Kano State

By Muhammad Abdurrahman

In this interview with The Daily Reality, Ismail Hashim Abubakar, who finished his doctoral program at Mohammed V University, Rabat, in the Kingdom of Morocco, gives a synoptic picture of his PhD thesis titled “Contemporary Islamic Thought in Northern Nigeria: Shaykh Ja’far Mahmud Adam as a Case Study”. The thesis, which appears in 4 volumes, was written in both Arabic and English. Enjoy: 

At the beginning and as a background, the reader would like to know what propelled you to embark on academic research in this area and to select this topic with the personality of Shaykh Ja’afar as your case study.

I was propelled to undertake this research by many factors. Perhaps the most current and academically engaging factor was the aftermath of the 2009 Boko Haram uprisings when documentation of the saga started outflowing in different forms, including academic studies and media reportage. I observed that the Boko Haram saga was used by many writers – local and international – to, in the process of researching the evolution, growth, ideological base and all other issues associated with the insurgency, direct their attention on the late Shaykh Ja’afar Mahmud Adam and devote some portions in their works on the relationship between Shaykh Ja’afar and the founder of Boko Haram, Muhammad Yusuf.

While I acknowledge that these writers have relevant information and facts regarding this dynamic, I can confidently assert that many facts have been twisted, distorted and misrepresented. In fact, too much attention on Ja’far’s interaction with the leader of Boko Haram would certainly swerve readers’ attention to the grand reform mission Ja’afar had carried out in his career that spanned about two decades.

Furthermore, some writers made absurd and explicit allegations that should not be allowed to pass without a solid, verifiably intellectual response. Besides, the career of Shaykh Ja’afar was full of captivating and interesting episodes that would add up to the history of postcolonial Islam, contemporary religious movements, the interplay of Ulama with civil society and authorities in northern Nigeria and the Hausa-speaking world in general. In other words, if you like, confining the career of Shaykh Ja’afar to an engagement with an estranged disciple is an act of cruelty and tyranny to history.

If this is the case, how does your work differ from the previous works on Boko Haram, and what do you particularly object in them?

In my thesis, I review the representation of Ja’afar and his engagement with Boko Haram as cited in studies and reportages. I endorse what appears to be true and verifiable, while I counter what is a distortion of facts. For example, I tackle the question of Muhammad Yusuf’s studentship and mentorship under Ja’afar; here, there are two visible opinions. One opinion suggests that Yusuf was the mentee, star, protege and possible successor of Ja’afar, while the other view objects to the point of almost debunking any teacher-student relationship between the two men. I seek to stand in between these positions. Based on fieldwork I carried out in Maiduguri in 2019 and in addition to the literature I consulted, I draw a conclusion that Yusuf had, of course, studied under Ja’afar.

Nonetheless, as confirmed by several informants, Yusuf was never punctual during Ja’afar’s lessons; in fact, he did not study a complete book under Ja’afar. Consequently, I re-examined the assertion of the closeness of the two men; it manifested to me that Yusuf was never formally or informally considered Ja’afar’s heir, nor was he considered intellectually capable of taking over from Ja’afar.

Meanwhile, I make reference to Yusuf’s ideological trajectories and terminals of religious activism, starting as an ambitious young man looking for fame. As such, he took a leading position in Muslim Brotherhood, Jama’atu Tajdid al-Islam, before finally joining the Izala, which he would also break from within a couple of years. Finally, on this point, I compare Ja’afar and Yusuf, what the two figures represent to Nigerians and the legacies each one has left behind. 

What else do you address besides the Boko Haram phenomenon in your project?

Hmmm. Like I said initially, Boko Haram is a small (though most popularised) aspect of Ja’far’s career. I set a background where I give a snapshot of the state of Islam and Muslims in postcolonial Northern Nigeria, highlighting the engagement of Muslims in politics and governance while appraising the debates of Shari’ah implementation and discourse on secularism which characterised the Nigerian public sphere after the turn of the 21st century.

