to the judiciary, legislature, and local government councils.

Experts hailed this as a landmark move toward a more people-centred governance structure. Buhari’s rationale was grounded in Section 7 of the 1999 Constitution, which mandates LGs to oversee primary, adult, and vocational education, develop agriculture and natural resources (excluding mineral exploitation), and maintain key public services.

Their responsibilities also include street naming, house numbering, waste disposal, public convenience maintenance, and the registration of births, deaths, and marriages—basic yet crucial civic functions that remain poorly executed in today’s Nigeria.

Additionally, LGs are tasked with assessing and collecting tenement rates, regulating outdoor advertising, and overseeing public health and alcohol control. However, despite Buhari’s efforts, his administration’s push for LG autonomy, much like Jonathan’s, ultimately failed.

Now, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu finds himself at the center of this enduring struggle. He successfully secured a Supreme Court victory affirming LGs’ constitutional rights and their role in advancing grassroots governance.

He hailed the judgment as a win for democracy. However, what initially appeared to be an achievement began to feel like a setback. Many believe that state governors, who have long controlled local government resources, are deliberately frustrating the implementation of this autonomy for personal gain.

The requirement that LGs must conduct elections to receive direct allocations has further complicated the issue, as state governments continue to manipulate the process to maintain dominance.

By its very nature, local government should be the most accessible level of governance, open to all—from the ordinary citizen who walks barefoot to the community leader who mobilises residents for communal projects.

Yet, it has become a political chessboard where governors install their loyalists as council chairmen or caretakers, reducing them to mere appendages rather than independent administrators. Governors have historically played a decisive role in shaping Nigeria’s presidential politics.

With the 2027 elections casting a long shadow, party defections and quiet coalition-building are underway. This leaves Tinubu in a precarious position: will he stand firm on his commitment to full LG autonomy for sustainable economic development, or will he yield to political pressures and look the other way as 2027 approaches?

The battle for local government autonomy remains unfinished. The question now is whether Tinubu will see it through or let history repeat itself.

Lawal Dahiru Mamman writes from Abuja and can be reached via dahirulawal90@gmail.com.

President Tinubu orders security overhaul, declares “enough Is enough” on killings

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

President Bola Tinubu has directed an immediate review of Nigeria’s security strategy.

He also demanded urgent action to halt the rising violence in Borno, Benue, Plateau, and Kwara states.

During a two-hour meeting with security chiefs at the State House in Abuja, the President condemned the killings of innocent Nigerians, declaring, “Enough is enough.”

The National Security Adviser (NSA), Nuhu Ribadu, disclosed that the President ordered a fresh approach to tackling insecurity, emphasizing collaboration with state governments and local authorities.

Ribadu stated that Tinubu, who had been monitoring the situation during his recent foreign trips, insisted on tougher measures to restore peace.

“The President is deeply concerned and has directed enhanced coordination with governors and local councils to address communal conflicts,” Ribadu said.

Security chiefs, including military and intelligence heads, attended the meeting, where they briefed Tinubu on recent attacks, casualties, and ongoing operations.

The NSA noted that insurgents often target vulnerable communities with explosives, stressing the need for proactive measures.

Tinubu’s directive comes amid escalating violence in parts of the North and Middle Belt, with citizens demanding decisive action against insecurity.

Perinatal oral health: A neglected aspect of maternal and child well-being

By Oladoja M.O

Across all health-related policies, discussions, and publications, maternal and child care undoubtedly ranks among the top three priorities of our national healthcare system. Without mincing words, it constitutes a core aspect of public health that rightly deserves every ounce of attention it receives. One might ask, why is this so? 

A report by the World Health Organisation (WHO) underscores the alarming statistics, revealing that, in 2020, a maternity-related death occurred nearly every two minutes. This equates to approximately 800 daily maternal deaths from preventable causes across various regions of the world. 

Similarly, UNICEF, in one of its latest reports, noted that while Nigeria constitutes only 2.4% of the world’s population, it accounts for a staggering 10% of global maternal deaths. Recent figures indicate a maternal mortality rate of 576 per 100,000 live births, ranking as the fourth highest globally. Furthermore, an estimated 262,000 neonatal deaths occur annually at birth, the second-highest national total in the world.

Beyond these mortality figures, numerous other health complications afflict this demographic, often with far-reaching, detrimental consequences. Some of these complications include hypertension, gestational diabetes, infections, preeclampsia, preterm labour, depression and anxiety, pregnancy loss or miscarriage, and stillbirth. These conditions may jeopardise the health of the mother, fetus, or both, and can be life-threatening if not properly managed. With such distressing statistics, it is impossible not to prioritise this critical issue.

