Nigeria

By Salim Samaila Marafa

It was like yesterday, The crescent of Ramadan was sighted, and we started fasting. But here we are today, with a few days to Eid-el-Fitr. Indeed, the speed at which time flies is amazingly alarming.

Among God’s creatures, time is an independent creature that exists without hinging on anything. It flies without waiting. It comes and goes without notification, so you either learn how to manage it or fall victim to “lack of time.”

Time is an undefeated warrior. It saw the rising and falling of great heroes and significant events and memorable moments. But, It put all of them in the bin of history. That’s all. The only warriors who can defeat time are those who know how to use it well. Therefore, we should learn how to use and manage our time to our advantage before it shows its habit of slipping away without notice. Since our time is limited and our days are numbered.

Ramadan is the month’s name in the Islamic calendar, while the month is a small portion of the time. Therefore, we should use this time, Ramadan, wisely, positively and to our advantage.

Ramadan is Islamically considered a holy month of blessings and Allah’s abundance of mercy. Our beloved prophet (pbuh) even narrated that during Ramadan, Satan is chained, doors of hell fire are closed, and those of paradise are widely opened.

Also, Ramadan is Islamically considered a glorious period during which Allah spreads the mat of his forgiveness to his servant. So, as we are observing the fasting of day 18 today, skip reading this reminder and ask yourself this question “From day one of this month up to date, what did I do that can earn me Allah’s  forgiveness and blessing.” 

If the answer to the above question is ” I did this and that”, it is okay, but not enough. Redouble your effort within these few remaining eleven or twelve days. To have more blessings in your possession.

 However, if the answer to the above question is ” I did not do anything good,” then this is where your problem started. But don’t panic; you are not that too late. You still have 11 days ahead of you; you can turn over a new leaf before it’s over and be forgiven by Allah the almighty.

What should I do to be forgiven and blessed by Allah? 

This is a good question we should all ask ourselves. There are uncountable positive things one can do to earn Allah’s forgiveness in this holy month of Ramadan. 

First, take your Qur’an, open it with good intentions and read as many verses and chapters as possible. Remember, every alphabet (harafi) of the holy Qur’an attracts ten rewards when you read it in the sacred month of Ramadan due to the holiness and glory of the month. So, if you. You can read two chapters daily, meaning you can read the Qur’an before the month slip away.

Secondly, help those needy people around you. Give out voluntary charity (sadaqah) to those who deserve it. Allah will surely reward you and forgive you for it long as you did it for His sake.

Thirdly, do you have parents alive?

If yes, be obedient to them, and show a kind gesture towards them. Allah loves those who love and take care of their parents. If your parents are no more, Don’t worry, do what you should have done to them, to their friends and to old people in your neighbourhood.

And to your dead parents, ask Allah’s forgiveness and mercy for them whenever you observe a prayer or any act of ibadat. This is another way you can get Allah’s mercy and forgiveness.

When night spreads darkness over the world, don’t just sleep from A to Z. Wake up when night ages, perform ablution, observe at least two rakat Voluntary prayer ( salat) and ask Allah whatever you wish. The night is a special period during which Allah accepts the prayers of his servants.

Remember, you can do many other things to get Allah’s forgiveness and blessings, which I did not mention here. Just Do them. This is a Ramadan reminder from your brother in Islam. Have a good Reading.

May Allah accept our fasting, prayers and every act of ibadat. And may He count us among those He forgives in this holy month of Ramadan.

Salim Samaila Marafa wrote via salimsamailamarafa82@gmail.com.

By Muhammadu Sabiu
 
As of May 31, 2023, loan apps downloaded from Play Store will no longer have access to the contacts or photographs of their users.
 
The Federal Government announced that it would enforce Google’s most recent privacy guidelines, noting that this is in line with Nigerian authorities’ efforts to stop lending app companies from violating their users’ privacy.
 
The Federal Government recently took significant measures to address the way these loan applications violate the privacy of their users.

Out of the 200 lending applications currently active in the nation, 170 had just been registered with the Federal Competition and Consumer Protection Commission.
 
Google said, “Policy preview (effective May 31, 2023): This article previews changes included in our April 2023 policy updates.
 
“We are updating our personal loans policy to state that apps aiming to provide or facilitate personal loans may not access user contacts or photos.
 
“We are introducing additional requirements for personal loan apps targeting users in Pakistan. Personal loan apps in Pakistan must submit country-specific licensing documentation to prove their ability to provide or facilitate personal loans.”
 