I also look at the relations between Muslims and Christians, pointing to the areas of divergence, which are quite many, but also the few areas where Muslims and Christians united in pursuit of a common goal. I also survey the fragmentation of Islamic society along sectarian lines by first tracing the emergence of major and minor religious sects, groups and movements and their major views and arguments. I also illuminate the interplays between these two groups and what brings/brought them together to speak in one voice. All these are meant to give much insight into the religious and landscape sociopolitical contexts in which the figure of my study lived and conducted his mission. This represents the first significant section of the work, which, as you can see, represents the first epithet in the thesis title. 

I supply a relatively detailed biography of Ja’afar, focusing on his family background, the phases of his knowledge acquisition and the factors that contributed to his public visibility as a young man, all before his sojourn to the Islamic University of Madina. 

The work dwells on Ja’afar’s reunion with the Da’awah arena after his study at Madina and how unlike before, he concentrated on the transmission of knowledge and cultivation of disciples while minimising open-air preaching. In this regard, I supply comprehensive information on the major sites and centres of Da’wah, which used to host and coordinate Ja’far’s public engagement and private study circles.

In Kano, for instance, I reserve sections in which I discuss in detail the majalis of Ja’afar, such as the Triumph Mosque in Fagge, the Beirut Road Mosque, Usman Bin Affan Mosque, Gadon Kaya, Almuntada Mosque in Dorayi and the majlis in Ungogo Road. I explicate all the activities Ja’afar conducted, such as leading prayer, teaching for open and private audiences and presentations of sermons, lectures and seminars.

In Bauchi, I make reference to sites that hosted Ja’far’s mission, such as Gwallaga Jumaat mosque, Shaykh Awaq mosque at Old GRA, Baban Godi Mosque in Mallam Goje Street and Women Centre of Bauchi located at Gombe Road. Moreover, in about thirty pages, the thesis unpacks the mission of Ja’afar in Maiduguri, with a particular reference to the activities he conducted within the Indimi Mosque, hinting at the challenges Ja’afar confronted at the beginning and the strategies he adopted in the process of consolidating his Da’wah. The work here emphasises the Qur’anic interpretation exercise Ja’afar led during Ramadan at the mosque and how it became an annual conference that attracted audiences from different parts of northern Nigeria.

But Ja’far’s mission was also characterised by other features: teaching, presenting lectures and seminars and rigorous engagements in civil and political issues. Does your work take a look at this also?

Yeah, of course. I dedicate a full and lengthy chapter that surveys and appraises Ja’far’s interactions and engagements with some events that affected Nigerian contemporary developments, Islam and Muslims, and Ja’afar’s relations with various government and public figures, religious groups and individuals. It focuses on Ja’afar’s role in the return of Shari’ah in northern Nigeria, how he collaborated with religious leaders of other groups, and how this resulted in the implementation of Shari’ah in some northern states. It also refers to Ja’far’s participation in the implementation of the Shari’ah process in Kano.

The chapter further lays bare Ja’far’s engagement with Nigerian politics, governance, politicians and public figures, taking a look at his criticism of General Obasanjo’s administration and different political and government institutions, including Kano state, his base, but also figures such as Muhammadu Buhari, Atiku Abubakar, Ahmed Yarima, Ibrahim Shekarau, Rabi’u Musa Kwankwaso, Ahmed Adamu Muazu, Ahmed Makarfi, Abubakar Habu Hashidu, Sanusi Lamido Sanusi, Baba Impossible, among others.

The work also relates Ja’afar’s interplay with traditional institutions, which connects to his position on the royal fathers of the northern emirates and how they disagreed with some and collaborated and had cordial relationships with others. Still in the chapter, Ja’afar’s engagement with religious groups is narrated, beginning with Salafi networks to which he belonged, the Sufi brotherhoods with whom he disagreed most of the time and the peripheral groups like the Shia, Boko Haram and others. 