Recognising the gravity of the situation, the government has implemented several initiatives to address maternal and child health concerns. Notable programs include the Midwife Service Scheme, which aimed to enhance the healthcare workforce by deploying midwives to provide maternal health services in rural areas, and the Saving One Million Lives Program for Results, a performance-based funding initiative aimed at improving maternal and child health outcomes at the state level.

Additionally, the Maternal Mortality Reduction Innovation Initiative (MAMII) prioritises life-saving interventions for women and newborns, strengthening healthcare services in the 172 most affected local government areas through supply- and demand-side strategies.

However, despite these concerted efforts and the significant attention accorded to maternal and child healthcare, a critical yet insidious aspect of this discourse remains grossly overlooked—oral health. Among the myriad etiological factors contributing to maternal and child health complications, the intersection of oral health and overall maternal well-being is frequently ignored. 

A 2024 study highlighted that a mother’s oral health status, knowledge, literacy, attitudes, behaviours, and socioeconomic status are pivotal determinants of childhood caries. Another recent study underscored the detrimental impact of poor oral health during pregnancy, linking it to adverse outcomes such as preterm birth, low birth weight, preeclampsia, gingival ulcerations, pregnancy granulomas, gingivitis, and pregnancy tumours (epulis gravidarum). 

According to a CDC physician, improving pregnant women’s oral health is one of the most effective strategies for preventing early childhood caries. She further emphasised that oral health is an essential component of prenatal care, as poor maternal oral health can significantly compromise both maternal and neonatal health, setting the foundation for lifelong health challenges. Additionally, periodontitis has been strongly associated with adverse pregnancy outcomes, including preterm birth and low birth weight.

Given these profound implications, one would expect a holistic approach to maternal healthcare—one that integrates oral health awareness and services into prenatal care. Unfortunately, this is far from reality. A 2024 scoping review revealed that dental service utilisation among pregnant women in Nigeria is alarmingly low, with visits largely driven by curative rather than preventive needs.

Despite the serious risks associated with poor oral health during pregnancy, oral health education remains conspicuously absent from antenatal awareness curricula, and primary healthcare centres lack dedicated oral health officers.

Thus, this serves as a call for urgent action and heightened awareness. The advocacy for integrating oral health education into antenatal classes must persist, as maternal knowledge of oral healthcare is often inadequate. 

Pregnancy is a critical period that necessitates heightened attention to oral health, and dental clinic visits should be regarded as an indispensable component of prenatal care. Most importantly, the government must prioritise the strategic deployment of public oral health officers to ensure that this vulnerable demographic’s unique oral healthcare needs are adequately addressed.

Oladoja M.O writes from Abuja and can be reached at: mayokunmark@gmail.com

Delta gov. Oborevwori switches to APC from PDP

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

In a major political shake-up, Delta State Governor Sheriff Oborevwori has officially defected from the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) to the All Progressives Congress (APC).

The announcement was made by Senator James Manager during a press briefing attended by key PDP figures, including former Governor Ifeanyi Okowa, who was the vice-presidential candidate in the 2023 elections.

Also present were Delta State House of Assembly Speaker Emomotimi Guor and other party leaders.

Manager stated that the governor’s move was in the best interest of Delta State’s development.

He confirmed that the entire PDP structure in the state has now merged with the APC.

A formal declaration is expected on Monday, cementing Delta’s transition to an APC-controlled state.

Pioneer female acting director takes over as army spokesperson

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

Lieutenant Colonel Onyechi Appolonia Anele has made history as the first female Acting Director of Army Public Relations (DAPR) in the Nigerian Army.

She assumed command today in a brief ceremony at the Army Headquarters, Abuja, taking over from Major General Onyema Nwachukwu, who has been redeployed to the Nigerian Army Heritage and Future Centre.

In her remarks, Lt. Col. Anele thanked the Chief of Army Staff, Lieutenant General Olufemi Oluyede, for the opportunity and pledged to uphold professionalism in her new role.

She also acknowledged the contributions of her predecessor, Major General Nwachukwu, in strengthening the directorate’s operations. Major General Nwachukwu, in his farewell speech, highlighted key achievements under his leadership, including enhanced training for personnel in strategic communication and improved public perception of the Nigerian Army.

The ceremony featured the signing of handover notes, the presentation of the command flag, and the decoration of Lt. Col. Anele with the directorate’s insignia. Senior officers and defence correspondents witnessed the event.

Lt. Col. Anele, a member of the Nigerian Institute of Public Relations (NIPR), previously served as Public Relations Officer to a former Chief of Army Staff and at the Defence Headquarters’ Department of Civil-Military Relations.

