Nigeria

By Haroon Aremu Abiodun

“Any country where lawmaking is more lucrative than law enforcement, there must be insecurity.”

That was the piercing submission of veteran Nollywood actor Kanayo O. Kanayo in a podcast interview. This quote still lingers in my mind like a haunting prophecy. Sadly, Nigeria appears to be a textbook example of that paradox.

This raises a chilling question: can we ever be safe in a nation where those crafting the laws live like kings, while those enforcing them die like pawns?

The roads tremble with fear, and villages sleep with one eye open. From Abuja to Zamfara, from the creeks of the Delta to Anambra, to the rocky hills of Birnin Gwari, the word “insecurity” has become a national refrain. 

In whispered conversations and on trending hashtags, Nigerians continue to ask: Can banditry, kidnapping, and terrorism ever truly end in Nigeria?

While President Bola Ahmed Tinubu continues to pledge security reforms, and National Security Adviser Nuhu Ribadu issues strategic statements, the reality on the ground often contradicts this. The Chief of Defence Staff, General Christopher Musa, may be leading an army of patriots. Still, their valour is constantly undermined by systemic inequality, in which the pen is paid more than the gun.

I Witnessed the Truth

In early June, I attended a deeply insightful citizenship engagement forum hosted by Voice of Nigeria (VON). Dignitaries, including the Minister of Information, NSA Ribadu, the Chief of Defence Staff, and other notable figures,were present. But one story shared by the Chief of Defence Staff froze the air.

He recalled a young bandit who surrendered. The military, adopting a “soft approach,” chose not to brutalise him but instead treated him humanely. He was given food, a warm bath, and, for the first time in his life, a mattress.

This wasn’t just about physical comfort. It was symbolic. The boy, barely old enough to vote, said he had never lain on a mattress before. That was his first taste of civilisation, and it came not from a school or community, but from an army barracks. The boy had joined a group of killers not out of hatred, but out of hopelessness.

The Root of the Rot: 3Es

With what the Chief of Defence Staff said, I was able to conclude that part of the root of Nigeria’s security crisis lies in the absence of the “3Es”: Education, Exposure, and Enlightenment. These are not luxuries; they are necessities. And in the North, where banditry has gained a more frightening foothold, their absence is glaring.

It is time for Northern governors to rise beyond rhetoric. The federal government cannot win this war alone. State leaders must begin by reforming their education systems, investing in enlightenment campaigns, and introducing programs that truly expose their youth to life beyond the confines of their communities. Kano State has led the way in propagating and championing this initiative among the northern states, but efforts should be intensified.

Can we save Nigeria? Yes, but not with a centralised, top-down approach. What we need is collaborative security. Community policing must be revived with village chiefs and family heads forming the first line of surveillance.

Security consciousness must be made more crucial and integrated into school curricula and public messaging. Employment generation must become more than a campaign slogan. A graduate left idle is one WhatsApp message away from recruitment into darkness.

“If community policing is fully implemented, it will become far easier to identify and expose those secretly sponsoring or benefiting from terrorism right from the grassroots. Local vigilance, trust networks, and community-driven intelligence can expose hidden collaborators who often conceal their activities behind political or economic influence. Such a system not only strengthens national security but also empowers citizens to take active ownership of their safety and future.”

This is to say, the fight against terror will not be won by guns alone, but by communities standing as the first line of defence

The Role of Institutions

The Ministry of Education and the National Orientation Agency (NOA) must now take centre stage. It is no longer enough to teach arithmetic and grammar; we must now teach security literacy. The young must understand the real consequences of crime. They must be exposed to alternatives.

This encompasses school tours, street theatre, online campaigns, community mentorship, and genuine partnerships between public and private stakeholders.

There is hope. There are patriots in uniform. There are children yet untouched by corruption. There are teachers still driven by conscience. However, all their efforts will be for nothing if lawmakers continue to earn more than those who risk their lives.

The EFCC may chase funds across Iceland and Dubai. The DSS may foil plots in Lagos and Maiduguri. However, until we address the imbalance and make justice more rewarding than crime, we will remain trapped in this cycle.

Let us not wait until another child lies on a mattress in a military cell to realise what he has never had.

Let that mattress be our wake-up call.

So, to President Tinubu, to the NSA Ribadu, to the Defence Chief, and to every governor who still believes in this country: The war will not be won on the battlefield alone; it will be won in the classroom, in the family compound, in the village square, and in the heart of every Nigerian.

Before we talk about weapons, let’s talk about mattresses.

Haroon Aremu Abiodun, An Author, public Affairs Analyst, PRNigeria fellow and wrote in via exponentumera@gmail.com.