As a complement to a cleric biography, the chapter categorises Ja’far’s disciples and followers into four tabaqat, just as it mentions some of his colleagues, teachers and role models. It also provides insightful information relating to Ja’afar’s assassination, including the events that preceded the tragedy and what followed it, such as the posthumous attraction of the Muslim public toward the legacy and mission of the murdered cleric. 

The final chapter in the thesis extracts the thoughts, ideas and philosophical views and visions of Ja’afar on a plethora of issues such as education, economy, sociocultural topics, marriage and women issues, politics, global politics and international affairs, relations between Muslims and non-Muslims and the prospects of peaceful coexistence. The chapter presents at the end what the researcher believes is the central position of Ja’afar on Jihad, which further unravels the extent to which he conceived violent extremism in a world and time when Islamophobia was rising high.

But how have you encountered all this stuff, which appears to involve huge materials you had to engage?

Yes, I gathered my data through multiple sources. First, I laid my hands on the available recordings of Shaykh Ja’afar, including cassettes and online content. I listened to his entire Tafsir tapes, available Friday sermons, and many of his lectures and public and private lessons on Islamic texts. I also conducted fieldwork where I travelled to many states in Northern Nigeria and met about a hundred informants. Needless to say, I consulted a great deal of literature that ranged from published books, journals, newspapers and magazines, and reliable internet pages.

What challenges did you face while undertaking this research?

A lot of daunting challenges, but a researcher must always be ready to confront them. It suffices to say that one has to be away from family to a distant land to carry out this task. But before then, I faced challenges as regards accessing some informants. For example, although the work discusses Boko Haram, I could not interview any Boko Haram members to hear some things from him directly. But the most appalling of all the challenges was the lack of positive cooperation from some of Ja’afar’s colleagues and disciples. While some of them delayed, procrastinated and even cancelled my appointments with them, some of them even avoided me and refused to give me any audience at all. Paradoxically, I got positive responses and warm accommodation from personalities who might be well counted among Ja’afar’s rivals and competitors, including Sufis and Shiites.

Which plan do you have now for this work after you have been awarded a doctoral degree?

I just remembered that the work is bilingual and in four volumes, or if you like, two volumes in Arabic and two in English. My ambition is to publish it as a book or as two books. I will be glad to edit the Arabic version and publish it in a press in an Arab world like Egypt, Lebanon, Qatar or any other country, while the English version is to be hopefully published by a Western (preferably university) press.

Is there any point you disagree with Shaykh Ja’afar in your work?

Of course, there are. I can count almost ten. 

Can you give an example?

Certainly! During one of his lessons to women at Gadon Kaya, a woman asked if it was permissible for her to make a supplication – a prayer – to ask God to prevent her husband from marrying a second wife. Shaykh Ja’afar answered that it was not permissible since marriage is lawful, and no one has the power to make unlawful something that was made lawful by God. My argument here is that in a situation where women have turned adding a second wife into their earthly hell, so much so that they go to any extent, including dangerously deadly means to thwart their husbands from the second marriage, giving a fatwa with the permissibility of praying against this wish seems to be safer for all the parties involved. If God wishes, he would answer, and if He doesn’t answer, the woman would accept fate like that. 

Are there journal articles that have been published out of this thesis?

Yes, two articles have been published so far. One was published in a journal at an Islamic University in Uganda. I examined the thoughts and ideas of Shaykh Ja’afar on education. It is available here.

The second one was published in an Indonesian journal, and it talks about Ja’far’s views on women, marriage and family institutions. It can be accessed via this link.

I expect to publish two more before the end of the year, in sha Allah. One of them presents a contextual analysis of a sermon that Ja’afar delivered at Almuntada Mosque in Kano in the aftermath of the OPC massacre of northerners in Southwestern Nigeria. In the essay, I argue that the sermon, despite its strident nature and use of highly harsh language, served as one of the rhetorical instruments that calmed frayed nerves and tensions amid the possibility of reprisal attacks. The second essay examines Ja’afar’s engagement with Boko Haram and violent extremism. 

