Nigeria

By Prof. Abdelghaffar Amoka

A part of the activities of the university professors is serving as external examiners to universities other than theirs. The appointment of external examiners is a worldwide practice for quality control. Professors can be external examiners for undergraduate or postgraduate programs. While the external examiner for a postgraduate program can be for a day if it involves just a student, appointment as an external examiner for an undergraduate program lasts for a whole academic year.

The external examiner is required to moderate the question papers and marking schemes of all the final-year examinations for the first and second semesters of the program. The Examinations Officer will travel to the university of the External Examiner with the question papers and marking schemes for the Examiner to moderate for each semester. I travelled to Kano for that exercise as an Examination Officer between 2006 and 2008. At the end of the academic year, the External Examiner is required to travel to the university to examine the students’ final-year project and also to moderate the answer booklets and results.

I was recently appointed as an External Examiner for the physics department of a Federal University about 210 km from my university. I moderated the question papers and marking schemes for both semesters. At the end of the session in October 2023, I was invited to the external examination of the students’ projects. While planning to go there, I inquired about the number of students to be examined, and I was told they were a bit above eighty (80). I was like, wow! The funny thing is that you do this job, especially as a first-timer, without knowing how much you will be paid for it.

I was wondering how I will examine 80 students in two days. The university is about 210 km from Zaria, and I need to analyse the economics of the trip. If I am to drive my car, I will spend about N40,000 on fuel for the round trip. But my instinct was telling me that using my car would cost more than I would be paid. So, I joined a public transport, and it cost me about N4,500 to get to the University.

Four passengers, including myself, were squeezed like sardines in a pack in the vehicle’s passenger seat.

I got there, examined the 80 students, and moderated the answer booklets of their final-year students for two full days. I examined 40 students each day. I was exhausted and needed enough space to relax, returning to Zaria. So, I paid for two seats, which cost me about N9,000. This made us three on the passenger seat to Zaria.

Just a few days ago, I received an alert of the payment for the one-year job. I got an alert of N138,920 six weeks after the job. My breakdown shows that I was paid N80,000 honorarium for the one-year job as an External Examiner for the university, N50,000 for accommodation for two nights to examine 80 students (25,000 per night), and N8,920 for transportation from Zaria to the university and back to Zaria (223km x 2 x 20 naira per kilometre). Payment for two nights implies that it was assumed that the job was done in one day. Yes, the university management assumed that I examined 80 students in one day.

At the end of the day, and even without using my car, I spent more on transportation than I was paid. For the moderation and examination of the students for an academic session, I was paid N1,000 per student for the exam moderation, reading of the project work, and oral examination of the students.

However, there was a circular in 2022 that reviewed duty tour allowance (DTA) and transport allowance per kilometre for public service. According to the circular, a Professor is meant to get N37,500 per night as DTA and N75 per kilometre for mileage. While it is in operation at every other MDA, under the current fuel subsidy removal regime, university professors are expected to travel at N20 per kilometre and can’t lodge in a hotel that costs more than N25,000 per night.

While the political class has subjected academics to abject poverty, the managements of our universities are still expecting us to travel with N20 per kilometre, lodge in a hotel that is not more than N25,000 per night, and then do oral examinations for 80 students in one day. They possibly felt that we could manage it. After all, we are already used to poverty. It’s sad that the political class does not regard us. We have lost respect in society and don’t seem to have regard for ourselves within the university system.

At least this university paid even though what was paid was ridiculous. I also got a nice reception from the department. For over a year, the other university has yet to pay the N50,000 for the professorial assessment of their staff and refund the N2,500 postage charges to send the assessment report. That is Nigerian academia.

Dear public university managers, why do we find it challenging to spend money on academic activities, the main activities of the universities? Does it still cost you 20 naira per kilometre to travel to Abuja for an official engagement on behalf of the university? The excuse is always that the university has no money. Then, why do we pretend that all is well when it is not? Why do we window-dress our programs for accreditation when we can’t adequately fund the programs? Why should we be expected to drain our blood to keep public universities open?

External moderation and examination are requirements for the award of degrees, and they should be properly funded. Otherwise, It should be suspended till there are enough funds to execute that component. If we want to make progress, we must stop the window-dressing approach and tell ourselves the truth.