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

The Niger State Ministry of Basic and Secondary Education has issued a stern directive to all private schools that have resumed academic activities prematurely, ordering them to close their doors immediately.

In a circular dated August 10th, 2025, and signed by the Permanent Secretary, Hajiya Akhatu Nuhu Yarwa, the Ministry reaffirmed that the official resumption date for the 2025/2026 academic session for all public and private schools remains September 22, 2025.

This date is stated to be in strict compliance with a directive from the Federal Ministry of Education.

The government explicitly acknowledged it is aware that some private institutions have already begun the new session ahead of the approved calendar.

The circular contained a clear warning, stating that any school failing to comply with the order to halt operations until the official date will face “appropriate sanctions,” though the specific penalties were not detailed.

By Uzair Adam 

The national grid has collapsed once again, plunging most parts of the country into darkness.

Power generation, which stood at 2,917.83 megawatts (MW), dropped drastically to 1.5 MW between 11:00 a.m. and 12:00 p.m. on Wednesday.

Confirming the development, the Nigeria National Grid, via its X handle, announced that “System restoration is in progress.”

In another update, the account disclosed that all electricity distribution companies (DisCos) across the country, except Ibadan DisCo, recorded zero allocation of power.

“Disco load” refers to the amount of power (in megawatts) allocated from the national grid to each distribution company.

Meanwhile, the Abuja Electricity Distribution Company (AEDC) in a statement appealed to its customers for patience, assuring them that efforts were ongoing to stabilise the grid.

The statement read, “Dear Valued Customers, please be informed that the power outage currently being experienced is due to a loss of supply from the national grid at 11:23 hrs today, affecting electricity supply across our franchise areas.

“Rest assured, we are working closely with the relevant stakeholders to ensure power is restored once the grid is stabilised. Thank you for your patience and understanding.”

By Nasiru Ibrahim 

Nigeria’s debt situation has become more confusing and concerning in recent years. After removing fuel subsidies, which had always been used to justify heavy borrowing, many expected a change in direction. But surprisingly, debt has continued to rise—and sharply. 

In less than two years, Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s administration has added over ₦62 trillion to our total debt. This comes on top of Muhammadu Buhari’s already heavy debt legacy. Yet if you check the 2025 budget, it still carries a huge deficit. This is despite relatively stable oil prices and a slight improvement in crude oil production. So, something is clearly not adding up.

How can a country that has removed one of its biggest expenditures—fuel subsidies—still be borrowing more than ever? Is it that the revenue reforms aren’t working, or is this a deeper issue with how we manage our economy? These are real questions that need honest answers. The reality is that Nigeria’s current borrowing trend is worrying not just because of the amount, but also because of the manner in which it’s happening and what it reflects.

According to the Debt Management Office, as of March 31, 2025, Nigeria’s public debt stood at ₦149.39 trillion. Tinubu alone has added ₦62.01 trillion to that figure in under two years. Now, let’s compare that with previous administrations: Goodluck Jonathan borrowed ₦5.9 trillion in five years. Buhari borrowed ₦74.78 trillion in eight years—including the controversial “Ways and Means” borrowing from the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN). That’s how bad things have gotten.

“Ways and Means” are short-term loans from the Central Bank to the Federal Government, intended to cover urgent expenses such as paying salaries or addressing unexpected shortfalls. Think of it like an overdraft facility. But the law is clear—the CBN Act, 2007 (Section 38) states that the Federal Government can only borrow up to 5% of the previous year’s revenue from the CBN, and it must be repaid in the same year. Under Buhari, this law was ignored. His government borrowed ₦22.7 trillion through Ways and Means, without obtaining proper approval from the National Assembly.

This ₦22.7 trillion had not been reflected in official debt figures for a long time. It only became part of Nigeria’s domestic debt record in May 2023, when Buhari’s government securitised it—basically converted it into long-term bonds. That move alone caused the total public debt to jump from ₦44.06 trillion at the end of 2022 to ₦87.38 trillion by June 2023. That’s a massive increase in just six months.

Now, some economists argue that Tinubu’s debt figures appear worse primarily due to the exchange rate. That argument is simple: Nigeria borrows in foreign currencies, such as the dollar, euro, or yuan, but records the debt in naira. So when the naira weakens, the same dollar loan becomes much bigger in naira terms.

Let’s look at the exchange rate across administrations. Under Jonathan, the exchange rate was around ₦ 157 to $1 in 2015. Under Buhari, the exchange rate was ₦770/$ in 2023. And under Tinubu, the exchange rate is now approximately ₦1536/$ as of 2025. So when you convert the same external loan, the naira value explodes as the currency weakens. Just this exchange rate movement has added ₦29.75 trillion to Tinubu’s external debt and ₦5.9 trillion to Buhari’s.