What are your concluding remarks?

I will conclude by stressing that the clerical career of Shaykh Ja’afar has provided one of the most interesting and attractive pages in the history of Islamic activism in contemporary Nigeria and Hausa speaking world. With millions of followers and his ideas circulating within public domains, Ja’afar’s mission is worth reading and researching. I proposed in my work what I call “Jafarology”, which refers to the process of studying the legacies of Ja’afar in different dimensions and from different perspectives.

I will close by expressing my immense gratitude to all the people who supported me in one way or the other. I must thank my parents for putting me through this path early. I thank my mentor Professor Salisu Shehu, to whom I dedicate this work. I still recall his visit to Morocco in June 2022 and consider it a fatherly concern that gave some moral comfort to a son away from home. In the same vein, I thank Professor Alexander Thurston, who read my chapters and offered me invaluable suggestions and recommendations. My success in this work owes greatly to his mentorship. The same gratitude goes to Dr Abdullahi Abubakar Lamido, whose mentorship and frank counsel encouraged and motivated me to delve into this research area. I also thank a colleague of mine here, Osho Iskil Kehinde, who has greatly supported me.

I also use the medium to appreciate the Federal University Gusau management for releasing me to undergo this program. In this vein, I must thank Dr Abubakar Masama, the Dean, Faculty of Arts; Dr Qasim Badamasi, the former HOD, Islamic Studies; Malam Abdallah Bashir Bakori, Dr Ja’far Agaji, the present HOD, and all the colleagues within the Department of Islamic Studies and Faculty of Arts of the University.

Last, I must reiterate my thanks to Dr Anas al-Shaykh Ali, the Director of the IIIT London Office. Sister Shiraz Khan, a coordinator at the Office, the Director of the Institute of Epistemological Studies Europe (IESE) in Brussels, Dr Beddy Ebnou al-Murabity and Dr Naima Daoudi for being of great help to me. It was these institutions that sponsored my entire studies here in Morocco.

By Mubarak Shafiu

I joined the train of the Students’ Union right from day one at the university. My painstaking journey to the world of student activism has also fed me with sour, bitter and sweet experiences. Often, I feel nostalgic about the onerous struggles we underwent and the myriad of obstacles we encountered.

Being a passionate advocate for good governance, leadership and democracy, I was overwhelmingly compelled by nature to partake in the diversity-politics. My participation is solely to add my own quota and refine the university’s political atmosphere.

It is indeed sad seeing incompetent, incapable, self-centred and unpatriotic students take the leadership mantle and run the affairs of this vast student body.

Though my fundamental assignment is to study, acquire knowledge, experience, and skills, more importantly, earn my degree with colourful grades. Yet, I developed a burning desire to involve in the school’s extracurricular activities, more precisely- politics, intending to make sustainable reformation.

As a freshman, my initial preoccupation was to study and adequately understand my new environment. Being well-informed would assist me tremendously in making better decisions as events unfold.

Along the process, on many occasions, my parents called me to order and cautioned me to be steadfastly focused on my studies and not mingle with bad company. These cautionary words always crossed my mind, and I decided to keep myself away from anything that could interfere with my study.

Since then, I shunned anything apart from my study as the drumbeat of my parents’ cautionary remarks sounded louder and louder into my eardrums. This made my ambition of becoming a student leader a pipe dream, for naturally, I disliked betraying the parental confidence reposed in me.

As an obedient child, who always wanted to please his parents, I had never turned down every admonition. I just dispelled and dismissed anything that had nothing to do with my study. I attended classes, dug into research, engaged in group discussions and made the library my best friend. 

