Muhammadu Sanusi II

LGBTQ: An open letter to Kano State Governor, Abba Kabir Yusuf

Dear Government of Kano State, the Kano Emirate, Hisbah Board, and the Kano State Council of Ulamas

Peace be upon you,

An effort is being made to spread LGBTQ advocacy in Kano State in the name of human rights, seeking “freedom” and sustainable livelihoods for our daughters and helping orphans, the needy, and those with special needs.

This advocacy is being spread publicly without shame, disregarding your esteemed positions and influence in Kano State— in schools and neighbourhoods. Shockingly, even government officials were cornered in the name of dialogue or capacity building.

The organization behind this heinous act in our state is the Women Initiative for Sustainable Empowerment and Equality. They refer to themselves as “WISE.” From what we have seen on their platforms, they even have an independent office in Yankaba Kawaji, Bompai GRA, Kano.

In a statement we saw on the pages of this organization, we noted that they once organized a workshop for officials from Hisbah, KAROTA, NDLEA, and others!

If this organization has grown strong enough to gather these officials in one place under the guise of a workshop—regardless of the topic—we fear the influence they have already exerted in our state.

To verify all these, please check their Facebook page named “Wise.”

You might recall the recent uproar over the Samoa Agreement signed by the Federal Government, which is alleged to have come with strings attached, one of which is to allow advocates of LGBTQ, like WISE, to pursue their agenda freely.

This has sparked controversy in Nigeria over the past few days. We have seen how the scholars in Kano stood firm on their pulpits, as we expected, to vehemently condemn this attempt, should it prove true.

This controversy has further revealed that there are laws in our country that outright prohibit any attempt to propagate the agenda of LGBTQ. We have also found solace in the unity of Muslims and Christians in rejecting this thing we collectively see as immorality in our culture and religion.

With this, we call upon the Governor of Kano State, Alhaji Abba Kabir Yusuf, the Emir of Kano, Mallam Muhammadu Sanusi II, the Chairman of Hisbah, Mallam Aminu Daurawa, and the leadership of the Kano State Council of Ulamas, to ensure that this organization, WISE, packs up and leaves our dear state and that its activities are banned by any means possible.

The people of Kano State are your trust! And God will question you about this trust on the Day of Judgment!

We’ve done our part by letting you know about this issue. We have informed you if you were unaware of this organization or its activities.

Misbahu Hamza  

July 7, 2024

The return of Sanusi II, Tinubu, the north, and 2027

By Zayyad I. Muhammad 

Emir Muhammadu Sanusi’s two ascensions to the throne of the ancient Kano Emirate have been deeply intertwined with local and national politics. On June 9, 2014, Sanusi was installed as the 14th Emir of Kano by then-Governor Rabiyu Musa Kwankwaso, seemingly to spite former President Goodluck Jonathan’s administration. Earlier that year, on February 2, Sanusi had been dismissed from his position as the Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria for alleging that the Nigerian National Petroleum Company (NNPC) had failed to remit a $20 billion statutory fund to the federal government—a claim denied by Jonathan’s administration.

On March 9, 2020, Governor Abdullahi Umar Ganduje removed Sanusi from the throne, citing his alleged disregard for lawful directives. However, the primary motive behind Sanusi’s dethronement was political, as he had been openly critical of several policies and projects of the Ganduje administration. Ganduje was angered by Sanusi’s penchant to play a dual role as a revered Emir and a social critic, an untenable combination in the Nigerian context.

On May 23, 2024, Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf reinstated Sanusi as the Emir of Kano after signing a state assembly bill that dissolved the five emirates created by the Ganduje administration and dethroned the 15th Emir of Kano, Aminu Ado Bayero. Governor Yusuf’s decision to reinstate Sanusi Lamido Sanusi was also politically motivated, aimed at reversing Governor Ganduje’s actions and continuing the supremacy battle between former Governors Abdullahi Ganduje and Rabiyu Musa Kwankwaso.

Sanusi’s journey from being the Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) to his dismissal, his installation as the Emir of Kano, his subsequent dethronement, and finally, his reinstatement is marked by political intrigue. It begins with confusion and ends in confusion. His return as Emir of Kano on May 23, 2024, might seem straightforward, but it is anything but simple. It’s akin to a complex mathematical equation that appears simple on the surface but requires the application of numerous mathematical laws to solve. Sanusi’s reinstatement is a product of intricate local and national political manoeuvring, with an eye towards the 2027 elections from all the actors.

Senator Rabiyu Musa Kwankwaso is determined to erase any traces of Ganduje’s influence in Kano politics. Initially, this strategy worked for Kwankwaso without significant interference from the centre. However, it has now dawned on Tinubu and his handlers that allowing the Kwankwasiyya group to operate unhindered could lead to the loss of Ganduje’s group support without gaining substantial assurance from the Kwankwasiyya group. In the 2023 presidential and governorship elections, Kwankwaso garnered 997,279 votes, while Tinubu received 517,341 votes.