This new regulation follows the company’s revisions to its Developer Programme Policy, which required digital money lenders in Nigeria, India, Indonesia, the Philippines, and Kenya to comply with legal requirements by January 31 or face being shut down.

By Ahmad Deedat Zakari

The Center for Media, Policy and Accountability, CMPA, has commenced implementation of the Nigeria Anti-Corruption Performance Public Reporting (NAPPR) Project 2023 in partnership with anti-corruption agencies in the country. 

The Center’s Director of Communication, Outreach and Advocacy, Ibrahim Uba Yusuf, made this known in a press release on Sunday. 

The Center disclosed that the project is funded by the MacArthur Foundation and primarily aims at partnership with anti-corruption agencies in Nigeria.

The Center also disclosed that it would be conducting research, advocacy and public engagement to enhance the capacity of the anti-corruption agencies in Nigeria. 

“The aim of the MacArthur Foundation-funded project is to conduct research, advocacy, public engagement and capacity development of Nigeria Anti-Corruption Agencies (EFCC, ICPC and CCB), CSOs, and media organizations on NAPPR project and to publish the first edition of a Harmonized Anti-Corruption Performance Report for 2017-2022.” The statement, signed by Ibrahim Uba Yusuf, partly reads.

The project manager, Dr Suleiman Amu Suleiman, had paid official visits to the Economic Financial Crimes Commission headquarters, EFCC, and the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission, ICPC, in furtherance of the project. 

While speaking at the visit, Dr Suleiman said the project was to support Nigerian anti-corruption agencies to develop a standard reporting template that would correctly highlight and project their work locally and globally.

BY Umar Ardo, PhD

PREAMBLE

First, let me seize this opportunity to congratulate Sen. Bola Ahmed Tinubu on his well-deserved victory in an unarguably the most keenly contested presidential election in Nigeria’s history. For me, I feel fulfilled in that the incipient seed of this outcome was sown by my humble self way back in January 2012, when I conceived the idea of the merger between Buhari’s CPC and Tinubu’s ACN, premised on the former being President and the latter Vice President. Aware of the previous failed attempt at such a merger, I sold the idea to Buhari in such a way and manner that I was confident he would accept. Even though he had then publicly announced that 2011 would be his 3rd and final attempt to contest for the presidency if he lost that year’s election, it turned out easy for me to get his buy-in to the idea as within three hours, he consented and promised me of approaching Tinubu with the plan. I then knew my job was done, as I was certain Tinubu, too, would consent to it.

And lo and behold, about five weeks later, Buhari called me to a meeting in Abuja, at which he briefed me on his meeting with Tinubu on the merger and that the man had accepted the proposition. I felt elated, knowing there and then that change had come to the country. The rest, as they say, is now history. (The details on this concept and how it was worked out are contained in chapter 7 of my book titled “Court and Politics: Chronicling my Experience in the Nigerian Theatre”, published by Sungai Books; New Jessy, USA, 2020. Both the president and the president-elect have copies of the book).

2. THRUST OF THIS ADVICE

Now, having won this hard-earned victory against so many odds, it is important for the sake of the country and the President-elect’s legacy that the regime succeeds. And this success is largely dependent on, among three other things, the thorough implementation of government policies.

The campaign manifesto of the President-elect has no doubt enunciated laudable core policy initiatives capable of resolving the teething problems facing this country. But this will depend largely on one thing – i.e. diligent implementation! In practical terms, this means that:-

➢ No matter how good a policy, maybe its end product lies in implementation;

➢ Citizens assess governance by what is implemented on the ground, and so citizens interact with public policies only at the implementation level;

➢ As the regime starts its term in office, it must ensure that its policies are fully implemented; and

➢ Without fully implementing its policies and making a difference at the implementation level, the regime also risks ending up a failure like previous regimes.

Yet, the major recurrent concern of governance in Nigeria over the years has been the failure to implement policies as conceived and formulated by governments successfully.

3. JUSTIFICATION

The fact that successive governments, not excluding the outgoing one, would come up with laudable policy initiatives, well-conceived and elaborately articulated, but eventually fail at the implementation level, to the disappointment of the public and discredit of the government itself, calls for a new approach to public policy implementation in Nigeria. To this end, it is important to highlight that:-

➢ The primary reason for this gap between excellent policy initiatives and pitiable policy implementation is mainly a lack of [or poor] monitoring and evaluation mechanism;

➢ Even with a strong will on the part of leadership, it has always been difficult to get things to happen in government organisations because of endemic vested interests that create resistance, inertia, discouragements and even sabotage to such policy implementation attempts; and

➢ Good ideas and the will of the government to implement the same are not sufficient; drive and follow-through are equally important, yet often insufficiently appreciated and applied.