To properly check if the debt spike is mainly due to FX changes, let’s fix the exchange rate at ₦157/$ for all the administrations and see how much was actually borrowed. The formula is simple:

Old Dollar Debt × New Exchange Rate – Old Dollar Debt × Old Exchange Rate.

Using the DMO’s external debt figure of $38.81 billion in 2023:
$38.81bn × ₦770 = ₦29.85 trillion
$38.81bn × ₦1536 = ₦59.63 trillion
₦59.63 trillion – ₦29.85 trillion = ₦29.78 trillion

So, if the exchange rate had remained at ₦157/$, Nigeria’s external debt of $42.46 billion in 2025 would have been approximately ₦6.6 trillion. Under that fixed exchange rate, Jonathan’s total external borrowing would have been approximately ₦1.07 trillion over five years. Buhari’s about ₦4.48 trillion in eight years.

Tinubu’s about ₦1.12 trillion in under two years. This means if Tinubu continues at this pace, he’ll hit Buhari’s figure—₦4.48 trillion—in about eight years. Yes, the exchange rate plays a significant role. But that’s not the whole story.

Others argue that Tinubu’s debt problem is not just about FX. It’s also about spending discipline. Unlike Buhari, Tinubu removed fuel subsidies and slightly increased oil production (1.5–1.6 million barrels per day, compared to Buhari’s average of 1.2–1.3 million barrels), and customs and tax revenue also improved. Buhari faced more challenging conditions—global oil crashes, two recessions in 2016 and 2020, the COVID-19 pandemic, and high subsidy payments—during his early years. So, Tinubu had more room to save, but instead, borrowing has increased.

The 2025 budget projects a deficit of ₦13.08 trillion. It assumes oil at $77.96 per barrel and production of 2.06 million barrels per day. However, in reality, March production was only 1.65 million barrels per day, including condensates. And as of July 8, Brent crude was $70.20 and WTI was $68.42—both below the assumed price. That means revenue projections may fall short, and the government will likely borrow even more.

Tinubu has already requested $21.6 billion in new loans. In May 2025, Reuters reported that he also asked the National Assembly to approve loans of €2.2 billion, ¥15 billion (approximately $104 million), and an additional $2 billion in domestic loans. That’s not all.

The Federal Government also secured a $747 million syndicated external loan to fund Phase 1, Section 1 of the Lagos-Calabar Coastal Highway—from Victoria Island to Eleko Village. At ₦1536/$, this loan adds ₦1.147 trillion to the debt. The lenders include Deutsche Bank, First Abu Dhabi Bank, Afreximbank, and Zenith Bank, among others. The Islamic Corporation for the Insurance of Investment and Export Credit (ICIEC) is providing insurance. That brings Tinubu’s total borrowing to about ₦63.157 trillion in under two years.

This highway is being built under a Public-Private Partnership using an EPC+F model. The road is over 70% complete and is designed using CRCP technology—concrete with a 50-year lifespan and low maintenance requirements. While the loan adds to debt, it shows some confidence from global investors and introduces a financing model that shares risk between the government and private firms.

Now to the bigger picture. As of 2024, Nigeria’s debt-to-GDP ratio is around 25.1%, based on ₦144.67 trillion in debt and a nominal GDP of about $375 billion. That means debt accounts for about one-quarter of the economy—not yet alarming, but becoming risky if borrowing continues at this rate. What’s more worrying is the cost of servicing debt.

In 2024, debt service took up 4.1% of GDP—up from 3.7% in 2023 (AfDB report). That’s a lot. Imagine 4.1% of the entire economy going towards just paying off debt, instead of building schools, roads, or hospitals. Even worse, the debt service-to-revenue ratio rose from 76.86% in 2023 to 77.4% in 2024 (APA News). This means more than three-quarters of government revenue is now used to repay debt. That leaves very little for anything else. That’s not sustainable.

As Economics graduates, the way forward is clear. First, we need to depoliticise how we manage public finances. Countries like Chile, Sweden, and the UK have independent Fiscal Councils that enforce rules like debt limits and balanced budgets. Nigeria needs something like that to restore discipline and rebuild investor trust.

Second, loans must be tied to development goals—not used for consumption. Borrowing should be used for essential services like roads, electricity, and digital infrastructure, rather than paying salaries or covering bloated administrative costs. Rwanda and Ethiopia have shown how debt used for infrastructure can boost exports and growth. A cost-benefit analysis should accompany every loan.