Dear senior colleagues, I greatly respect your sacrifices and the risk of travelling between states these years on our bad roads for external examinations at this ridiculous honorarium and allowances. I don’t want to blame you for the sustenance of this slavery. But this treatment continued because you accepted it and MILT for these years. Even as teachers, we need a proper reward here on earth as we all strive for heavenly rewards.

Our old senior colleagues are already used to it. But to the new professors who will be taking up external assessment responsibilities, before going out for any external assignment, the supposed community service, to other universities, you need to be sure that the transport allowance will take you to the place to do the job and that the night allowance can afford decent accommodation.

Don’t be enslaved by the words “community service”. There is no free meal anywhere in the world. Somebody must pay for anything called a free meal.

Abdelghaffar Amoka Abdelmalik, PhD, wrote from Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria. He can be reached via aaabdelmalik@gmail.com.

By Laraba Jauro

Women advocates in Nigeria, like other women in the world, encounter numerous challenges in undertaking advocacy, especially in the country’s northern region. The women’s voices are not heard, and want to be heard. And their vulnerability is a high risk in society.

The United Nations declared 1975 through 1985 a “Decade for Women”. Four world conferences on women were held: Mexico City 1975, Copenhagen 1980, Nairobi 1985 and 1995 Beijing. These conferences directed the searchlight on various issues affecting women’s status in society. 

These issues, among others, include Violence against Women, Women’s Rights as Human Rights and Women’s Reproductive Health. It was not until then that the woman’s question entered the political agenda in Nigeria. 

Various national development plans were gender-blind and gave no specific place to gender issues in Nigeria. These Conferences encouraged Nigerian women to come and form their Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs) to empower themselves.

Being a woman in Nigeria comes with deliberate discrimination, social, religious and economic inequality, misogyny and gender-based violence. Being a woman in Northern Nigeria sometimes comes with the aforementioned challenges.

Northern Nigeria is a diverse region with people from different groups, religions and cultural orientations towards women’s rights.

In an interview with executive Director Zenith of the Girl Child and Women Initiative Support, Aishatu Kabu Damboa, a gender equality activist in Maiduguri, said, according to the United Nations sexual and reproductive health agency, of the 7 million people affected by the insurgency in north-east Nigeria, about 1,750,000 are women and girls of childbearing age who need sexual and reproductive health services.

“Through my foundation, I worked on sensitisation programs on the prevention of SGBV and provision of re-washable menstrual sanitary pads at camps for internally displaced persons in Maiduguri. She is also actively working to support adolescent girls in IDP camps by providing access to vocational skills.”

She added that women and girls in Borno state, like any other place in Africa, deal with poverty, rape, domestic violence and gender discrimination, and there is a need to raise their voices for government to take necessary action.

She said being a woman advocate in Borno state and anywhere in the north is full of threats, insults and rejection. When men, and even some women, hear you mentioning equality for women and girls, they think you are starting a war with men. 

Threats of physical violence, name-calling, trolling and online abuse come with the territory. The abuse used to hurt me, but then I understood that here in the community where I came from, it is not the norm for women to be outspoken.

Women in politics or who hold public office are called prostitutes. But she isn’t letting it get to her or stopping her from her mission of educating women and ensuring a gender-balanced society. I strongly believe in education. Our people must be educated; it is the long-term plan to change things.

However, she believes education is the key to lifting women and girls out of poverty. She said women are breaking the culture of silence, unlike their forebears who kept it to themselves and died in silence. 

Being vocal about women’s rights on a public platform as a young Northern Muslim woman has a challenge in northern Nigeria. She also advised the government to ensure women representatives on every issue in Borno state. People should understand their aim and stop harassing women advocates in northern Nigeria at large. 

Laraba Jauro wrote from the Department of Mass Communication, University of Maiduguri.

By Dr Salisu Uba, FCIPS

The Federal Government’s recent initiative to review and refine the 2007 Public Procurement Act is a significant step towards optimizing public spending and fortifying economic efficiency. This endeavour, spearheaded by a committee led by the Attorney General of the Federation and Minister of Justice, Lateef Fagbemi, SAN, marks a pivotal moment in Nigeria’s quest for enhanced transparency, accountability, and responsiveness in procurement practices.