Against this backdrop, so as to help the government overcome these challenges and make a difference in performance and achieve set policy objectives, I respectfully make this open advice for the kind consideration and approval of Mr President-elect, please.

4. ACTION STEPS

➢ Establish a Policy Implementation, Monitoring and Evaluation [PIME] Unit under the Office of the President by means of an Executive Order; and

➢ Appoint a Special Adviser to the President on Policy implementation, Monitoring and Evaluation as head of the Unit. Such a person must be knowledgeable, patriotic, trusted and of impeccable character.

5 STRUCTURE, FUNDING AND MODE OF OPERATION

➢ The PIME Unit is to be a policy Monitoring and Advisory Outlet constituted by an Executive Order to operate within the Office of the President;

➢ The Head of the Unit should report directly to the President;

➢ The Unit’s budgetary funding is to be within the budgetary provisions of the presidency; and

➢ Hold monthly 1hr Update Briefing Sessions with the President on the activities, findings and suggestions of the Unit for any further necessary actions.

6. AIMS AND OBJECTIVES OF THE UNIT

The PIME Unit should have the following aims and objectives:-

➢ To ensure full implementation of government policies, designs, projects and programmes for efficient delivery of expected results;

➢ To devise and drive new national policy-performance-design capable of reversing the endemic failure syndrome in policy implementation by the government; and

➢ To create and sustain a positive image of the government in terms of policy and budgetary implementation attitudes nationwide.

7. SCOPE AND FUNCTIONS OF THE UNIT

The PIME Unit should have the following scope and functions:-

➢ Design, develop and implement a systemic monitoring and evaluation framework to track, monitor, assess and report on the performance of all entities in relation to the government’s plans, activities and timeframes so as to improve the quality and quantity designs in policy, programme and/or project implementation relative to government interests;

➢ Monitor, assess and evaluate the performance of ministries, agencies, institutions, departments, projects and programmes of the government to ensure compliance with policy intentions, outputs, outcomes and impact on the polity;

➢ Organize, undertake and provide [if, where and when necessary] training and technical assistance to implementing entities and partners on specific policy implementation initiatives as may be required for the attainment of government goals;

➢ Produce and submit monthly Reports and prepare presentations of the Unit’s activities, findings and recommendations to the president;

➢ Advice the president on all issues relating to the full implementation of government policies, programmes, projects and obligations; and

➢ Perform any other scope and function as may be assigned to it by Mr President.

8. EXPECTED BENEFITS AND SIGNIFICANCE OF THE UNIT

The PIME Unit will yield the following benefits:-

➢ It will ensure that government policies, programmes and projects are fully implemented as conceived, and government’s goals are achieved;

➢ It will end the failure syndrome of government in policy implementation forthwith and ensure rapid and visible development of the country;

➢ It will establish and maintain inter-agency coordination in policy implementation and provide a consolidated source of information showcasing policy implementation progress, highlight lapses where they occur and devise necessary corrective measures forthwith, hence allowing operators to learn from each other’s experiences, building on expertise, knowledge and synergy;

➢ It will generate written reports that will contribute to transparency, accountability and efficiency, allowing lessons to be shared more easily and experiences and templates used as bases for steering decision-making processes;

➢ It will establish and deepen the culture of transparency, accountability and efficiency in public institutions and public services; and

➢ It will provide the presidency with a veritable measurement tool of the performances of public institutions and public servants.

9. CONCLUSION

The rationale for this open advice now is that I feel Nigerians are actually tired of the unending cycle of failures of successive governments of the country and that we need to put a halt to it. The sole objective of this memo, therefore, is to help create the needed momentum from the start of the incoming Tinubu-led regime that will make it succeed in breaking this failure syndrome in the most critical area where all other regimes had failed – policy implementation; to positively enhance the developmental fortunes of our country, and as a result at once mould public opinion favourable to President Tinubu and his new regime, both at home and abroad. This way, one will fill more gratified that one’s efforts in trying to bring positive change to our country and society have at last yielded fruits.