The Hausa reading culture is dead: Long live the Hausa reading culture

By Prof. Abdalla Uba Adamu

As we celebrate the World Book and Copyright Day (the UNESCO, not UK version) on 23rd April 2025, and even though it is targeted at children and youth, let’s reflect; after all, we were once children and youth. A historical excavation of our reading habits shows how lucky we were.

Hausa folks over 50 have always lamented the death of reading culture among contemporary Hausa youth. Such old fogies always hark back to the days of reading, mainly English language authors: James Hadley Chase, Denise Robins, Jacqueline Susann, Frederick Forsyth, Nick Carter, Stephen King, Robert Ludlum, Harold Robbins, Ayn Rand, Wilbur Smith, etc. Almost always English. Always British or American. The novels written by these authors, I would argue, laid solid foundations for their knowledge, command and mastery of the English language. 

And the comics. Tintin (actually, Tan-Tan), Asterix, Mad Magazine, Marvel comics (Spiderman, Fantastic Four, Thor, X-Men, etc). The entire comics of London’s Fleet Street. Evoking memories of Valiant, Thunder, Eagle, Commando, Cor!!, Buster, Tiger, Battle. Even football comics (even though I don’t particularly like football at all), such as Roy of the Rovers. The novels, the comics and the TV shows (Star Trek, Space 1999, Man from U.N.C.L.E., Man from Atlantis, Perry Mason, etc.), to be frank, laid the foundation of what I am today. Not much from Africa, though. But the little we had was superb as well. These included Lance Spearman’s African Film, Fearless Fang’s Boom, and a romantic tear-jerker, Joy.  

All were readily available at the Post Office in Kano and major supermarkets of Leventis and Kingsway. The latter in particular became a must-visit place for me in the 1970s. Nothing, absolutely nothing, beats the wonderful smell of fresh books being stacked on their shelves. And it wasn’t just books. I scrimped and saved pennies and shillings until I had enough to purchase my first vinyl record album – Rare Earth’s Get Ready in 1972, three years after it was released in 1969, when I first heard a single version on the radio. 

This was what defined reading culture, at least for those of us in the urban centres who grew up with it. And even if one can’t afford fresh new books and comics from Leventis and Kingsway stores, there are many places in Kano centred around Plaza in Fage, Coca Cola Roundabout, and even the main Post Office frontage itself, where hundreds of second-hand books are sold, even up to now. 

Exchanging books and discussing their plots, characters, and titles set the tone of conversations with friends. The most popular pulp fiction writer, of course, was René Lodge Brabazon Raymond, most popularly known as James Hadley Chase. Interestingly, his novels were written in the 1930s and later, painting an often-depressing picture of his setting (mainly the United States, even though he was British). Titles like Tiger By the Tail, Tell It to the Birds, Just a Matter of Time, Knock, Knock! Who’s There? There is a Hippy on the Highway that evokes our hastily copied Americanism. The garish covers, almost always graced by a long-legged sultry female model, made many truly judge the book by its cover. 

These foreign novels existed alongside African novels, particularly those published by Heinemann since 1969. The Heinemann African Writers Series produced a massive variety of novels, almost 225, many by people from the eastern part of Nigeria. For most of us, though, their postcolonial themes seemed too intellectual. Further, they were made part of the set reading for those offering literature, so again, many who want to read a novel just for pleasure rather than pan-African political philosophy simply avoided them. 

The struggle for the souls—and pockets—of school children in the 1970s continued in efforts to dislodge James Hadley Chase. In 1977, Macmillan Publishers decided to publish a low-cost paperback series under what they called the Pacesetters Series. These were published from 1979 to 1988 and became massively popular. I remember seeing one of the earliest, The Undesirable Element by Mohammad Sule from Kano, published in 1977, while we were students at ABU. 

When Sule finished the novel (which he wrote while a student at the now Rumfa College Kano), he initially took the manuscript to the Northern Nigeria Publishing Company (NNPC) in Zaria, which rejected it because it was in English. Luckily, Macmillan was in partnership with NNPC and the MD, a Briton, asked his wife to evaluate it. She did it positively and recommended it to Macmillan London, who were just about to start their Pacesetter series. See providence. If NNPC had accepted it, they would have created a large pool of English language novelists in northern Nigeria

For Baby Boomers (1946-1964) and Generation X (1965 to 1979), the Structural Adjustment Program (SAP) of 1986 severely affected their reading culture in one way: the books just dried up, whether foreign or local. Foreign became too expensive, local became too repetitive and static. We simply went back to the old classics and read them again and again. It was Robert Ludlum re-read (especially The Parsifal Mosaic) for me. 

All this was for ƴan boko. What about Hausa novels or reading materials? There are very few. By the 1980s, all the classics had been read, and no new ones were coming out. These included Magana Jari CeIlya Ɗan MaiƙarfiGogan NakaNagari Na KowaSihirtaccen GariDau Fataken Dare, and a whole bunch of plays. Writing and publishing was very strenuous. Publishers could only publish if the books were to be made part of the set reading for WAEC, which limits the writer’s imagination and creativity. 