Third, we must cut waste and off-budget liabilities. That includes fuel subsidies, failing state-owned enterprises, and unauthorised bailouts. Ghana passed a Fiscal Responsibility Act in 2018, capped its deficit at 5% of GDP, and ran audits that exposed massive leakages. Nigeria can cut borrowing by 30–40% just by following that path.

Fourth, improve tax collection—not by harassing small traders, but through fairness and the use of technology. Indonesia raised its tax-to-GDP ratio by digitising filing, automating risk detection, and linking tax IDs with national identity numbers. Nigeria can do the same—target high earners and multinationals instead of informal workers.

Fifth, public-private partnerships and syndicated loans, such as the Lagos-Calabar road, shouldn’t be used to conceal debt. They should help us attract private capital, share risks, and deliver real development. Countries like Morocco and Kenya make their PPP contracts public. Nigeria should also strive for greater transparency.

Finally, if things get out of hand, we can consider debt restructuring—but only as a last resort and if tied to fundamental reforms. Ghana restructured its debt in 2023 by extending maturities and cutting interest under IMF guidance. But what made it work was reform—cutting subsidies and improving tax systems. Without reform, restructuring solves nothing.

This is the time for Nigeria to act. If we continue on this path, we are only postponing a more profound crisis. But with the right decisions, we can still change direction.

Ibrahim is a graduate of Economics from Bayero University, Kano. He can be reached via nasirfirji4@gmail.com.

By Muhammad Abubakar

The Federal University Birnin Kebbi (FUBK) held a Literacy Awareness Campaign on Monday at Government Day Secondary School (GDSS), Kalgo Local Government, Kebbi State, to mark the 2025 International Literacy Day. Tagged “FUBK Literacy Awareness Campaign,” the programme was part of the University’s corporate social responsibility to the host community.

The event showcased a colourful joint rally by staff and students from FUBK and GDSS, holding banners with literacy messages in English and Hausa to promote reading, writing, and digital inclusion. They marched through Kalgo town from Kalgo Junction to the Local Government Secretariat and GDSS, where a lecture on “Promoting Literacy in the Digital Era” was given.

In his address, Vice Chancellor FUBK, Prof. Muhammad Zaiyan Umar, represented by his Deputy, Prof. Aliyu Abdullahi Turaki, said, “The campaign is part of the University’s commitment to promoting literacy and empowering the host community, especially young people, to thrive in the digital era.”

“This School has a proximity advantage of being the closest school to the University. We are committed to identifying areas of intervention for the benefit of our host community,” he revealed 

“We have seasoned academics in the Faculty of Education and other departments. We have been holding seminars and workshops for the capacity building of staff. I advise the school administrators and teachers to tap into these opportunities by identifying areas of need where we could key in,” he added

In his remarks, Registrar of FUBK Abdulkadir Abubakar, noted that “the fundamental objectives of establishing a university are teaching, research and community service. The University, in its modest effort, came up with this initiative with a view to giving back to society,” he said 

Meanwhile, the guest speaker, Prof. Bello Bala Usman of the Department of Nigerian Languages at Usmanu Danfodiyo University, Sokoto, highlighted that literacy is not just about reading and writing in today’s world. He said, “Literacy is also about acquiring digital skills that open doors to opportunities. FUBK is proud to champion this cause.”

“Digital literacy is now a survival skill. We must encourage our students to see technology not as a distraction, but as a tool for learning, creativity and problem-solving,” he added.

In a goodwill message, the District Head of Kalgo, represented by Dangaladiman Sarkin Gobir Mal. Abubakar Arzika Kalgo commended and urged the University to sustain the momentum.

The University also donated 12 collections of 120 literary books to GDSS Kalgo, which were handed over to the Principal.

By Sabiu Abdullahi

The Federal Ministry of Education has unveiled the official list of approved subjects for Basic and Senior Secondary Education in Nigeria, cautioning schools and the public against unauthorized lists currently circulating.

In a statement signed by the Executive Secretary of the Nigerian Educational Research and Development Council (NERDC), Prof. Salisu Shehu, the ministry explained that the new curriculum reforms were introduced under the National Education Sector Reform Initiatives (NESRI) to reposition learning and reduce overload on pupils.

The reforms, according to NERDC, are designed to provide a balanced education while equipping learners with critical skills for national development. Prof. Shehu stressed that “different versions of fake and unauthentic subject listings and offerings are in circulation causing serious confusion and apprehension,” urging stakeholders to disregard such lists.

Under the revised curriculum, Primary 1–3 pupils are expected to offer between 9 and 10 subjects, including English Studies, Mathematics, one Nigerian Language, Basic Science, Physical & Health Education, Nigerian History, Social and Citizenship Studies, Cultural & Creative Arts, and either Christian Religious Studies (for Christian pupils) or Islamic Studies (for Muslim pupils). Arabic Language is optional.