In the gubernatorial race, Abba Yusuf Kabir of the Kwankwasiyya group obtained 1,019,602 votes, whereas Nasir Yusuf Gawuna of the Ganduje group secured 890,705 votes, a difference of 188,897 votes. Maintaining this voting pattern is crucial for Tinubu and his team heading into 2027. Some members of the Ganduje group are discontent with the centre after narrowly losing the gubernatorial seat at the Supreme Court. If they continue to feel unprotected despite their connections at the centre, Tinubu’s prospects in Kano for 2027 could be jeopardized. Thus, the centre’s support for Aminu Ado Bayero is not surprising.

The calculations in Abuja, though not overtly confirmed, seem poised to influence Kano’s political landscape at a critical juncture. Giving the Kwankwasiyya group free hands to operate as they wish would be politically risky for the centre. Abuja needs to have some strong feet on the ground in Kano. Kano votes are crucial in the north.

The ongoing power struggle in Kano is straightforward: it’s an attempt to balance interests, strike a political equilibrium, and prepare the ground for future battles. For the common man, the advice is clear: do not take sides, as these are political manoeuvres made with future gains in mind. However, the implementation of these decisions will inevitably have collateral damage. In politics, there is no provision for a collateral damage estimate (CDE)—becoming collateral damage means being in the wrong place at the wrong time. No harm is intended personally.

What’s happening in Kano? It’s a fascinating and high-stakes game—a zero-sum game, to be precise. The same thing happened. On October 22, 1983, Governor Abubakar Rimi established four new emirates in Kano State to diminish Emir Ado Bayero’s power and influence. After his inauguration, his successor, Governor Sabo Bakinzuwo, revoked the law and restored the emirs to their previous positions as district heads.

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja via zaymohd@yahoo.com.

The Kano throne dilemma

By Ibrahim El-mu’azzam 

Four years ago, we witnessed the removal of Mallam Muhammadu Sunusi II as the Emir of Kano and the splitting of the Kano emirate a few months earlier. As they say, what goes around comes around.

Since then, many people have prayed, predicted, and foreseen that the action would be reversed. Thanks to time and destiny, we are now witnessing the return of the Emirates to one and the reinstatement of Muhammadu Sunusi II to Gidan Rumfa and the throne of Dabo. People forget too soon; if not for that, this wouldn’t have made these trends and surprises.

Muhammadu Sanusi II was legally appointed as the 14th Emir of Kano by Gov. Rabi’u Kwankwaso in 2014, following the passing of Alhaji Ado Bayero, the 13th Emir of Kano. Although he initially faced the usual opposition from some people, his appointment was eventually accepted by all, including the family of his predecessor, the Emirate council, the people of Kano, and the global community.

After about six years, a personal-political misunderstanding arose between him and the then-government of Dr Abdullahi Ganduje. This personal-political interest had no adverse effect on the Emirate or the good people of Kano state. However, despite calls from respected individuals and institutions worldwide, as well as a court order, Ganduje, in a display of power, divided the ancient Kano kingdom into five different kingdoms and proceeded to dethrone Sunusi on groundless grounds.

Ganduje didn’t stop there. He took the former CBN governor, the 14th Emir of Kano, an Imam, and the chartered Economist to Loko and later to Awe villages in Nasarawa state, where there was reportedly no stable electricity and water supply. His actions were only halted by the intervention of Malam Nasiru El-Rufa’i, the then-governor of Kaduna state.

You see, I’m not a big fan of SLS. I disagree with some of his takes, but this is an apparent disrespect and damage not only to him but also to the Kano Emirate, the people of Kano, and the entire Kingdoms of Shehu Usmanu Ɗanfodiyo. It pained me more to divide the Kingdom into pieces than to even dethrone the King.

Alhaji Aminu Ado succeeded the central Kano Emirate and performed admirably. I admire his personal qualities, demeanour, lifestyle, and effective handling of the throne. I often tell people that Sarki Aminu Ado embodies more of the traditional King’s character than Sarki Sunusi II. But sad, Aminu Ado was alive and well when his father, Bayero, the 13th Emir, passed away, and Sunusi was appointed. Despite Aminu’s charisma, love of the people, and competence, Sarki Sunusi was chosen by the Almighty to ascend to the Kano throne.

Ever since the campaign of the current governor of Kano state, Engr. Abba Kabir Yusuf, there have been suggestions to reinstate Sunusi and restore the Kingdom to its previous state. I supported this idea, but I didn’t fully agree with the decision to remove the Kano Emir again. I wanted the Kingdoms to be returned, with Aminu continuing as the King. I hoped Sunusi would oversee and move forward, especially with the furtherance that occurred and continue to befall him, like the Khilafa of Tijjaniya and more. I strongly oppose the idea of our honourable Kings to be played like toys by democratically elected governments. I even think of how unaware people were when the law of dethroning a King was made like this.

Although I have some doubts, I wanted everything to be very amicable, especially since all the parties are descendants of Malam Ibrahim Dabo—the same family, living in the same house and sharing the same bloodline. However, Sunusi’s return and acceptance of the reinstatement should not be blamed.