Amidst the constellation of stakeholders enlisted in this laudable undertaking, the conspicuous absence of representation from the Chartered Institute of Procurement and Supply (CIPS) Nigeria and other domestic procurement-related bodies raises pertinent questions about the breadth of expertise and comprehensive insight into contemporary procurement standards within the country.

The involvement of CIPS Nigeria and analogous local bodies bears paramount significance. It is imperative to recognize that these entities serve as bastions of professional knowledge, embodying a wealth of experience in global best practices in procurement and supply chain management. Their inclusion in the committee would infuse the discourse with nuanced perspectives, aligning the proposed amendments not only with global benchmarks but also with the unique fabric of Nigeria’s socio-economic landscape.

Professionalism in procurement transcends mere technical expertise; it encapsulates a commitment to upholding ethical standards, ensuring transparency, and driving value for money across procurement processes. The infusion of such professionalism into the review of the Public Procurement Act is fundamental. It is the bedrock upon which the trust of citizens and investors in the procurement ecosystem is built.

Highlighting the importance of professionalism in this review process signifies a resolute dedication to promoting best practices. Leveraging the expertise of bodies like CIPS Nigeria and local procurement organizations will not only consolidate the legal framework but also imbue it with a pragmatic touch rooted in real-world applications.

Furthermore, the committee’s scope should extend beyond the confines of governmental offices. It is crucial to cast a wider net, seeking insights from outstanding Nigerian professionals who have excelled in the procurement and supply chain domain globally. Drawing from their experiences and achievements would inject the committee’s deliberations with a potent dose of practicality and innovation.

The call to look outward and tap into the reservoirs of Nigerian expertise scattered across the globe is not just a strategic imperative but a visionary approach. Nigeria boasts a diaspora of procurement and supply chain professionals who have garnered commendations and achievements in various sectors globally. Harnessing their knowledge and insights would foster a holistic and comprehensive review process.

Amidst these aspirations for a comprehensive review, one cannot disregard the urgency for swift action. The one-month timeline stipulated for the committee demands focused and efficient collaboration. However, the pursuit of expediency should not overshadow the importance of thoroughness and inclusivity in gathering diverse perspectives to fortify the amendments.

As the committee embarks on this crucial task, the overarching objective should be to nurture a procurement landscape that not only meets contemporary economic realities but also paves the way for sustainable growth, resilience, and equitable access to opportunities for all Nigerians.

In conclusion, the successful review and subsequent amendments to the Public Procurement Act stand as a beacon of progress for Nigeria’s economic transformation. The incorporation of professional expertise from esteemed bodies like CIPS Nigeria and the inclusion of outstanding Nigerian professionals from around the world will serve as catalysts in shaping a procurement ecosystem that is robust, transparent, and aligned with global best practices.

The future of Nigeria’s procurement landscape hinges on the committee’s commitment to professionalism, inclusivity, and forward-thinking strategies that encapsulate the diversity and dynamism of the nation’s procurement sphere.

Salisu is a fellow of the Chartered Institute of Procurement and Supply (CIPS) and a member of the CIPS Education Committee in the UK. He is the founder and CEO of NarQuest Limited – a supply chain technology company based in Glasgow, UK. 

By Mohammad Qaddam Sidq Isa (Daddy)

There is a general but simplistic assumption that electoral victory necessarily implies Allah’s endorsement of the winner and His disapproval of the loser. 

Politicians, potential beneficiaries of the electoral victory of politicians, and overzealous followers engage in supposedly wholehearted Addu’a for their and their benefactors’ electoral victory.

The practice of Addu’a for electoral victory has grown into a phenomenon and has indeed become an integral part of politicking in Nigeria. It has, in fact, turned into an industry of a sort where huge amounts of resources are invested in engaging amateur, part-time and professional Addu’a service-providing malamai who provide their services to the highest bidders or whom they expect higher gain from them of whatever kind.

Besides, with the growing phenomenon of holding the so-called special prayer sessions in public places for the success of one politician or another, the ‘political Addu’a industry’ has been growing further, attracting more investments from politicians. This is even though such so-called special prayer sessions bear the hallmarks of Bid’a.