For Primary 4–6, the minimum number of subjects is 11 and the maximum is 13. The subjects include English Studies, Mathematics, one Nigerian Language, Basic Science and Technology, Physical & Health Education, Basic Digital Literacy, Nigerian History, Social and Citizenship Studies, Cultural & Creative Arts, Pre-vocational Studies, CRS or IS depending on the pupil’s faith, and optional French and Arabic.

At the Junior Secondary level (JSS 1–3), students are required to offer a minimum of 12 and a maximum of 14 subjects. These include English, Mathematics, one Nigerian Language, Intermediate Science, Physical & Health Education, Digital Technologies, Nigerian History, Social and Citizenship Studies, Cultural & Creative Arts, Business Studies, as well as Religious Studies. Pupils are also required to select one trade subject from options such as Solar Photovoltaic Installation, Fashion Design, Livestock Farming, Beauty and Cosmetology, Computer Hardware and GSM Repairs, or Horticulture and Crop Production. French and Arabic remain optional.

For Senior Secondary School, five core subjects—English Language, General Mathematics, Citizenship and Heritage Studies, Digital Technologies, and one Trade Subject—are compulsory. Students may then specialize in Science, Humanities, or Business fields, with subject offerings such as Biology, Chemistry, Physics, Government, Literature in English, Accounting, Economics, among others.

Prof. Shehu emphasized that nationwide sensitization and teacher training will begin immediately to ensure smooth implementation. He noted that the new structure will be rolled out from the beginning of each three-year education cycle, covering Primary 1, Primary 4, JSS 1, and SS 1.

By Oladoja M.O

“A dive into the political paralysis killing public health”

In the long and winding corridors of Nigeria’s national challenges, the health sector stands as one of the most visibly bruised, chronically neglected, and systemically under-prioritised. Yet, beyond the crumbling hospitals and overworked health workers lies a more insidious diagnosis: politics. Not politics in its ideal form, the noble art of governance, but the brand that manifests in distraction, dereliction, and dead ends. It is this politicisation, or rather, the wrong kind of political influence, that has become the biggest ailment afflicting Nigeria’s health system today. And until it is addressed, no number of policies, international partnerships, or ministerial press briefings will revive the sector to its full potential.

Let’s begin with a case study, a hopeful one that has slowly started to mirror the very problem it tried to solve.

When Dr. Muhammad Ali Pate was appointed Nigeria’s Coordinating Minister of Health and Social Welfare in August 2023, many saw a breath of fresh air. He came armed with credentials, experience, and, perhaps most importantly, energy. Within months, the sector began to stir with renewed ambition.

Under his leadership, Nigeria launched its first Health Sector Renewal Investment Initiative, signed a landmark Sector-Wide Approach (SWAp) compact with states and partners, and injected ₦50 billion into the Basic Healthcare Provision Fund (BHCPF), which was double the amount released in the previous year. Over 2,400 health workers were recruited and deployed across underserved areas. Primary healthcare facilities that had long been mere consulting rooms began to see improvements in personnel and reach. Vaccination efforts soared. 

A nationwide HPV rollout vaccinated nearly 5 million girls, and the long-awaited Oxford R21 malaria vaccine arrived on Nigerian soil. The government pursued a policy to unlock the healthcare value chain, drafting executive orders to encourage local pharmaceutical manufacturing and reduce import dependency. Even the National Health Insurance Authority (NHIA) was repositioned, expanding coverage through the Vulnerable Group Fund, while a national patient safety strategy was launched to bring quality and accountability into focus. All signs pointed to a government that was, finally, taking health seriously. But then, as quickly as the fire had been lit, it began to dim.

But from early 2025, a silence began to creep over the very desk that once signed reforms with urgency. Policy announcements grew fewer. Major rollouts dried up. The energy that had defined Pate’s first year slowly receded into a void of political undertones. And then came the whispers, and then confirmations of a new ambition: governorship in Bauchi State. Pate, by his own words in March 2025, declared himself “ready to serve” in his home state come 2027. From that moment on, what had been a robust health sector agenda began to take a back seat to the shifting winds of political alignment.

The problem isn’t ambition. It’s a distraction. A Coordinating Minister of Health in a country where maternal mortality is one of the highest in the world, where millions still pay out-of-pocket for even the most basic care, and where health infrastructure is crumbling under the weight of neglect, simply cannot afford to be half-present. This is the heart of the issue: politics has become both the gatekeeper and the grave-digger of Nigeria’s health potential.