Firstly, for Emir Sanusi, it’s a repetition of history. The same thing happened to the King whose name he bears, Muhammadu Sunusi I. So, to cleanse their lineage of misfortune and bad luck, he can take this as a starting point.

Secondly, he was the last occupant of the undivided Kano throne. It is suggested that the five created kingdoms should be dissolved. Sarki Aminu has not been sworn in for the undivided Kano kingdom. If he is the one to continue, there must be an elevation that extends the continuity of the process. With this, reinstating Sunusi is more legal and straightforward. 

Furthermore, if Aminu is to continue, it will likely be forever prohibited for Sarki Sunusi to visit his origin, the Gidan Dabo. This is a hardly bearable consequence with the opportunity at Sarki Sunusi’s disposal. More importantly, everything is believed to be done on baseless grounds.

We should be reminded that the ultimate desire of every heir to a throne is to be crowned. In addition, Sarki Sunusi’s got the government at hand, the similar power that dethroned him before. Therefore, I don’t view this action as wrongful but rather corrective. The criticisms of Sarki Aminu’s supporters are expected and accepted.

Dr. Ganduje, the prior architect of the dilemma, is currently in a position where he has to watch everything unfold. He is even facing challenges in his current role. Whether he initiated this with a positive or negative mind, it’s up to him to reap. The important lesson to remember is that power is transient. If you have it now, use it wisely; it may turn against you in the future.

In conclusion, it is very significant to call on the Sultan, the high-ranking Emirs, and other stakeholders to address the law that allows Governors to singlehandedly dethrone their Emirs. It doesn’t make sense at all. These Emirs were the foundation. They founded these communities and controlled them for centuries. Then why on earth should a borrowed phenomenon dominate the founding one? Why should an Emir be selected or dethroned without the consent, not even the approval, of the Sultan or his Emirate council? This is the major issue that needs to be addressed.

For Gidan Dabo. Sarki Sunusi, Sarki Aminu, and Sarki Nasiru, you all come from that house. It’s your base and heritage. Why would you allow the government or any external party to distort your peace and relationships?

Sarki Sunusi and Sarki Nasiru lived in the same room for over a decade. Sarki Sunusi’s first wife, Sadiya Ado Bayero, is a biological sister to Sarki Aminu and Sarki Nasiru. Sarki Ado Bayero was on good terms with Sarki Sunusi I. It’s your family. Why would you let an outsider tear you apart? Assume the government dethroned Sarki Sunusi II in the first place, and you all disagree with it; none of you accepted it. Can Ganduje give it to an outsider? “Sai bango ya tsage ƙadangare ke shiga” – “It’s when the wall cracks that a lizard gets a passage,” as Malam Bahaushe says. Please give this a concerned look.

I believe it’s high time for the Emirs and Kings of our respective Kingdoms in Nigeria to stand firm in upholding their dignity and that of their kingdoms. It’s hard to believe that an Emir needs the consent of his local government chairman for his outings and some of his activities. I understand the importance of the position of a local government chairman, but when compared to that of an Emir or a King, there’s a clear distinction. Let’s face reality, set aside selfishness and personal interests, and work together for the betterment of our lands.

A person’s power is his greatest enemy. He either uses it well, or it uses him well.

Sarki Muhammadu Sunusi II (the 14th and 16th Emir of Kano), may Allah protect and guide you. Sarki Aminu Ado, Sarki Nasiru Ado, and the others, may the Almighty accept the right you have done and overlook the wrong. May the blessings of the Almighty be upon all of you for eternity.

Ibrahim El-mu’azzam wrote via elmuazzammail@gmail.com.

Court adjourns hearing on Kano emirship tussle

By Uzair Adam Imam

The Federal High Court sitting in Kano has adjourned the hearing regarding the removal of Kano Emir Aminu Ado Bayero to June 13, 2024.

The lawsuit, filed by Aminu Babba Dan’agundi, a title holder and senior counsellor in the Kano emirate, challenges the repeal of the 2019 Emirate Council Law by the Kano State House of Assembly.

Presided over by Justice Abdullahi M. Liman, the court has set the case for ruling on June 13, 2024. Aminu Babba Dan’agundi, represented by Barrister M. S. Waziri, argues that the repeal of the 2019 law unlawfully stripped both the Emirate Council and the plaintiff of their powers.

Counsel to the 1st and 4th respondents, Mahmoud Abubakar Magaji SAN, urged the court to decline jurisdiction to entertain the matter, citing that the law has gone through legislative processes and the order was made after the action was done.

Ibrahim Isah Wangida, counsel to the 2nd and 3rd respondents, aligned himself with Magaji’s submission, stating that the applicant’s rights were not breached as the 2024 law was repealed and accented to before the applicant filed the action.

Sunday Ekwe, counsel to the 5th and 6th respondents, stated that they did not file any issue on jurisdiction, as the duty of the police is to maintain peace and wait to carry out the court’s order.

The court requested written submissions from both sides and will review them before rendering a decision on June 13.The respondents in the suit include the Kano State Government, Kano State House of Assembly, Speaker of Kano State House of Assembly, Attorney General of Kano State, Kano Commissioner of Police, Inspector General of Police, NSCDC, and DSS.