On their part, winners in elections and their followers brag that their electoral victory necessarily implies Allah’s acceptance of their Addu’a hence His endorsement of them. They equally mock their opponents and attribute their loss to Allah’s disapproval of them. Whereas, in reality, nobody knows for sure whether or not a particular electoral victory implies Allah’s endorsement, or whether or not a particular loss implies His disapproval.

Because the fact that politicking under democracy is inherently characterized by gross dishonesty, hypocrisy, cunning, deceitfulness, bribery and other serious vices, which arguably all politicians perpetrate in their struggle to outmanoeuvre one another, makes the whole system too filthy for Allah to have anything to do with it, in the first place,  let alone endorse any politician against another.

The winner, therefore, only wins thanks to his ability to somehow outdo his opponents in that regard, and the losers only lose due to their failure to outplay the winner, while none enjoys Allah’s endorsement, for all are equally guilty of the same grave sins, regardless of the extents of their involvements, respectively. After all, they actually never take Addu’a seriously in the first place; they only feign commitment to it in the context of their manipulation of religion for political interests.

Electoral victory under democracy is just like winning in gambling, which obviously never implies Allah’s endorsement.

Though craving for power and the temptations of what comes with it are irresistibly tempting, they aren’t worth the price of politicking under democracy, with all that it entails, which those involved pay in the hereafter. 

Mohammed Qaddam wrote via mohammadsidq@gmail.com.

By Ahmad Deedat Zakari

Former Nigerian President, Muhammadu Buhari, has described Nigerians as hard to govern.

Buhari made the disclosure in an interview with the Nigeria Television Authority (NTA)The former president however maintained that he did his best in the eight years that he served Nigerians as President despite the difficulties he encountered.

He said Nigerians are a difficult people to manage because “they think they should be” in charge “not you”.

“God gave me the opportunity to serve my country, but I did my best. But whether my best was good enough, I leave for people to judge.

“Nigerians are extremely difficult. People know their rights. They think they should be there, not you.

“So, they monitor virtually every step. And you have to struggle day and night to ensure that you are competent enough,” he said.

Buhari also stated that his government was able to defeat insecurity in the Northeast, adding that he’s pleased with the successes he recorded.

He said, “We are lucky to have control in the Northeast. I achieved security because, without it, nothing else can develop.

“Go and ask the governor of Borno how hard it is. Most local governments were in the hands of Boko Haram. They were doing what they liked.

⁣“The first thing is to secure the state or the country and earn the citizens’ trust.” ⁣⁣

By Zayyad I. Muhammad 

For 24 years, most Nigerians were only familiar with one style of operation by their National Security Advisers (NSA)—a regimental style—because of the complete military background of the previous NSAs. Having NSAs with military experience is an excellent idea, but some critical situations require looking at things from different angles, including outside-the-book approaches.

The coming of Nuhu Ribadu as Nigeria’s National Security Adviser is a paradigm shift and a systemic and systematic approach by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu. Tinubu brought not only a person that he understood but also a person who understood his steps. It’s a kind of quality assurance.

Because for two decades, Nigerians have been used to one style, they need to be educated from a layman’s perspective. NSA Nuhu’s style will and must always be soft and hard, silent and loud, publicly and secretly, unique and ordinary because of his background, training, and experience—an excellent police officer and an anti-corruption czar who has gone through the mills of his fields.

Before his appointment and signs that he would be President Tinubu’s NSA, some people thought de-marketing and painting him black would deny him the position. They forgot that security matters; it goes beyond politics when dealing with goal-getters like Tinubu. It’s a matter of the quality of Nuhu Ribadu and Tinubu’s philosophy on exceptional human resources.

The National Security Adviser manages Nigeria’s security on behalf of the President, and he is the chief advisor on all matters vital to Nigeria’s very survival.

The big questions are: has Nuhu Ribadu brought on board something new, being a new face with different backgrounds from the previous NSAs in 24 years? Has Nuhu Ribadu been able to separate politics from policy? He has actively participated in politics before now. Has Nigerian security improved under Nuhu Ribadu?

Analysing security issues and their managers is often difficult, or rather futile because the gains achieved in a decade can be wiped away within a few minutes by one senseless act by terrorists, bandits, or common criminals. Nuhu has brought something unique: Nigerians are being informed of happenings in the fight against criminality, the NSA is now visible when required, confidence has been built, and resources are appropriately distributed while separating needs from wants. Under NSA Nuhu Ribadu, kinetic and non-kinetic approaches are being applied to tackle the security challenges in Nigeria. Inter-agency synergies are now a key in the security architecture.