As the exam approached, I became consistent, determined and accelerated my efforts towards achieving my goal. Expectedly. I passed out with flying colours in my first-semester examination, as I made an “A” in the overall result.

Out of sheer joy, I presented the result to my parents to bless it, as they had been nursing the dream of seeing their son become a champion. 

After a short break from the first-semester examination, we all returned to our dear University, and academic and social activities began fully.

Students from various departments and faculties started expressing their interests in different positions, especially in the “Students’  Union Government” (SUG) and other associations like departmental, faculty and state associations.

Being sceptical and scared of my parent’s stance on not getting involved in school politics, I let my intention be latent and inexpressible. I was only debating whether to seek my dear parents’ approval.

Seeing how time flew, I just took the bull by the horn, shook off my phobia and sought permission to contest for a position that would not be infectious to my study.

 Surprisingly, my parents gave me the go-ahead to participate on the condition that I should not interfere with my academic performance. Having heard of this had gladdened my heart and brightened my spirit. 

Long story short, I vied for a senator representing my department in the “Students’ Representative Assembly (S.R.A), and I effortlessly made it. This assembly shared some things in common with the “National Assembly regarding greatness, corruption, unaccountability and many more.

Millions of funds were annually poured into the students’ union government account.

However, these funds were being mismanaged, misappropriated and stolen in collaboration with representatives of various departments.

The brainlessness and wickedness of the so-called student leaders tremendously moved me. This compelled me to resign and distance myself from the system. I recently retired from S.U.G to my state association, “The National Association of Kano State Students”. But you guess what? The Story was the same or even worse than that of S.U.G.

I contested for the presidential position under the bona fide umbrella of the association, and I won the election by a wider margin. To my dismay, under the watchful eyes of the students, some unscrupulous folks rubbed, snatched and ran with my mandate to one’s advantage.

Sadly, these corrupt individuals are the so-called leaders of tomorrow. Imagine an institution like a university where learning, character and discipline are inculcated. The university management should force such student-leaders to face punishment to deter others.

If we have not changed ourselves into better persons, we will continue to produce bad leaders in the country. Let’s desist from insulting, cursing, and condemning our leaders at all levels.

“Change begins with me”…….

Mubarak Shafiu wrote via mubarakshafiu596@gmail.com.

Najeeb Ibrahim

Peace is not just a state of mind which is personal but also that which could be an inter-personal, inter-communal, inter-regional, and global phenomenon.

Kano State is free from bandits and kidnappers in contrast to other northern states like Zamfara, Sokoto, Katsina, and Kaduna. Thus, the state becomes an asylum for many people from different parts of Nigeria. A single issue that bedevils the tranquillity of the state is thuggery (dabanci).

Thuggery has been a threat to the people of Kano for an extended period. It costs many people’s lives and prompts the distraction of many properties. Recently, the abominable act has arisen, forcing people indoors before dusk.

In parts of Gwale local government, two warring parties from Hausawa quarters and their opponents in Kofar Naisa disrupt our peace. They have been fighting each other for a long time. Very recently, Hausawa thugs ventured into the community of Kofar Naisa around 1 am to take revenge for their brother, who was wounded by one of Naisa’s ruffians.

Police tried to quell the fight. They fired several tear gases. One of the tear gas canisters dropped fell in our neighbourhood. The family of the house, including children and a two-month-old baby, wept; the baby even fainted at night. Many car wind glasses were broken, several kiosks were burgled, and the thugs stole many things.

The Kano State police commissioner has been working hard to ensure that thugs and thuggery have no hidden place in the state. In the last two weeks, the commissioner announced some names of thugs’ leaders to surrender themselves. Otherwise, he resolved to fish them out by himself. We are deeply in debt to the enormous effort of the commissioner.

Civilians also have roles to play to surmount the situation in the state:

First, if anyone is known to be in the dirty business of thuggery, offer a piece of useful advice to him. Cite him some references with those who have long been in the messy business. Ask him whether they achieve anything worthwhile in life or not. Tell him soothingly that most end their lives in misery and sycophancy.