By Iranloye Safiu Taiye

Nigeria became an independent State on 1st October 1960 from her former British colonial masters, which ushered Nigeria to the comity of a sovereign state and membership of the United Nations (UN) after decades of British colonial administration officially came to an end (1900 – 1960). On the eve of independence, our nationalists and politicians were mandated to administer Nigeria after rigorous agitations, struggles, and movements by our nationalists, who fought passionately to attain self-rule and independence. It was a memorable period when millions of Nigerian citizens, at home and in the diaspora, troops out with Nigerian flags to celebrate and jubilate the end of the British colonial rule on our father’s land. 

Nigeria is a heterogeneous and multiethnic state with multifaceted socio-economic and political backgrounds. These invariably made Nigeria a unique pluralistic State with more than 450 ethnic nationalities. Despite the diverse culture, religions, customs, languages, social beliefs, and norms within Nigeria’s setting, we’ve managed to dwell together even in the face of our glaring diversities, and this is one of our greatest achievements decades after the independence, notwithstanding the several events that have posed challenges to our national unity. Our country is one of the most blessed states globally, occasioned by the abundant natural endowments deposited across the States of the federation, which had positioned Nigeria better in the comity of nations. Not just that, we’re also blessed with adequate human resources capable of culminating our development. Hence, these human and abundant natural resources can better stimulate sustainable growth in Nigeria than we are currently experiencing.

Paradoxically, the Nigerian quest and cruise to greatness were aborted and short-circuited by the military intervention in Nigeria politics on 15th January 1966 led by Gen. Chukwuma  Kaduna Nzeogwu, who later installed Gen. J. T. U Aguyi Ironsi as the first military head of state, according to the prominent argument of many scholars. The 1966 bloody coup de tact and the subsequent counter-coup de tact had been pointed out by many as the rationality behind Nigeria’s development stagnation.  Because the military regime that lasted for three decades was driven by a mere parochial desire  to rule devoid of prior political training or orientation about governance

Like every other country, Nigeria had hills and challenges that required mechanisation to provoke development and fulfil its obligation to its citizens. However, six decades plus after Nigerian independence, there are some questions critically requiring answers; 

A.) Is this the envisioned Nigeria by our nationalists and founding fathers? 

B.) Have we been utilising our cultural plurality and resources to catalyse the State of our dream? 

C.) Despite these enormous endorsements, can Nigeria even compete with the countries aboard with little endowment compared to Nigeria? 

Nay! The Nigerian vision and enormous resources had been ill-managed, and we’ve scrapped our national interest to the hand of corruption, nepotism, favouritism, and chauvinism. It’s saddened these challenges have become a phenomenon, very terrifying, cumbersome, and complex because we have failed to implore a holistic approach to proffer an answer to our societal challenges. Hence we pursue individualistic and least regional interests against national interests, which have ejected the spirit of one Nigeria from most citizens. Sadly, this has also metamorphosed and Jingerd the swagger of many separatist movements and self-rule agitations across the Northern and Southern pole of the country. i.e. IPOB in the Southeastern region, Middle-belt in the Northcentral region, and Yoruba Nation in the Southwestern region.  

Security which has to be the first duty of every government, has been compromised by the action of terrorists, bandits,  kidnappers, armed robbers, ethnic militias, and other criminals everywhere. This horrible event threatened the safety of life and properties of every citizen, regardless of their position or calibre in the state. Therefore, though the actions of our gallant military men, Nigeria police, and other law enforcement agencies cannot be overemphasised, they will be better off if they can empower the service men with better-sophisticated weapons and machinery to curb the insecurity across the nooks and crannies of our country. Therefore, more advanced weapons and ammunition with technical military training are germane now than ever.

The Nigerian economy was known to be enormous and giant before, but currently, the buoyancy of our economy is now a past glory; even Naira is now at the bottom of the global currency index. Diversification of our economy from crude oil dependency must move from a mere paper presentation to reality. The agricultural and manufacturing sector needs serious attention. Recharging this sector is the only remedy to witness a balance of trade, open the door for more investors and open Nigeria’s market to the international community, and change our status of a perpetual importer, if we want our economy to get back on track and compete favourably with other developing and developed countries of the world. Significantly, both the education and health sector needs critical attention and consideration because this is the brain and blood of every state, and the sorry situation of these two sectors is currently condemnable. 

Glaringly, Nigeria has been ravaged with internal problems ranging from separatist movements, clamouring for restructuring, intimidations, domination, and masterminding of regional agenda despite the constitution forbidding that. However, the pluralistic situation that has polarised us must be considered when deciding to affect the entire country if we don’t want unnecessary agitation that can further divide us. 