For decades, well-meaning reforms have died at the altar of “lack of political will.” Budgets are approved, but rarely fully released. Policies are launched, but implementation fizzles out under new administrations. Health is often treated as a social service, rather than a critical pillar of economic development. Politicians are quicker to commission a white elephant hospital in a state capital than to strengthen the rural primary health centres where lives are quietly and daily lost.

And when leadership does finally begin to show some will, as Pate briefly did, the ever-thirsty machinery of Nigerian politics lures it away. This, perhaps, is the cruellest irony: politics that should drive public health, instead devours it.

The Nigerian public, meanwhile, remains largely unaware of how deeply entangled their health is with political decisions. Health issues are often viewed as isolated, with a bad hospital here and an unavailable drug there, rather than as symptoms of a larger systemic failure driven by poor governance, poor prioritisation, and a lack of sustained leadership.

We cannot continue to treat the health sector as an afterthought or a public relations prop. Health is not a photo opportunity. It is not a campaign gift or a once-in-a-quarter press release. It is a right, and more than that, it is the foundation for national development. No country has risen out of poverty, no economy has truly grown, without first investing heavily in the health of its people.

So, here’s the truth we must face: until Nigerian politics stops viewing health as just another item on a manifesto’s checklist and starts seeing it as a cornerstone of national survival, we will continue to spin our wheels. Ministers will come and go. Budgets will be announced and unspent. And the average Nigerian will continue to suffer preventable deaths, unaffordable care, and unattended illness.

The solution lies not only in leadership, but also in the voice of citizens, civil society, professionals, the media, and everyday people, who demand more than shallow commitments. We must demand that health be taken seriously, institutionally. That it be enshrined not just in words but in political action, protected from the cycles of campaign season, ego projects, and elective distractions. In this moment, we are witnessing a perfect case study of how even a promising leader can be lost to the lure of political pursuits. 

If Dr. Ali Pate, arguably one of Nigeria’s most qualified health minds, could be drawn away from a national assignment to a regional ambition, it speaks volumes about the fragility of reform when politics remains unchecked.

This article, then, is not just a critique. It is a call to consciousness. A call for the government to return to the trenches of national responsibility. A call for health to be declared not just a service, but a strategic national priority. A call for the public to realise that the decaying hospital they see is not just a facility issue, but a political problem. And it demands a political solution.

Let us stop treating the symptoms. Let us diagnose the root. And let us finally begin to treat politics as the virus silently killing Nigeria’s health system.

Oladoja M.O writes from Abuja and can be reached at mayokunmark@gmail.com.

By Anwar Usman

The Petroleum Products Retail Outlets Owners Association of Nigeria has announced a three-day forewarning of suspension of lifting and dispensing of petroleum products commencing from the early hours of Tuesday.

The National President of PETROAN, Billy Gillis-Harry, in a statement issued on Sunday, said the forewarning on suspension of dispensing petroleum products was in advocacy for healthy competition as against any form of monopoly in the sector.

The News Agency of Nigeria reports that the Nigeria Union of Petroleum and Natural Gas Workers had announced that its members would commence a nationwide strike from Monday, September 8.

The strike is in protest against what it described as anti-union labour practices, linked to the deployment of newly imported Compressed Natural Gas trucks by the Dangote Refinery, for direct distribution of petroleum products.

Dangote’s programme on direct distribution of petroleum products to end users aimed at eliminating logistics costs, enhancing energy efficiency, promoting sustainability, and supporting Nigeria’s economic development.

The president reiterated that the action of NUPENG would be both lawful and peaceful, highlighting the association’s commitment to promoting workers’ rights and benefits through constructive engagement.

He added that, “PETROAN underscores its commitment to advancing the interests of Nigerian citizens in the pricing stability of the petroleum sector and promoting a stable and productive industry”.

He called on President Bola Tinubu, Minister of State for Petroleum (Oil), and the Authority Chief Executive, Nigerian Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority, to intervene in the proposed actions of NUPENG and PETROAN.

He also urged the Group CEO of Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited, the Director-General of DSS, and the Inspector General of Police to intervene urgently in the actions.

The intervention, he said, would avert potential hardship and pain on citizens arising from the suspension of lifting and dispensing of petroleum products.He appealed to the president to find a solution to the crisis and ensure the smooth operation of the oil and gas sector to minimise disruptions to the nation’s economy.

Gillis-Harry further said that pump attendants at PETROAN-member filling stations were equally registered members of NUPENG, hence, the strike by NUPENG would mean these attendants would be absent from duty.

He warned filling station owners not to discipline or sack any pump attendant who would be absent from duty until the end of the strike.

By Ibrahim Aisha

In the Chiranci ward of Kumbotso Local Government Area in Kano, the term “sore throat” has taken on a chilling significance. For Iya Yani, a mother of eight, it was the phrase that cost her daughter her life.