Furthermore, all security agencies are being reformed and reinvigorated to play their role in internal security effectively. At the same time, the military is being freed from the burden of performing both its constitutional role and that of the police, thus allowing it to concentrate on external security fully.

Politics and man are like love and humankind—they co-exist. Human beings must always love something; the same is true of politics: once one knits tight with politics, they live together. Even his adversaries must admit that Mallam Nuhu was able to separate his office from politics, knowing fully the enormous responsibilities on his head, and Nigeria and the world are keenly watching him. Furthermore, Mallam Nuhu has been able to drive the ONSA back to its original status as a National Security Vehicle, not the sad belief that it is a kind of  ‘big pot ‘for politicians to scoop from.

Silently and interestingly, NSA Nuhu is building a strong interface among all the security agencies. Roles are being defined to allow seamless work to achieve one goal: the peace of the country and its people. Mallam Nuhu is piloting and overseeing security through the eyes of a well-trained security czar who understands both the hard and soft approaches.

Inter-agency collaboration has improved; ordinary Nigerians now view the NSA as just for security only; NSA words now not only matter but work. An example is the recent off-cycle governorship election in Bayelsa, Imo, and Kogi states. Mallam Nuhu assured Nigerians that the governorship elections would be conducted without interference. And it was. This is how NSAs work—their worlds translate into actions and results.

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja via zaymohd@yahoo.com.

By Abdurrazak Mukhtar

In a world filled with opportunities and challenges, one guiding principle has always resonated with me: “The more that you read, the more things you will know. The more that you learn, the more places you’ll go.” These wise words from Dr. Seuss have been my constant companion throughout my journey of personal and intellectual growth.

Reading, for me, is not just an activity; it’s a passport to uncharted territories. The more I dive into books, articles, and various forms of literature, the more I am rewarded with knowledge. Each page I turn, each sentence I absorb, opens up a new world of information and insight. It’s like embarking on a new adventure with every book, where I can explore different cultures, understand complex concepts, and experience emotions I might not encounter daily.

However, reading is only half of the equation. Learning is the other key ingredient that fuels the engine of personal development. It’s not enough to absorb facts; we must actively engage with the material, question it, and apply it to our lives. Learning is about making connections, fostering critical thinking, and using the knowledge gained to solve problems and positively impact the world.

As I journeyed through life with the guidance of Dr. Seuss’s words, I realised that knowledge and learning are like a ladder. With each step, we climb closer to the summits of our ambitions. The wisdom we accumulate is a treasure for ourselves and a beacon for others. Sharing knowledge and experiences is a way to pay it forward, to light the way for those who follow in our footsteps.

The beauty of this philosophy is that it’s a never-ending voyage. There’s always something new, more to learn, and countless places to explore. It’s a reminder that the quest for knowledge doesn’t have a final destination. Instead, it’s a lifelong adventure, an expedition into the limitless realms of human understanding.

In conclusion, the words of Dr. Seuss have been a guiding star in my life, reminding me of the profound link between reading, learning, and personal growth. They inspire me to continue on this exciting journey and embrace the endless possibilities of expanding my horizons. The more we read, the more we know; the more we learn, the more places we’ll go. And in this journey, I’ve found a world filled with wonder, wisdom, and the potential to make a difference.

By Kabiru Danladi Lawanti, Ph.D.

Since 2018, when Nigeria’s public universities started announcing hikes in school charges or what is popularly known as service charges, the survival of indigent students in these universities has become threatened. Public universities are the last hope for children from poor backgrounds. According to Emmanuel Onwubiko, the National Coordinator of the Human Rights Writers Association of Nigeria, over 70% of youths from poor backgrounds attend these universities. Therefore, denying these institutions funding is a direct declaration of war on Nigerian youths.

While it becomes necessary for public universities to increase the shortfall in government funding, the increase in school fees means millions of youths will be denied the opportunity to acquire a university education. To say that Nigerian public universities are underfunded is an understatement. That our public universities are in serious crisis is a fact. That universities are unable to achieve the goals of contributing to national development is sadly true.