In conclusion, I will opine the new regime because of National unity and to curb rising agitation for self-government from different parts of the country. The political parties that won the national election should establish a federal government, not the usual winner-take-all, and douse the growing tension. Optimistically, realising Nigeria’s better tomorrow is achievable and redeemable only if we are ready to admit our differences and substitute our regional, ethnic, religious, and personal agenda for national interests. 

Notwithstanding, we must all be ready to partake in national affairs, challenge our leader for accountability, and embrace our national culture devoid of unholy ethnic jingoism when debating national issues.  

Iranloye Safiu Taiye (Optimism Mirror) can be reached via iranloye100@gmail.com

By Aminu Alhassan Kuba

During the 2023 general elections, Eng. Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso contested for the office of the President Federal Republic of Nigeria under his newly registered party, the New Nigeria People’s Party (NNPP). Unfortunately, he came a very distant 4th, winning just one State out of 36 plus the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja, with a little over 1 million votes. His party also presented candidates for the governorship in a few other states apart from Kano, and the closest it came to winning apart from Kano was in Taraba.

Before the elections, Senator  Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso had been engaged in a fierce political battle with his erstwhile political friend and deputy and present governor of Kano State, Dr Abdullahi Umar Ganduje.

In 2015, Kwankwaso supported Ganduje to succeed him, but afterwards, trouble started. In a video I watched sometime in 2018, Ganduje accused Kwankwaso of envy. He said he did everything to respect and be loyal to his former boss, but it seemed Kwankwaso wanted everything. He accused Kwankwaso of wanting to be governor by proxy.

The fight between the two finally culminated in the now infamous inconclusive governorship election of 2019, where Kwankwaso tried to unseat Ganduje and replace him with his former PA, former commissioner, son-in-law, now governor-elect Eng. Abba Kabiru Yusuf. In that titanic battle for Kano, Ganduje emerged victorious.

The win led to other unfortunate matters, including the dethronement and banishment of the then Emir of Kano, His Royal Highness Muhammadu Sanusi II, the balkanisation of the Kano Emirate into five (5) smaller entities and the eventual appointment of two of Sanusi’s cousins among others as Emirs of Kano and Bichi, respectively.

In the succeeding four years, the political rivalry and fight between Kwankwaso and his old friend and political ally only intensified, culminating in the defeat of Ganduje’s candidate by same Kwankwaso’s son-in-law Eng. Abba Kabir Yusuf in the just concluded governorship election in the State.

Following NNPP’s victory, Kwankwaso’s supporters mainly and some commentators have sought to present Kwankwaso as some political wizard in Northern Nigeria. While this is true to a certain degree and circumstance, it is more accurate if Kano and not Northern Nigeria was the point of reference.

Kwankwaso has indeed managed to remain politically relevant compared to his Northern governor colleagues, alongside whom he contested and won elections to become governor in 1999. However, since his stated goal is not to become or produce the governor of Kano State but to lead Nigeria as President and Commander in Chief, the fairest comparison should be with those who have demonstrated similar ambition. And in this category, the most worthy comparison should be with the President-elect, His Excellency Asiwaju Bola Ahmad Tinubu, former Senator and Governor of Lagos State.

This comparison is even worthier considering that Lagos and Kano share similarities in population, political history, economy and commercial relevance to South and Northern Nigeria, respectively.

Let’s take a dive

In 1992 when Tinubu won a seat to become Senator of the Federal Republic, Kwankwaso won one in Nigeria’s House of Representatives and became its deputy speaker.

In 1999, both Tinubu and Kwankwaso contested and won to become governors of Lagos and Kano, respectively.

In 2003, while Tinubu was re-elected for a second term in office despite Obasanjo’s backstabbing and cynical takeover of the entire South West (except Lagos, of course), Kwankwaso lost his seat to a former permanent secretary, Malam Ibrahim Shekarau, whom he had humiliated and relegated to a classroom teacher. Shekarau went on to serve two full terms as governor of Kano. Kwankwaso was eventually appointed Minister of Defence by Obasanjo.

In 2011 Kwankwaso returned to Kano for a second shot and won. He served the next four years, delivering spectacularly on the massive infrastructural transformation of Kano and investing heavily in education and social services. In addition, he provided scholarships to hundreds of Kano indigenes to undertake postgraduate studies around the world. By the end of his tenure in 2015, he easily transited to the Senate under the newly minted alliance party, the APC, with General Muhammadu Buhari’s CPC, Asiwaju’s AC and Atiku’s rebellious PDP G-5 governors.