This legal battle is part of a larger crisis revolving around the emirship in Kano, following the dethronement of Aminu Ado Bayero and the reinstatement of Muhammadu Sanusi II by the Kano State government, creating tensions in the ancient city.

Currently, both emirs are holding court from separate palaces, with Sanusi operating from the main emir’s palace and Bayero presiding from the Nasarawa GRA mini palace.

Reinstatement of Emir Muhammadu Sanusi II and the resurgence of thuggery in Kano

By Aliyu Dalhatu Adamu

Kano people are known as peace-loving, as inculcated by the longest-serving Emir of the kingdom, Alhaji Ado Bayero,who led for over 50 years. His charisma and love for his people made him unique among all African traditional rulers. 

Kano people were traumatised by His Highness Alhaji Ado Bayero’s demise in June 2014, and the loss remained irreplaceable until 2020 when His Highness Alhaji Aminu Ado Bayero became the Emir of Kano. His emergence renewed the hope of the Kano people because he exhibited the same characteristics as his father. This makes him earn the love that people have for his father, which no one has in Kano.

The recent development of the Emir and reinstatement of the deposed Emir Sunusi Lamido Sunusi have seriously disrupted peace and stability in the state. This has opened doors for hooligans and thugs to widen their operations in the state.

It is a known fact that hooliganism and thuggery threaten the security of lives and property in every society. Hence, leaders are saddled with the responsibility of maintaining law and order to prevent potential offenders from engaging in such acts. 

It is unfortunate to say that the current administration of Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf has begun to do the other way around, as hoodlums and thugs are allowed to take over the Kano palace in the name of protecting the selfish and politically motivated interest of his political godfather. This has become a serious threat to the peace and safety of people in Kano as the hoodlums are harassing and intimidating people at will within the vicinity of the Kano Emir’s palace, all in the name of imposing Sunusi on the throne, which is facing outright absolute rejection by the good people of Kano.

This unbecoming attitude is becoming an eye-opener for young children who are now growing to witness this evil as a condoned behaviour. This may contribute to making hooliganism a wider phenomenon, a useful symbol, and a social obsession in the future tradition of the Kano Emirate traditional system.

Since the reinstatement of Sunusi Lamido Sunusi to Gidan Dabo, the palace and areas such as Kofar Kudu, Kano Municipal, Gwale, Dala, and the surrounding areas become the headquarters of thugs. Even medical workers at Hasiya Bayero Paediatric Hospital were attacked on the 27th of May, 2024. The Nigerian Medical Association (NMA) issued a statement condemning the barbaric development. Many other people living in the neighbourhood are not spared either.

This situation arose when the city’s public spaces were “swarming” with thousands of newly armed groups mandated to “protect” and pay allegiance to Emir Sunusi. These groups were recruited by the Kano state government only to praise their political master at the detriment of public safety.

Indeed, Gov Yusuf’s incompetence, ineptness, and clueless leadership style are undoubtedly taking Kano back to square zero. The pickle of the Kano emirship brawl is a cessation of Kano peace and stability as a courtesy to Senator Rabi’u Musa Kwankwaso, former Governor of the state Kwankwaso, by Governor Yusuf and the former Emir Sunusi Lamido Sunusi, in a bid to drag Kano to the state of anarchy. 

Hooligans also came to represent the dangers inherent in loosening constraints on society. Even when hooligans victimised people far from their concerns, the increase in their numbers, the apparent pettiness of their motives, and the savagery of their actions within Gidan Dabo suggested that certain members of the lower classes were either very beastly or very angry and that the mechanisms of state’s control were no longer in place to checkmate this.

Now, what we ask is, does the state government prioritise praising its political godfather over protecting the blood of theKano people?

Ironically, hooliganism and thuggery that previous administrations fought have now been revived by the present administration as the number 2IC in the government triggered the infiltration and indoctrination of youth into hooliganism and thuggery.

On this note, we are calling on the federal government, security agencies, intelligence communities, Nigerian Bar Association (NBA),  northern traditional rulers, religious leaders and all other relevant authorities to intervene. They should also advise the Kano state government to obey the court order restraining them from reinstating the deposed Emir Sunusi Lamido Sunusi and dissolving the remaining four Emirates in the interest of the good people of Kano. This will bring an end to hooliganism, public disrespect, defiance, chaos, and violence that are capable of destabilising the peace and security of Kano State.

Aliyu Dalhatu Adamu wrote from the Federal University, Dutsinma, Katsina State, via

aliyudalhatuadamu@gmail.com.

The return of Emir Sanusi II and Shaykh Ja’far’s polemics:  What many critics of Emir Sanusi don’t know

Isma’il Hashim Abubakar, PhD

Being one of the followers and now among proponents (perhaps pioneers) of Jafarology, an ongoing hypothetical intellectual formulation of a school of thought that seeks to document, survey and study the scholarly legacies of Shaykh Ja’far Mahmud Adam from multiple angles and diverse approaches, I ought to blindly oppose, like many fellows, anything favourable connected to Sanusi Lamido Sanusi. The reason for this is apparent: Shaykh Ja’far, my favourite scholar, had a bitter polemical engagement with Sanusi, and the duo exchanged hot tirades that escalated to the use of deregulatory labels and scathing monikers to attack each other. 