Two schools of thought exist on this issue. On one hand is the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU), which opposed increasing school fees. Their argument is quite simple: increased school fees automatically mean denying the children of the poor the opportunity to acquire a university education. They argue that there is a need for more citizens to have a university education. The logic is simple: more people with university education in the population automatically translate to positive economic growth, social development, and political cohesion.

To show their seriousness in what they believe in, ASUU had to go on strike several times for several years, starving their members to push forward with this idea. However, there are people who believe education should be removed from social services. They argue that since students are the direct beneficiaries, then the funding of universities should be shifted “from society to the students who are the beneficiaries of the higher incomes their degrees will provide.” These are the advocates of “commodification of university education.”

There are broadly three sources of funding for public universities in Nigeria, as identified by Professor Olanrewaju Fagbohun, the former Vice Chancellor of Lagos State University. These are government grants or subsidies, student/parent contributions (charges fees or allied non-instructional fees) and the income derived by the institution from commercial or quasi-commercial ventures or services, investments, donations, and endowments.

With overpopulation, teeming unemployed graduates, falling standard of university education, corruption in the management of university education and the shift from a mixed economy to a neoliberal economic system since 1986, Nigerian universities are left struggling to survive. Also, the attitude of the people’s government towards education since democracy’s return in 1999 has combined to suffocate the system already in the ICU.

However, in 2017, the universities came to grapple with a very hostile regime under President Buhari. The regime not only cut funding to public universities but imposed an embargo on the recruitment of academic staff in the universities. For over six years now, universities have not employed any fresh staff. Where they are employed, they are imposed on Vice Chancellors from Abuja. Departments no longer have the power to recommend to the VC to retain the best-graduating students in the departments. IPPIS was the last straw that broke the camel’s back. Departments are short-staffed, and IPPIS stopped universities from engaging contract staff, visiting and adjunct lectures and sabbatical staff.

These are the issues that Nigerians need to look at holistically. As it is now, most people have realised the mistake of not supporting ASUU to force the government to investigate the crises of the public universities. The reality clearly shows that indigent students or children from poor backgrounds cannot afford university education. While many analysts gave ASUU strikes the Boko Haram Logic interpretation, no one sees the onslaught on public universities by government agents as “bokoharamisation” of the university education. It is a disservice to Nigeria to remain silent about the current crises confronting the Nigerian public universities and find our voices when ASUU declares strike. This is succumbing to Boko Haram’s wishes. Already, our public primary and secondary schools are in ruins, and it will take the grace of God to resuscitate them. We are now confronted with the collapse of the public university system.

What is the way forward?

Addressing the current crises requires all stakeholders in the Nigerian Educational System. This is a matter of saving Nigeria from collapse. Already, parents have taken 60% of the burden of educating their children in the university. Parents now pay from N50,000 to 250,000 a year for service charges for their children. They provide for their upkeep – accommodation, feeding, laundry, clothing and, of course, purchase of textbooks. Added to that, they take the burden of transporting their children to and from the schools every now and then when the need arises, which can be weekly, monthly, or quarterly. Already, they are involved in funding their children’s education at the university.

The government is supporting universities with infrastructure payments of staff salaries (both academic and non-academic). The government also pays a fraction of the running cost to the universities. TETFUND will not be counted as government funding because it comes from 2% education tax contributions. People in government are leveraging on this and using funding as a weapon of control, as we saw in 2022 when ASUU members were starved for eight months for declaring an industrial dispute with their employer.

Industrial disputes should not be seen as confrontations or a narrow material interest of “greedy lecturers” or “Boko haram logic” of denying Nigerians the opportunity to acquire a university education. It should be seen as a patriotic intervention to salvage a collapsed system.

The commodification of university education in developing nations like ours is never a solution to the lingering crises in the public university system. Commodification destroys “the value of intellectual challenge and exploration by reducing knowledge to quantifiable, job-oriented results”. In fact, commodification is what derives the idea of a “skills rather than degree” gang promoted by a former minister.

I deliberately ignored the push by the present regime of education banks that will serve as lending institutions for university students because it is deceptive, unrealistic, and impracticable in a country like ours. What we need is an acceptable cost-sharing formula that is realistic and acceptable to all stakeholders. And this can come only through negotiation and mutual agreements between university unions, parents, and the government. We need to start this conversation to save our public universities.