 In the same period, Tinubu chose not to run for office but worked to build a formidable political base with the South West as its fulcrum, installing governors in at least four of the region’s six States, many of them his former commissioners and going beyond to support former comrade Adam Oshiomhole to take Edo from the PDP.

In the same period, Tinubu not only built the Lagos-Ogun axis as Nigeria’s financial and economic powerhouse, but his former appointees also became a Vice-President, ministers, governors, chief executives of agencies and parastatals of the Federal Government.

Kwankwaso and his Kwankwasiyya movement have failed to go beyond the borders of Kano into neighbouring states like Jigawa, Katsina, Kaduna, Bauchi, etc.

Notably, they have ruled Kano with his former deputy turned adversary for 16 years. Despite its industrial and commercial potential, Kano has failed to significantly grow its internal revenue base to compete favourably with its peers in the country. In a shocking manifestation of its leadership crisis, a civil service state like Kaduna now generates more internal revenue than Kano.

Again, in education, Kano tops the list of states with the most out-of-school children. This is where I find difficulty in understanding Kwankwaso’s education investment model of sending vast numbers of Doctors, Pharmacists, Nurses, Engineers and other university graduates outside Nigeria to undertake postgraduate studies while millions of children are roaming the streets wretched, hungry and illiterate.

While I do not begrudge the beneficiaries of his scholarship largesse, many of whom I know personally, I think the billions of naira public funds he spent in that endeavour would have been best spent in strengthening Kano’s capacity to educate its underprivileged poor urban and rural population.

Therefore, it’s now twenty-four years after Kwankwaso and Tinubu first became governors; Tinubu could comfortably lose Lagos but still win in the rest of Nigeria and become President; Kwankwaso could only win his Kano and ended up a distant 4th in the same presidential race. This is a testament to how far both have come.

To bolster the point further, while Kwankwaso has managed to build a competent and diverse political team across Nigeria, on the one hand, even in his beloved Kano and over 24 years, he could only find his son-in-law and former PA worthy of his trust to become governor.

Beyond Kano in the wider Arewa, he has failed to create a political support base. Instead, he is mainly seen as the head of a violence-prone, uncouth, fanatic and cult-like group willing to insult and denigrate anyone who dares to disagree with its methods. This is not without justification either. Evidence in utterances, actions and inactions from him, his closest lieutenants and supporters that they are willing to use violence to achieve political ends when push comes to shove.

The behaviour of his supporters after the governorship election in Kano in which his candidate was declared the winner and his silence speak volumes. After attacking and burning down Rarara’s property within the Kano metropolis, no word of condemnation or reproach came from the Madugu [leader] or this party.

Despite Kwankwaso’s failings, however, at this moment of Nigeria’s political journey, Arewa needs a viable opposition to put the APC-led government on its feet from May 29th this year. And Kwankwaso’s NNPP, with a base in Kano, could position itself as a viable platform for the role. From the results of both Presidential and Governorship elections so far declared and its history in this part of Nigeria, PDP can no longer pose a serious challenge to the ruling APC.

Now practically wiped out of the North East, North West and North Central except in some minority enclaves like Taraba and Plateau and unfortunate governance failure examples like Zamfara and possibly Adamawa, PDP is practically dead. In Bauchi and Adamawa (maybe), I don’t see PDP surviving beyond 2027. All these added that Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, its leading financier, is now both old and tired. A Kwankwaso-led NNPP could therefore become a viable alternative for the greater North.

But for NNPP and Kwankwaso to take up this role, I suggest they need to rebrand; Kwankwaso needs to convince the rest of Arewa and Nigeria that his movement can grow beyond the personality cult Kwankwasiyya is now.

He must also convince the rest of Arewa and Nigeria that Kwankwasiyya is not a violence-prone provincial cult that quickly resorts to arson and looting at the slightest opportunity. Finally, he must convince the rest of Nigeria that when his interests clash with that of the State, that of the State will take precedence and that he is willing and able to reign in his supporters.

Aminu writes from Kaduna and can be reached via aminukuba@yahoo.com.

Kabiru Haruna Isa

I have been a loyal customer of Diamond/Access Bank Plc., and I can say without any fear of contradiction that I opened my first bank account with them. I have been banking with them for almost one and a half decades. In fact, I have been serving as a volunteer marketer to the Bank as I convinced many people, including colleagues, friends and family members, to open accounts with it ostensibly because of the hitherto quality services it delivered.