“She only said her throat was hurting,” Iya Yani recalled with tears. “Neighbours told me it was nothing, just harmattan. By the time I took her to the hospital, she could no longer breathe. She died before they could help her, and the doctor blamed my ignorance “.

Iya Yani’s heartbreaking loss is part of a broader tragedy unfolding far and wide in the Kumbotso Local Government Area, a tragedy that statistics and government reports can hardly mitigate. 

Diphtheria, a disease preventable by vaccine, continues to claim the lives of children in this community, some due to financial constraints, misleading rumours and even Ignorance.

Diphtheria is a highly contagious, vaccine-preventable disease caused by the exotoxin-producing bacterium Corynebacterium diphtheriae. While the disease can affect individuals of all age groups, Unimmunised children are particularly at risk. There is no World Health Organisation (WHO) region that is completely free of diphtheria globally.

The Facts Behind the Grief

According to the Nigeria Centre for Disease Control’s (CDC) situation report from May 2025, Nigeria recorded 30 confirmed cases and three deaths in the first few months of the year. By July 2025, Premium Times reported that Kano State alone had logged 18,284 confirmed infections and 860 deaths, making it the most affected state in Nigeria. 

According to the World Health Organisation, from 9th May 2022 to 25 October 2023, 15,569 suspected diphtheria cases have been reported across Nigeria, 547 of whom have died. 

As of October 2023, the World Health Organisation disbursed US$1.3 million for the response to enhance key outbreak control measures, including disease surveillance, laboratory testing, contact tracing, case investigation and treatment, training, as well as collaborating with communities to support the response efforts. 

With support from the WHO and the United Nations Children’s Fund, Kano State carried out three phases of reactive routine immunisation campaigns in February, April, and August 2023, using the combination tetanus-diphtheria and pentavalent vaccines.

Almost 75,000 zero-dose children under the age of two received the first dose of the pentavalent vaccine, while around 670,000 eligible children (4‒14 years) were vaccinated with the tetanus-diphtheria vaccine in 18 high-burden local government areas in Kano state.

 Health Reporters revealed in July 2025 that Chiranci of Kumbotso local government is one of the wards with the highest number of “zero-dose” children – those who have never received a single vaccine. In such a setting, diphtheria spreads rapidly, and misinformation intensifies the situation. According to the National Bureau of Statistics, Patients who were not vaccinated had more than double the likelihood of death compared to fully vaccinated individuals.

When rumours mislead and ignorance lies 

Many parents from different areas of Kumbotso Local Government Area admit they delayed immunisation due to prevalent rumours. 

When his seven-year-old brother, Jubrin, was diagnosed with diphtheria in July 2023, Aminu had never heard of the disease, the outbreak of which had claimed more than 500 lives in Nigeria.

Safiya Mohammed, a mother of two, residing in the Kumbotso Local Government Area, a hotspot for diphtheria in Kano State, ensured her children were vaccinated.

“I had never heard of diphtheria,” Safiya said. “I don’t want my children or those in the neighbourhood to fall sick or die from the disease. To protect my children, I also need to make sure the children they play with are protected.”

 Fatima Umar, a resident of Dan Maliki and a nursing mother, confessed, “I heard the injection would make my baby sick, so I waited. Then he fell ill. The hospital told us it was diphtheria. He died before I even understood what that word meant.”

Usman Sani, a husband and resident of Taku Mashi, shared a similar regret: “My wife complained of her throat and her not being able to swallow food properly. I thought it was just a sore throat”.He added that by the time his wife was taken to the hospital, it was already too late.

For Zainab Ibrahim, a mother at Chiranci Primary, the battle against diphtheria has been both long and personal. In early 2025, her daughter, Halima, nearly lost her life to the disease. “She could not breathe,” Zainab recalled. 

My daughter said she finds it difficult to yawn properly, and her throat hurts a lot when she swallows saliva. My neighbours kept saying I should use garlic to make tea for her. I started, but noticed there was no progress, as my daughter could not breathe one night. My husband was away, so I called him in the morning and told him I was going to the hospital. As soon as I arrived at the hospital, she was diagnosed and a file was opened for her. The doctor administered drugs and told us to return after two weeks for an operation.

Zainab further mentioned that her daughter survived. “But the scar on her neck serves as a constant reminder of how close I came to burying her.”

At a local Islamic school at Dorayi Chiranci primary, the head of the school, Malam Andullahi Abubakar Jabbi,informed that many of his students died during the outbreak of diphtheria. It started small, then it became alarming when 3 siblings died within the interval of not less than a week.