By Ladi Ibrahim

Floods have become a recurring natural disaster in Nigeria, causing immense damage to infrastructure, the economy, and most importantly, the lives and well-being of its citizens.

Nigeria’s vulnerability to flooding has grown in recent decades due to many factors, including urbanisation, inadequate drainage systems, deforestation, and climate change. Rising global temperatures are causing extreme weather patterns, leading to more intense rainfall events and subsequent flooding.

Flooding often triggers a humanitarian crisis, displacing thousands of people and leaving them homeless, without access to clean water, food, and sanitation facilities. Internally displaced persons (IDPs) are forced to rely on aid assistance, leading to severe strain on already limited resources.

Flooding wreaks havoc upon critical infrastructure, including roads, bridges, schools, hospitals, and power lines. This compromises public safety, disrupts essential services, and hinders economic growth and development. The cost of rebuilding and repairing damaged infrastructure poses significant challenges to the Nigerian government.

Flooding has far-reaching economic consequences, affecting agriculture, businesses, and livelihoods. Agricultural lands are submerged, leading to crop failures and livestock losses, negatively impacting food security and increasing reliance on imported goods. Small businesses and industries suffer significant financial losses, often leading to closures.

Floodwaters become breeding grounds for disease-causing organisms, heightening the risk of waterborne diseases such as cholera, typhoid fever, and hepatitis. The lack of clean water, sanitation, and proper hygiene practices amid displacement adds to the vulnerability of Nigerian citizens, particularly children and the elderly. Inadequate healthcare infrastructure exacerbates the challenges in providing timely and effective treatment.

Flooding poses physical dangers and leaves long-lasting psychological scars on affected individuals. Displacement, loss of property, and the trauma associated with witnessing loved ones or community members suffer can lead to anxiety, depression, and post-traumatic stress disorder. The mental well-being of affected citizens requires attention and support during and after the flood crisis.

To mitigate the effects of flooding, Nigeria must invest in long-term solutions such as improved urban planning, the construction of drainage systems, reforestation efforts, and the establishment of early warning systems. Comprehensive disaster preparedness and response strategies should also be developed, involving government agencies, international organisations, and local communities.

Building resilience is crucial to enhance Nigeria’s ability to adapt and respond to the potential impacts of climate-related flooding. This includes raising public awareness, developing sustainable land use practices, promoting flood-resistant housing construction, and investing in flood insurance schemes.

The effects of flood disasters on Nigerian citizens are profound and wide-ranging. The ongoing challenges necessitate implementing comprehensive strategies to enhance resilience, minimise vulnerability, and protect the well-being of citizens. Addressing the complex issues associated with flooding requires concerted efforts from individuals, communities, governments, and international partners to ensure a safer and more secure future for all Nigerians.

Ladi Ibrahim wrote from the Department of Mass Communication, University of Maiduguri.

By Prof. Abdelghaffar Amoka

The Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) has been in a battle with the Federal Government of Nigeria over the funding of the public universities. The facilities that made our universities to still have a semblance of a university were products of ASUU strike. ASUU was so passionate over public universities funding to the point that the public began to think that such funds, when released, are paid into ASUU’s account. Even some journalists that are supposed to be properly informed shared in the ignorance or misinformation.

You read headlines like “FG releases 2 billion naira to ASUU for university funding”. ASUU pursued funding at the expense of its members’ welfare. The battle has been on funding to an extent that the younger generation of academics began to wonder why their welfare is not at the top of the union’s demands. The consoling words from our veterans have always been: You get true fulfillment when you have an ideal working environment.

The battle took a new dimension last year, during the reign of the ex-president Muhammadu Buhari, who had no agenda for education aside from establishing more universities without funding plans. Yeah! Buhari came to re-write the story of our university system. The number of the underfunded new tertiary institutions were listed as his major achievements. A strike on funding and the renegotiation of conditions of service that should not have lasted for more than four weeks, if sincerely handled, was dragged on for eight months and the lecturers starved. A few died and many survived and are still surviving but not an item on the demands on the needs of the universities was treated.