As someone who always aspires to operate objectively and dispassionately, in addition to having conducted a broad investigation on the pros and cons of the dispute between the two prominent figures, I feel it a duty-bound and personal responsibility to reveal what many people are oblivious of, mainly as thousands of people rely on the recorded and widely circulated sermons of the late Shaykh Ja’far against Sanusi to not only point to the latter’s lack of competence to rule the Islamic society of Kano but to go to the extent of excommunicating him.  

My decision to join issues with Sanusi’s critics on this saga, most of whom I believe are sincere, was informed by the desire to clear many misconceptions and set the record straight. Perhaps it will sound shocking if I boldly suggest that were Shaykh Ja’far alive today, having witnessed the many transformations in Sanusi’s career and the onerous memorable developments witnessed as a result of his adventurous capacity in the various roles he served, including as the 14th Emir of Kano, the late prominent cleric would have hailed and applauded Emir Sanusi in the same degree, if not higher than, he praised a few traditional figures. 

During his reign before the government of the day’s interruption, Emir Sanusi presided over a lively empire that revived, to a greater degree, the culture of intellectual debate and involvement of scholars and luminaries in various fields in the decision-making exercise. Sanusi’s leadership in prayer, his daily free-feeding scheme for the poor and regular comments on the goings-on, which were sometimes controversial, were all rendered dormant by his dethronement. Therefore, in as much an admirer of Shaykh Ja’far criticises Sanusi relying on the positions of Shaykh Ja’far on the former in some respects, one cannot help but align with Sanusi for epitomising what Shaykh Ja’far had been preaching, perhaps more than many of his peers who served similar roles as his. 

Having conducted my PhD research and written the thesis on the career, thoughts and ideas of Shaykh Ja’far and awarded a doctoral degree in July 2023 by Mohammed V University, Rabat, I present below a section in which I examine the engagement between the cleric and Sanusi, a social analyst by then. Enjoy.

Ja‘far had a bitter engagement with Sanusi Lamido Sanusi for the latter‘s critical view of the Shari‘ah project and other issues associated with Islam and Muslims in Nigeria. In one Friday sermon, the content of which was partly reflected in a newspaper interview by the Weekly Trust with the late Shaykh, Ja‘far depicted Sanusi as (a nominal) Muslim who imbibed some features of hypocrisy, which then informed his criticism of Islamic values and Shari‘ah, while attacking Muslim governors who were committed to the return and implementation of Shari‘ah. Ja‘far argued that Sanusi, who was then residing in Lagos, did not, conversely, pen a single essay to condemn the massacres of Muslims by the OPC in the Southwest. Ja‘far further expressed disappointment over what he regarded as a brazen act of Sanusi, who paraded himself as a social critic and intellectual, only to rubbish northern Muslim leaders who, in their effort to resist the marginalisation of Muslims by President Obasanjo, held meetings in Kaduna on the issue.

Ja‘far‘s dismay over Sanusi‘s rubbishing of Muslim leaders who complained of marginalisation of Muslims by the Obasanjo administration was a reference to Sanusi‘s article in which he argued that having fewer Muslims in the executive arm of the federal government was nothing scary, as scholars like Ja‘far and the northern leaders were ―needlessly – crying out. In the words of Sanusi, to reduce Obasanjo‘s crime to the number of members of the Muslim elite he has appointed-or rather not appointed – to key positions and to pretend that if we had more Muslim appointees,then Muslims would be better off automatically, to say this, is to speak from an ethically blind perspective (https://www.gamji.com/sanusi/sanusi48.htm).

Sanusi‘s concern that there was virtually no difference between Muslims and non-Muslims in terms of performance and citizen-concerned leadership was, to a large extent, correct. Ja‘far himself mostly criticised Muslim politicians who, in some regimes, dominated the echelons of power but failed to solve the myriad problems of their people, while in some occasions, he indirectly upheld the records of some non-Muslims who did better than their Muslim counterparts in some capacities. Nevertheless, equitable representation and centralisation of power are important ingredients of democratic dispensation, the absence of which has the potential of throwing political entities into chaos. Sanusi‘s criticism came at a time when sentiments among Muslims over marginalisation were heightening. Not only that, but it came at a time.

Obasanjo was convening a national constitutional review conference, which was seen as a robust chance to further shut out Muslims in the scheme of things. After all, despite being in the minority, Christians were given slots for delegation,which outnumbered Muslim delegates, hence the too much anxiety from the Muslim quarters.