With the implementation of the cashless policy, millions of Nigerians, including myself, are forced to rely on and use alternative payment platforms such as MoniePoint, Opay, Squad and Momo Agent, to mention just a few. The services of these payment platforms are a double-edged sword which eases transactions and creates ceaseless suffering simultaneously for the poor and downtrodden Nigerians. They are also used, in some instances, especially by the agents who render services at the Point of Sale (POS), to extort powerless, hapless and helpless customers. From the time this cashless policy was introduced, millions of Nigerians were robbed of their hard-earned money by some financial service providers, and unfortunately, nobody seems to care to fight for the financial rights of these innocent victims.

And so it happened to me on the 10th day of March 2023. I stopped over at Gidan Maza Quarters, Kumbotso LGA, Kano, to make a transfer at one of the POS kiosks around. The POS agent used the MoMo Agent terminal to transfer some amount to my Access Bank account. And based on the receipt given to me, the transaction went successfully. I waited for the whole day, but my account was not credited. To cut a long story short, today 31st day of March, is exactly three weeks, but my money is still hanging at only God knows where.

I complained continuously to the MoMo agent who operates the POS kiosk, but he informed me that there was virtually nothing he could do to facilitate the unconditional release of my money. As a last option, he took me to the Office of MoMo Agent to lodge my complaint directly to the service providers. What I found shocking and troubling during my interaction with the officials was that MoMo Agent used to partner with Access Bank to provide financial services to their customers, but the relations of the duo got strained due to allegedly petty jealousy, business rivalry and unhealthy competition.

The pertinent question here is why should the business tussle between MoMo Agent and Access Bank rob Nigerians of their hard-earned money. Why these financial service providers should be allowed to inflict systematic and psychological torture on their innocent customers? What are the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), the NDIC and other Financial Regulators doing? The Government should know that many Nigerians are going to bed with empty stomachs because of the rivalry and skirmishes between these financial service providers. The worst part of it is that when customers go to the branches of the bank to complain, they are subjected to long and interminable waits, after which the customer care unit will only succeed in rubbing salt into the wounds. They treat customers with disdain and make sure that they maximally frustrate and confound their misery.

I finally call upon the CBN to inquire, investigate and take necessary action(s) on the ongoing tussle between MoMo Agent and Access Bank so as to end the suffering of Nigerians. The apex bank should equally penalize any of these financial service providers that are guilty of illegally withholding customers’ money.

A lesson is enough for the wise. With the kind of trouble, trauma and travail I underwent following up on this issue throughout these past three weeks, I will flee from any POS kiosk that I see using the MoMo Agent terminal, more so when it is from my Diamond/Access Bank account that I want to transact from. As a matter of fact, I am contemplating closing my Diamond/Access Bank account unless everything is rectified. This is due to the genuine fear I have that whatever happens once can and will indeed happen again.

Dr Kabiru writes from the Department of History, Bayero University, Kano. He can be reached via khisa.his@buk.edu.ng.

By Aisha Mahmud Yusuf

A few days ago, Dr Muhsin Ibrahim shared a story about a divorcee whose ex-husband refused to pay her medical bills. This is a familiar story as it happens to many people in our society.

I know of a divorced woman with three kids who has nowhere to go. Another woman was in an abusive marriage. When asked why she wouldn’t leave her husband, she said that he took care of her financial needs.

There’s also this woman whose husband was a serial womaniser and a drunkard, yet she couldn’t leave him because she has no means to sustain herself as her parents are dead.

In this society, a woman will be married off with no skill or education. Then get divorced and be left to start from scratch, thanks to the stigma attached to divorcees. No woman should be in an abusive marriage or miserable because she lacks financial independence.

Parents should let their girls finish at least secondary school and ensure they learn a skill. Those who finished higher institutions should be allowed to work or engage in business. The time to stay idle for women has passed. We should not let this poverty and misery cycle continue.

A woman should be financially independent regardless of her marital status. In case of divorce or the husband’s death, she should be able to care for herself and her children at least.

There’s no denying that our marriage institution needs reform, and the time to do so is now. Alhamdulillah, our scholars are now discussing it, but we need action. There is a need for sensitisation across rural as well as urban communities.

Girl-child education should be supported. There are many opportunities for learning that women can learn in the comfort of their homes, and they should be encouraged to do so.

 Aisha Mahmud Yusuf wrote via aishatyusuf63@gmail.com.