Then Hafsat AbdulWaheed came along with So, Aljannar Duniya in 1980. The first published Hausa language novel. The first by a woman from northern Nigeria. Plotting the classic Hausa marriage situation. A revolution was ignited in Hausa language fiction, leading to Mills and Boons style romantic fiction or Littattafan Soyayya. In less than five years, both male and female writers had emerged with stories to tell. Writers’ collectives were formed. The printing presses of party politics made it easier to self-publish. So, the writers ignored the snotty hoity-toity “big” publishers, especially NNPC (although NNPC can PRINT your book for payment, as they did with Balaraba Ramat’s early novels).  

In less than five years, the emergent authors have published more volumes than Heinemann (225) and Pacesetters (130). This made Hausa the most voracious reading public in Nigeria. Prof. Graham Furniss of the SOAS London even published a bibliography of the genre, including a whole website based at SOAS. When they became too much for the Kano State public culture, for that was where they flourished, a censorship board was created in 2001 to curb them. When that did not work, the Kano State government burned them in 2007 to cleanse the youth of the books. A harsher censorship regime debilitated them even more, throwing them out of business. The Hausa reading culture died. 

Then the Smartphone came in 2007—the then-Kano state Governor publicly burned Hausa books the same year. The same year, a harsher censorship regime was instituted in Kano that made life hell for the creative industries (Maryam Hiyana, anyone?). The iPhone, while not the first smartphone (Blackberry, anyone?), nevertheless revolutionised communication in its innovative approach to design. Clone copies with Android operating systems cemented the mass appeal of the smartphone. Eventually, it became commodified. 

Then, in 2013, Hausa novelists had their epiphany. They realised that with Facebook bubbling away, they could write their novels and escape censorship. Sure, no money, but they would be sharing their ideas. Things then blossomed from there. They created hundreds of Facebook pages for Hausa novels. When they became technologically proficient or engaged those who were, they created blogs sharing Hausa novels and creating massive readership throughout the Hausaphone world. For instance, Hafsat Hausa Novels (H²) had 471,000 members last time I checked. 

Then they discovered Wattpad, which had been in existence since 2006. They moved on the site with massive gusto, creating novels in three presentation modes – Hausa, English and Enghausa. Mainly by women. The migration online redefines “reading culture” if it is seen as engagement with text. Wattpad’s metrics alone convincingly show that the Hausa reading culture has been revived. For instance, Jewel by Maymunatu Bukar had 1.1 million reads. Thus, E-books and online literary content became increasingly popular, and social media can be used to share and discuss these resources

And let’s not ignore social networks and social media posts and COMMENTS. Agreements, disagreements (including insults typical of Arewa Social Media), expanded explanations – all are READING, and far livelier than just reading a book on your own. But again, social media gives us the opportunity to discuss – have a debate – about the books we like/hate (Goodreads, anyone?). 

“Reading culture” is a dynamic and evolving concept that encompasses more than the mere act of reading. It is an intricate web of practices, values, and institutional structures that defines how individuals and communities interact with texts. Whether viewed through a sociological, historical, or digital lens, understanding reading culture involves recognising the interplay between technology, policy, and the deeply personal ways that texts influence and reflect who we are.

I therefore argue that reading social media is very much part of today’s reading culture. It is a re-invention of reading culture. It may differ from traditional literary reading in depth, tone, and purpose, but it still involves interpretation, meaning-making, and cultural exchange. In any event, all the books, comics, and TV shows you so favoured are now digitally available (I have sourced all of these that defined my youth).

As reading culture adapts to the digital age, social media becomes an important arena for literacy and engagement in all spheres. Hey, you might even find the rest of the James Hadley Chase books you missed (you know he published 98, right?). 

Happy World Book and Acibilisian Day to y’all.

Kano Hisbah shuts down fake ‘prophet’s footprint’ site amid public frenzy

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

The Kano State Hisbah Board has dismantled an unauthorized pilgrimage site in the Dakata Industrial Area after false claims spread that the spot bore the footprint of Prophet Muhammad (PBUH).

The site attracted large crowds when a muddy imprint and seeping water led to rumors of divine healing powers.

Videos showed people bathing in, drinking, and collecting the water while performing religious rites.

Deputy Commander Muhahideen Aminudeen of the Hisbah Board dismissed the claims as baseless, stating that the Prophet never visited Africa.

He warned against the health risks of consuming the water and urged the public to seek proper Islamic knowledge.

No arrests have been made, but authorities are investigating the source of the misinformation.