When he took a swipe at Sanusi about Shari‘ah, Ja‘far was obviously referring to Sanusi‘s arguments in some of his writings where he portrayed the Shari‘ah as a tool for politicians to promote their popularity, while in essence, not applying the Shari‘ah to themselves but limiting it to the poor. Similarly, Sanusi had intensely criticised some rulings of Shari‘ah courts, which passed hudud verdicts over convicted criminal cases like flogging in the case of fornication, stoning for adultery and amputation for thievery. This had, at the time, led many Muslims in the country to conclude that Sanusi was a secularist Muslim or even a Marxist pursuing an anti-Shari‘ah agenda. But at the same time, he earned accolades and commendations from the Southern press and intellectuals who hailed him as an enlightened, progressive, reformist, modernist Muslim, etc. 

Ja‘far‘s Friday sermon and newspaper interview were greeted with Sanusi‘s ripostes in which he challenged Ja‘far‘s view of him and descended on the Kano-based scholar‘s personality. Sanusi dismissed Ja‘far as “an unknown quantity that rides on the back of religious fundamentalism to gain social relevancy” but also described him as “a Nigerian who was educated on the charity of Saudi Arabia and whose mosque and school – his source of livelihood – are funded by Arabs (http://www.gamji.com/sanusi/sanusi49.htm). 

This attack opened floodgates of defensive rejoinders from supporters of both Ja‘far and Sanusi, with some accusing the latter of pontificating about his “privileged background” and someone who “can tangle with the Karl Marx‘s of this world but not Qur‘an and Sunnah”, hence he “could not contribute to his society and religion as Sheikh Ja‘far does”. Although he admitted that Sanusi‘s response was too offensive for a respected scholar like Shaykh Ja‘far, one defender of the then-Kano prince observed that Sanusi‘s arguments were “not entirely bereft of its merit and sound judgment”, particularly his call for the adoption of “national identity”, rather than clinging onto ethnic and geographic proclivities.

Whatever the case, Sanusi seems to have developed an ambivalent position toward the Shari‘ah project in Nigeria, either because of the persons involved in the project or due to some personal interpretations of his on the Shari‘ah codes which might differ from the mainstream conception of Shari‘ah. As an independent thinker and intellectual, a quasi-Islam scholar, Sanusi is sometimes a complex person who is too difficult to predict. As opposed to Ja‘far‘s allegation that there was not a single instance in which Sanusi mounted a public discourse in defence of Islam, some other developments showcased Sanusi siding with Shari‘ah and championing the cause of some 

fundamental aspects related to it. In one conference held in London in 2005, Sanusi not only defended the Shari‘ah but also juxtaposed it against Western legal values, pointing out the defects and hypocrisy in the normalisation of free sexual relationships with multiple women while ridiculing polygamy, the myopic legal protection of a murderer by not subjecting him to the same death process, etc (http://www.gamji.com/sanusi/sanusi51.htm).

Similarly, in one other article, Sanusi countered the growing sentiments from Christian quarters about the potential of Shari‘ah controversy to plunge Nigeria into crisis, arguing that it was the portrayal of Shari‘ah in a bad light, that was an “attribute of injustice, this tendency to give a dog a bad name in order to hang it that will destabilise Nigeria, and not introduction of sharia”. Exonerating the Zamfara State government from some unfounded stories related to Shari‘ah implementation, Sanusi accused Christian leaders of threatening peace in the country by convening conferences to propagate anti-Shari‘ah rumours, calling on Christians to “judge Shari‘ah by what the Shari‘ah is” while arguing that “the historical church is no yardstick for measuring Islam”. Sanusi boldly declared that if “Christians fear intolerance from Shari‘ah, or accuse Islamic law of being barbaric, therefore, it is because their knowledge of Shari‘ah is limited to the bible and their experience under catholic popes which led to rebellion and secularism” (http://www.gamji.com/sanusi/sanusi8.htm).

 Therefore, Sanusi advised one Christian-owned newspaper, the Guardian, to listen to the Zamfara state government. It is time to know that the Qur’an and Sunnah enjoin creating a just and honest society and protecting freedom of religion and conscience. It is time to ask those who feel there are legal problems to go to a court of competent jurisdiction. Alhaji Ahmed Sani has repeatedly said his priorities are good government, education, poverty alleviation, and moral rebirth. He has assured non-Muslims of the full protection of their rights. He has never declared Zamfara an Islamic state (see http://www.gamji.com/sanusi/sanusi8.htm).

Above all this, as detailed in chapter two, it was when Sanusi served as the governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria that Muslims finally got the approval for non-interest banking and financial transactions, otherwise known as the Islamic banking system, to operate despite the vehement rejection by Nigerian Christians. Sanusi, who was once hailed by Christians and upheld as “progressive” in the Southern press, had quickly transformed into an agent of Islamization of Nigeria and was labelled with different dismissive names. Sanusi was subsequently promoted in the Muslim milieus as a hero and champion for Muslims and Islam, particularly as Christians united against him, calling for his removal from his post as CBN governor.

Interestingly, although this development was realised in 2012, five years after Ja‘far‘s assassination, Ja‘far‘s public discourses were full of advocacy and agitation as early as the late 1990s for the introduction of interest-free, Islamic-compliant banking and financial transactions.