” Many students stopped coming, and parents phoned to know what was happening. We had to close down the school for some period of time to avoid the spread of the disease,” said Malam Abdullahi.

Bala Dahiru, a resident of Dorayi Yan Lalle, narrated that it was due to financial constraints that he almost lost his only daughter’s life to diphtheria.

What Kumbotso teaches Nigeria 

Diphtheria is preventable. The World Health Organisation affirms that vaccination offers nearly complete protection against the disease. Yet in many areas of Kumbotso, many mothers continue to rely on neighbours’ advice rather than the guidance of health officials. Health workers, such as Lawan Ibrahim Ahmad, the Primary Health Care Coordinator for Chiranchi Primary Health Care, have repeatedly stated that without a steady supply and consistent funding, “it is impossible to reach every child in every home.”

The tragedy of Kumbotso illustrates that diphtheria is not merely a medical issue; it reflects broken trust, inadequate systems, and misinformation that can kill as swiftly as the bacteria themselves.

A Call to Protect Children

The stories emerging serve as a dire warning. Unless vaccination coverage improves, more families will mourn children lost to a disease that the world already knows how to prevent.

Iya Yani’s daughter should not have died from what she thought was a mere sore throat. Halima should not bear the scar on her neck just to breathe. Fatima should not have lost her son to a disease that belongs in the past.

This grief mirrors our collective failure. Until we take action, every cough in this community will reverberate with fear: Could this be the next case of diphtheria?

By Ibrahim Mustapha

I read a story entitled “Fraud, Job racketeering scandal rocks Nigeria’s Technical Education Board,” carried out by Sahara Reporters, an online media outlet, on August 14, 2025, with great shock. Ordinarily, one should not have bothered to reply to the tissues of lies, misrepresentation of facts, and poor grasp of public service rules by Sahara Reporters and its co-sponsors. However, considering the weight of allegations and how gullible minds can be negatively influenced, it has become pertinent to set the record straight. 

Though one had expected Sahara Reporters to produce a balanced story by contacting the executive secretary of the board, Professor Idris Bugaje, who remains accessible to share his side, this has never happened. The online media is so desperate to give a dog a bad name in order to hang it. The online media has discarded professional ethics and turned into a willing tool to smear the good image of Professor Bugaje and NBTE through fictitious allegations.

To accuse Professor Idris Bugaje of fraud and so-called jobs racketeering is nothing but lies, vendetta, and a deliberate campaign of calumny aimed at tarnishing his reputation, which he has built over many years. Government organisations carry out recruitment to fill vacancies created by staff death, retirement, and other circumstances.

Those organisations also recruit to meet their workforce demand. NBTE, like any other government organisation, is not exceptional. It carried out its recruitment exercise after vacancies had been identified, a waiver had been granted, and the Head of the Civil Service of the Federation had approved. There has never been any recruitment conducted without due process and the extant laws duly followed. 

Another lie concocted by the Sahara Reporters and their sponsors is that Professor Idris Bugaje is bypassing the Minister of Education in all the recruitment he carried out. There is no iota of truth, as the executive secretary ensures that he consults widely with the Minister of Education for seamless policy implementation and recruitment exercises. Therefore, their allegations are nothing but a figment of their imagination.

The sponsors of the publication have spent considerable energy on “wild goose chase” allegations that Professor Idris Bugaje has made staff redundant and opted for a few to work with them. I think these people are rushing to blackmail Professor Idris Bugaje and cannot even stop to see some of his reforms that have transformed the board. For instance, upon assumption of office, Professor Idris Bugaje unbundled the NBTE by opening regional offices across the country. The “raison d’être” was to simplify work and assign more responsibilities to staff. If Bugaje wanted to make staff redundant, he would not have opened new offices across the country. 

Regarding the allegation of rapid promotion for transferred staff, Sahara Reporters and its co-travellers have also gotten it wrong. Professor Idris Bugaje will never approve of illegality. He ensured the proper placement of staff. You cannot expect a staff member on level 14 to be demoted to level 13 because they have transferred their service to NBTE. That is why those who have been promoted to directors are eminently qualified.

Professor Idris Bugaje has been transforming NBTE in various aspects of human development. He is poised to achieve sound and qualitative technical and vocational education in line with Mr President’s renewed Agenda. Under his watch, NBTE has achieved great success through the monitoring and evaluation of vocational and technical institutions. It is sad to note that some unscrupulous people are bent on tarnishing his hard-earned integrity through spurious and blatant lies. 

No amount of blackmail can distract Professor Idris Bugaje from initiating and implementing policies in line with the NBTE mandate.

 Ibrahim Mustapha Pambegua, Kaduna State, via imustapha650@gmail.com.