Second, if you have the means, help him go back to school. If it is a financial problem that refrains him from furthering his education and he decides to enrol into the school of thuggery, but apart from you, you are not financially stable to assist him, tell someone whom you know can hepl him. It says, “Knowledge is light, and it guides us to the right path”.

Also, avoid dissociating from him, and advise your friends not to do so. Many thugs decry dissociation from their friends; they neither talk to them nor invite them to events like wedding ceremonies and so on.

A similar case happened in Makasa quarters. A retired thug got frustrated by his friends. They dispersed and left him alone if he joined them in their setting place (majalisa). Nobody showed him an appreciation for his withdrawal from his former self.  He became incommunicado in his society.  In the end, anxiety and depression led him to murder himself.

Second, to last, form a youth organisation in your locality. Assemble at least once in a fortnight. Discuss your problems, and offer solutions and pieces of advice to yourselves. Let everyone feels at home with one another.

And finally, report any thugs’ meeting point you know to the police station near you. Do not hesitate. Because as long as thuggery persists in our society, our lives and properties will never be safe.

May Allah guide us to the right path and guide those who have already gone astray amin.

Najeeb Ibrahim wrote from Kano. He can be reached via inajeeb08@gmal.com.

By Mahmud Aminu Dambazau

One of the trending topics in the past weeks has been the increase in registration fees of students by Bayero University, Kano. Before that, the University of Maiduguri, Federal University Dutse, University of Uyo and several others had increased theirs, and of course, it was anticipated following the revelation from the federal government that it could no longer fund universities.

I am glad the state universities in Kano have not toed that path yet, as several state universities have followed suit or tried to. Engr Rabi’u Kwankwaso’s administration has, among its biggest achievements, sponsored thousands of students abroad and within the country for undergraduate and postgraduate studies. While such numbers were unprecedented and unmatched by any other state administration, there is a need to reflect, assess the previous intervention, and possibly look for alternative ways to achieve the same result without necessarily taking the same route.

Many students had dropped out of tertiary institutions even when they had a passion for the study and were lucky to pass all stages of admission simply because they could not afford the then registration fees. A day hardly passes during registrations by tertiary institutions without students begging for public support to pay their fees on radio programs in the state. Now that most of these institutions have increased their fees which are in most cases more than 100%, we are likely to have an influx of dropouts across the state. With few job opportunities and frustrations of a crumbled dream, such could threaten a volatile security situation. More students will benefit from a home-based scholarship, even if partly, than a foreign one.

Between 2011 to 2015, when Kwankwaso sent students abroad, a dollar was exchanged for less than ₦200. With the dollar now fluctuating around ₦800. It means what would be spent for a single student now would be more than what was paid for three students then; if they are to be sent to the same institutions, fees will remain unchanged. Is Kano generating at least three times what was developed during Senator Kwankwaso’s administration, even if other factors were to be constant?

I have friends that had graduated years back from private universities within the country who were also sponsored by the then administration but are unable to serve their country (NYSC) or secure employment with the government because the schools have not issued their original results to them due to inability of the successive administration to complete their payments. A relative of mine could only graduate from India because her father paid her outstanding fees.

I have heard different appeals from students sent to different countries but later abandoned after Kwankwaso’s tenure. Wouldn’t it be better to investigate and ensure all those previously sponsored thoroughly have successfully graduated and issued their original results and then devise a sustainable plan for similar future interventions even if it is to be continued?

The Kwankwaso administration established more than 20 different institutes, none of which are currently functioning. I am glad; HE Abba Kabir Yusuf had, among his first acts in government, visited the Reformatory Institute, Kiru and given directives for its revival, among others. To borrow the title of Prof. Isa Ali Pantami’s recent book, Skills Rather than Just Degrees, re-establishing these institutions will allow even those who have already acquired degrees to further polish them with relevant skills. Reviving them will certainly gulf millions if not billions. All other stages of education at the state are currently requiring urgent attention.