Furthermore, when Sanusi became the emir of Kano in 2014, he transformed into a religious scholar who not only closely related with scholars, some of whom were members of Ja‘far‘s circle, but he uniquely led religious functions like serving as an imam and giving a weekly sermon, addressing the topic of public concern, much tallying with the way Ja‘far had been advocating for Muslims rulers. Sanusi built a reputation as one of the few traditional chiefs who used to boldly challenge the policies of governments, a move that largely contributed to his deposition in 2020 by the Kano State Government. As shown elsewhere in this chapter, Ja‘far gave special emphasis on the role he envisaged Muslim rulers to play in defending the interests of their subjects and uplifting them in multidimensional spheres of life, and this seemed to be one of Sanusi‘s priorities as the emir of Kano. It is safe, therefore, to trace some fundamental areas of convergences between the two fearless figures, born nearly the same year and at some point both went to Sudan and studied at the OIC-funded International University of Africa, Khartoum. 

If Ja‘far were alive when Sanusi navigated the later developments that catapulted his prestige among religious leaders and ordinary Nigerian Muslims, Ja‘far would have been most outspoken in celebrating the achievements recorded by Muslims through Sanusi. Interestingly, as two informants have revealed to me and later confirmed to me by Sanusi himself, before Ja‘far died, a meeting was arranged by Sanusi‘s mother where the duo had reconciled, understood each other and sheathed their swords.

Isma’il writes from Rabat and is reachable via ismailiiit18@gmail.com.

Kano Emirship Crisis: It always helps to live in the real world

By Dr Raji Bello

Following encouragement from some friends, let me say what I’ve been a bit reluctant to say. It is based on my conviction as a dispassionate and non-partisan observer and of course, as a non-indigene of Kano State.

The root cause of the emirship imbroglio in Kano, in my view, was the inability of Muhammadu Sanusi II to subordinate himself and his office to the Ganduje administration as required by the terms of his appointment. This is essentially what triggered every other thing that has happened and which has led us to where we are today. To correct any problem permanently, we need to examine its root cause.

I am not saying that Sanusi is not an emir of high intellect who is enormously popular among the people. This assessment of mine is based on only one criterion — his willingness or ability to comply with the terms of his appointment — and it is made without prejudice to his qualities, endowments and accomplishments as an individual, technocrat and emir. Like other human beings, the emir is not perfect. He might have excelled in 9 out of 10 criteria but his failure in the 10th is the cause of the emirship crisis because it happened to be a very important criterion.

All post-colonial emirs and traditional rulers have been obligated to demonstrate loyalty and due courtesy to government be it colonial, democratic or military. History is replete with examples of the huge price that was exacted each time an emir fell short on loyalty towards government.

As an intellectual of high standing, the emir must have been aware of that history. When he set out to be emir, he should have been conscious of the terms of appointment and should have fully reflected on whether it was the appropriate platform for someone of his disposition or not. The emir seems to want the Kano emirship in its pristine 19th century form when it didn’t answer to a non-traditional authority. This betrays a lack of situational awareness and good judgement because the reality is that the 19th century is long gone and can never be brought back. So if anyone is interested in becoming emir in the 21st century, it has to be under 21st century terms.

The Ganduje administration had accused the emir of multiple infractions from political partisanship, insurbordination and failure to demonstrate courtesy towards it. Some of these infractions had played out in public for all to see and hear which means that they were not false accusations. I do not fully endorse the former government’s actions (which bore traces of the usual Nigerian impunity) but it is clear that it was provoked into taking actions against the emir. I believe that all state governments are inclined by default to respect the traditional institutions within their states and hostilities only break out when there is a breach of the terms of appointment (usually, but not always) on the part of the traditional rulers.

There is no individual who is so important or popular that they would enjoy exemptions from complying with the terms of their appointment. This is an incontrovertible fact. A friend told me that the emirship style of Aminu Ado Bayero is a bit bland compared to that of Muhammadu Sanusi II. I replied that this is true but the Aminu style is actually the correct one.

Post-colonial emirship is not a radical or revolutionary platform and, after the 1976 Local Government Reforms, the traditional institutions in northern Nigeria lost all the vestiges of authority that were previously delegated to them under the Native Authority system. The post of traditional ruler is now just a custodianship of heritage whose essential features are loyalty, co-operation and circumspection.

Yes, Sanusi is wildly popular, has a deeper intellect, a gifted oratory and displays a higher sartorial elegance but it was Aminu Bayero who was doing the emirship correctly under its current terms. Those who cheered Sanusi as he breached the terms of his appointment were not helping him or the Kano emirship institution.

Questions for Jaafar Jaafar 

By Mukhtar Jarmajo 

In a surprising turn of events, veteran journalist Jaafar Jaafar, who wrote a scathing article against Emir Muhammadu Sanusi II in 2017, appears to be either neutral or even supportive of the emir’s reinstatement last week. This shift in stance has raised questions about Jaafar Jaafar’s change of heart.

In the famous 2017 article, Jaafar Jaafar accused Emir Sanusi II of squandering N4 billion inherited from his predecessor, the late Emir Ado Bayero, and criticized his lavish spending on foreign travel, cars, and internet bills. He also condemned the Sanusi’s remarks about the Kano people, which he deemed abusive. The article concluded with a warning to Emir Sanusi II, reminding him of the consequences of his actions.