While ASUU was fighting for adequate funding, the FG had a hidden plan. It publicly declared that the universities will have to generate their money to partly fund themselves. The public couldn’t see the implication of the statement. The statement received support from some Nigerians whose education was funded from primary to PhD with public funds. However, besides this declaration, they are also seeing the universities as revenue generation institutions rather than institutions to be funded. They were wondering why they should keep funding these institutions when they are supposed to be generating revenue for the government.

Having conceived the idea to make federal universities an internally generated revenue (IGR) source for FG, their challenge was how to make these institutions generate revenue for FG without backlash. The only obstacle to the plan is ASUU that is always using strikes to force to unwillingly release some funds for the universities. ASUU was on strike again. They find their trouble annoying and something must be done. They engaged their friends that are former union leaders to develop the strategy to clip ASUU. Hunger strategy was found most effective and that was deployed and the rest was history.

From the experience of the last strike, call for a referendum on strike today and the members will tell you that if they will lose their salary for a one day strike, they won’t join. They are still paying their debt. So, they began starving the universities of funds.

Universities like Ahmadu Bello University (ABU) and Unilag, whose electricity bills are around 120 million naira per month, are given about 150 million naira per annum for operational expenses. How they pay their bills was left as their business. So, to keep up with the bills, the universities began to review the service charges. The universities estimated what can run the universities and appropriate charges were put together as fees for students. There were outcries on the fee increment. Some called it tuition and that got FG worried.

FG had to come out with a press release. They acknowledged the increment but that FG has not introduced tuition. The increase in fees as announced by various universities was to reflect the current economic reality; mission accomplished. However, the FG didn’t see these increased fees as service charges, they saw them as IGR by the universities and hence became interested.

As the universities were busy announcing the revised fees, the Minister of Finance suddenly remembered that there was a circular FMFBNP/OTHERS/IGR/CRF/12/2021 dated December 20, 2021 that said all partially funded FG Agencies should remit 40% of their IGR to FG. Universities are currently expected to remit 40% of the fees collected from the students to FG as revenue generation. These service charges in the universities are referred to as Gross Internally Generated Revenue. The deduction is effective from November 2023.

This means that if a student is charged N2,000 for an ID card, the university will give N800 out of it to the FG. It doesn’t matter to the FG if the cost of the ID card is truly N2,000. If a student is charged N10,000 as laboratory charges for chemicals and consumable, the university will give N4,000 out of it to the FG as revenue. If every student is charged N30,000 for electricity, water and sanitation bills, the FG will enjoy N12,000 out of it as revenue. It doesn’t matter if the remaining amount is not enough to pay those bills. If a student is charged N15,000 for a field trip or SIWES, the FG will take N6,000 out of it. If a student pay N5,000 as examination fee, the FG will take N2,000 from it as IGR for the FG. etc.

The insensitivity of the government to the needs of the people has gotten that bad. Public universities are the government’s new revenue generating agencies. This 40% revenue is expected to be paid by kids whose parents are earning less than N100,000 per month from the same FG. As they are milking the people dry, they have refused to cut off the cost of governance. The NASS members that were supposed to drive a car of 7 – 8 million naira by law got 160 million naira cars as against the law.

The bad thing is that the government will deduct 40% from the money as it is paid. It is auto-deduction. They will take their share before the universities even have access to the money. The announced fees were calculated to barely take care of the basic needs of the universities. So, how will the universities be run without the 40%?

My opinion…

Dear parents, tight your seat belt and the revised fees of your kids in any federal higher institution increased by 40%, thanks to FG quest for IGR. ASUU has done its bit for us Nigerians. It should not be a major discussion at the ongoing NEC. Nigerians should be allowed to fight their fight. The fight should now be left for the students and their parents. If they are willing to fight, ASUU members can join as parents. If they are not ready, we all MILT and move on as usual. After all, we are used to suffering and smiling.

The university managements, Senates, and Councils should find an appropriate way to introduce the 40% FG IGR from the universities into the fees. The universities that are yet to announce their revised fees should add the FG 40% university IGR to their fees. It should be separated from the university charges. It can be called “40% FG IGR charge” as a separate item. So that the students and parents will know what they are paying for. They need to know that rather than FG funding the education of their kids, something ASUU has fought for and prosecuted over, FG is now generating revenue from them as they pay their kids fees.

©Amoka