By Aliyu Bugaje

Many of us have been quick to criticise the government for a long time about certain policies and decisions that we feel are not in our best interest. We voice our frustrations to anyone who cares to listen, and often, we do nothing more than that. But what if we could do more? What if we could participate in the governance process and influence key decisions that affect our lives and the lives of those around us? The truth is that change begins with us.

Recently, I was invited to participate in the APC campaign council in the Dikko/Jobe Call Centre Katsina and subsequently in the APC Situation Room. This opportunity allowed me to understand the workings of the party, the workings of the state government, and how elections are won. In addition, I was allowed room to influence key decisions of the party, was trusted with confidential party documents, and sat down with the gubernatorial candidate and other key figures. This experience has forever changed how I view governance and politics in general.

As citizens, we often complain about the government’s inability to deliver on its promises, but what are we doing to ensure those promises are kept? Are we actively participating in the governance process, or are we content with being mere spectators? The truth is, if we want to see real change in our communities, we must be willing to roll up our sleeves and get involved.

Citizen participation is the bedrock of any democratic society. It is the foundation upon which governments are built and the driving force behind meaningful change. Moreover, when citizens participate in the governance process, they bring knowledge, experience, and ideas to help shape policies and decisions in people’s best interests.

Participation can take many forms, from joining political parties and volunteering for political campaigns to attending town hall meetings and engaging with elected officials. It can also mean organising and mobilising communities around critical issues affecting their lives and holding government officials accountable.

One of the benefits of citizen participation is that it can help bridge the gap between the government and the people. When citizens actively participate in the governance process, they become more invested in decisions. As a result, they are more likely to support policies and programs that benefit the community. It also helps to build trust and confidence in the government, which is essential for a functioning democracy.

Another benefit of citizen participation is that it can help to create a culture of transparency and accountability. When citizens are actively engaged in the governance process, they are more likely to demand transparency from their elected officials and hold them accountable for their actions. This can help to prevent corruption and ensure that government resources are being used for the benefit of the people.

The power to bring about meaningful change in our communities lies within us. As citizens, we must be willing to step up and actively participate in the governance process. We must hold our elected officials accountable for their actions, demand transparency and accountability, and work together to build a better future for ourselves and our children. Change begins with us, and it is up to us to make it happen.

Aliyu Bugaje wrote via aliyukb@gmail.com.

By Usman Muhammad Salihu.

Religion has been a part of Nigeria’s political landscape for decades. The country has a diverse population with multiple religions, such as Christianity, Islam, and traditional faiths.

The influence of religion on Nigerian politics cannot be overemphasised, as it plays a significant role in shaping political decisions and outcomes. However, the involvement of religion in politics in Nigeria has come with both positive and negative consequences.

One of the positive consequences of involving religion in Nigeria’s politics is the promotion of moral values. Religion teaches moral values such as honesty, integrity, and justice, which are crucial for a stable and just society. Religious leaders can use their platforms to advocate for these values and hold politicians accountable for their actions. Additionally, religion can inspire people to participate in politics and contribute to the development of their communities.

On the other hand, the involvement of religion in Nigeria’s politics has also led to negative consequences. One of the most significant adverse consequences is the proliferation of religious extremism and intolerance. The politicisation of religion has fuelled religious conflicts and violence, leading to the loss of lives and property. The Boko Haram insurgency, which began in 2009, is an example of the consequences of religious extremism in Nigeria.

Another negative consequence of involving religion in Nigeria’s politics is the erosion of the country’s secularism. Nigeria is a secular state, but the involvement of religion in politics has led to the blurring of lines between religion and state. This has resulted in the adoption of policies that favour one religion over the other and the exclusion of minorities from political processes.

Furthermore, the involvement of religion in politics has also resulted in the emergence of religious leaders as political power brokers. This has led to the entrenchment of corruption in the political system, as religious leaders often use their positions to secure political appointments and contracts for their followers.

In conclusion, the involvement of religion in Nigeria’s politics has both positive and negative consequences. While religion can promote moral values and inspire people to participate in politics, it can also fuel religious conflicts and lead to the erosion of secularism.

Therefore, it is essential to strike a balance between religion and politics to ensure that the positive consequences of faith are maximised while minimising the negative effects. This can be achieved by promoting interfaith dialogue, adopting policies that promote equality and inclusivity, and establishing effective mechanisms to hold politicians accountable for their actions.

Usman Muhammad Salihu writes from Mass Communication Department, Abubakar Tatari Ali Polytechnic, Bauchi, Bauchi state. He can be reached via muhammadu5363@gmail.com.