Fast-forward to 2024, and Jaafar Jaafar seems to be singing a different tune. His recent support for Emir Sanusi II’s reinstatement has left many wondering what prompted this change of heart. Has Jaafar Jaafar reevaluated his stance on Emir Sanusi II’s leadership and policies? Has new information come to light that challenges his previous assertions?

As a respected journalist, Jaafar Jaafar’s opinions carry weight. His initial article sparked intense debate and scrutiny of Emir Sanusi II’s actions. His apparent support for the emir’s reinstatement raises questions about consistency and credibility.

Jaafar Jaafar should clarify his stance and provide insight into his change of heart. What prompted this shift in perspective? Has Emir Sanusi II demonstrated significant growth or change in his leadership style and policies? Jaafar Jaafar needs to address these questions to maintain transparency and accountability in his journalism, upholding the principles of fairness and truth-seeking that underpin his profession.

Jarmajo wrote from Lobito Crescent, Wuse 2, Abuja, via dattuwamanga@gmail.com.

Preserving our heritage: The dethronement saga in Kano State

By Fatihu Ibrahim

Sometimes, our directionless life in Nigeria amazes me. Although we were once ruled by British colonists, we adopted the American presidential system, which is not only costly but also ineffective for our country.

With a heavy heart, I reflect on the recent dethronement of the 15th Emir of Kano, His Royal Highness Alhaji Aminu Ado Bayero. This event marks yet another instance where the government of Kano State has seemingly exercised its power dictatorially. Aminu was dethroned for no reason other than his association with the Ganduje administration. There was no justification for this action other than political disagreements and personal enmity.

This is the second time this government has taken action that deeply affects me. The first was the demolition of business buildings at the Eid praying ground, which caused the loss of billions of Naira worth of properties. This act indiscriminately affected nearly everyone in the Kofar Wambai market, regardless of political affiliation.

Some might argue about Sanusi Lamido Sanusi’s dethronement, which I also believe was wrong. However, at least there were allegations against him, whether true or false. In Aminu’s case, there was no such basis. He has tried to stay out of the political drama, avoiding the turmoil.

One wrong cannot right another. The most troubling aspect of this saga is how quickly the House acted, from proposing the motion to passing the verdict, in stark contrast to the usual legislative process. I recall advocating for gender-based violence laws in Kano State, which took months, if not years, to pass. The double standard is glaring.

The House of Assembly should focus on pressing issues. Our children have performed poorly in the SSCE qualifying exams, and our education system is dire, especially in primary and secondary schools. While I commend the governor for declaring a state of emergency on education, more must be done. Our universities are burdened with a 600 million Naira debt. Yet, the administration is spending 2.7 billion Naira on exotic cars for assembly members, ignoring the plight of the masses who elected them.

Ironically, the member who proposed the dethronement motion has no significant achievements. Many people who share his political affiliation vote for him out of blind loyalty to the party. It’s time we recognise the importance of voting for suitable candidates, regardless of their political views.

Yesterday, it was Sanusi; today, it’s Aminu. Who knows what will happen tomorrow? This cycle of dethronement could continue, with each governor bringing in their emir. What will become of our traditional institutions? Kano is renowned as one of the best Emirates in West Africa, if not the world. If this continues, can we still boast of being the Kano we once were?

Conflicts between the government and the emirate are not new; they date back to the colonial era and span various regimes. The government should find a way to resolve differences with traditional institutions without resorting to dethronement, preserving our history.

Perhaps someday, a governor will return the emirship to the HABE, the original heirs to the throne. There are still descendants of Muhammadu Rumfa and Sarki Muhammad Alwali, the last Hausa king. This, however, is a story for another day. Before anyone questions my loyalty or faith, I am a proud descendant of one of Shehu Dan Fodio’s flag bearers, making me Fulani by genealogy from the Kuninkawa clan.

May Allah bless Kano and its people. May we continue to lead in the political sphere in the north and Nigeria at large.

God bless Nigeria.

Fatihu Ibrahim wrote via fisabbankudi123@gmail.com.

BREAKING: Dethroned Bayero occupies mini-palace in Nassarawa

By Uzair Adam Imam

Alhaji Aminu Ado Bayero, the dethroned Emir of Kano, has returned to the ancient town and taken up residence in a palace in Nassarawa, fueling confusion and tension.

His return came in the early hours of Saturday, when his aircraft landed at Aminu Kano International Airport at around 4:30 am.

Upon his arrival, Bayero was greeted by a large crowd of supporters, who chanted verses from the Holy Quran, including Surah Al-Fatihah: “It is You we worship and You we ask for help.”

His convoy then made its way through the city, eventually arriving at the mini-palace in Nassarawa, where he has taken up residence.

Meanwhile, Sanusi II has taken over the traditional Gidan Rumfa palace, which has been the seat of the Emir of Kano for centuries.

Both palaces are now under heavy security cover, as the situation remains tense and uncertain.