Recent pictures from the once glorious Science and Technical Schools Board schools are disturbing. Bringing back these institutes, Technical Schools; Schools for Arabic Studies; Adult and Nomadic schools, without doubt, are better avenues to invest rather than foreign scholarships.

Again, as an alternative to foreign scholarships, why not invest the money in needed infrastructures in our universities, get them the latest equipment and employ on contract foreign scholars while giving them specific targets to train a certain number of masters and PhD students? With that, a considerably greater number of students would benefit, meaning more research output, recognition, and higher ranking of the state universities and might even attract foreign students or grants.

Lastly and more importantly, there is a saying, thus, “Teach a man to fish rather than give him a fish”. Some months back, just before the elections, a friend of mine who graduated with a first-class degree from Bayero University, Kano, and a distinction during his masters at a university in India sponsored by the Kwankwasiyya Foundation appealed to his followers on Twitter to vote for the NNPP, at least so he and of course, others could further their studies once more, abroad. For him, it would be a PhD. There are currently multiple scholarship opportunities, such as the PTDF, especially for students with excellent results. There are even more opportunities from several universities, including some of the best universities in the world. In almost every instance, those who get such opportunities from Nigeria are usually from the southern part of the country, who are more informed and enlightened in aspects like this.

An association, Arewa Youth Mentorship Forum, comprising mainly academics that secured foreign scholarships, is mentoring the younger ones from the North. Luckily, many succeeded in securing scholarships for both undergraduate and postgraduate levels. I came across a post on their Telegram group earlier this week where they provided a list of universities in the US that offer scholarships to even second-class lower and third-class graduates. If second-class and third-class graduates could get foreign scholarships, why should scarce resources be expended on sending those who could easily get such scholarships to institutions that even the government could probably not afford to send them?

If the Kano state government can utilise these opportunities and provide an avenue for these graduates to be mentored, trained and guided on securing foreign scholarships, more students would benefit. In contrast, the government can invest the scholarship money in other areas requiring more urgent attention.

Mahmud Aminu Dambazau can be contacted via madambazau@gmail.com.

Dear Sir,

As a concerned citizen from your senatorial district, I address you today with the utmost respect. You hold the unique distinction of being the first to represent the Kano senatorial district for a second term. However, it cannot be overlooked that your previous representation of the region fell short of expectations.

Despite the shortcomings, the good people of this region have rallied behind you. They have chosen to forgive your past mistakes and have granted you another chance to serve them. This presents you with a remarkable opportunity to accomplish two significant goals simultaneously.

It is imperative to reiterate that the people of this region will reward you based on your achievements. Two former governors have represented Kano senatorial district in the past. It is home to great political revolutionaries like Malam Aminu Kano and renowned figures in the world of business and economics, such as Aminu Dantata, Aliko Dangote, Abdul Samad Isyaku Rabiu, and countless other eminent technocrats. Representing this region is an arduous task that demands dedication and competence.

By providing effective representation, you can achieve the dual purpose of enhancing your political influence and better serving the people’s interests. It is crucial to recognise that your political success cannot solely rely on your godfather’s support; your achievements will serve as the yardstick by which your quality will be measured in the next election.

Kano Central belongs to all of us; now, the choice lies in your hands.

Yours sincerely,

Kamal Alkasim

Kano, Nigeria

Email: kamalalkasim17@gmail.com

By Uzair Adam Imam

A Federal High Court in Kano state has ordered the state Governor, Abba Kabir Yusuf, and other respondents to jointly pay two brothers the sum of one million naira each for attempting to demolish their properties at Salanta quarters.

In a court sitting on Friday, Justice Simon Amobeda described the attempt by the state government and its agents as an infringement to the applicants right to own immovable property as guaranteed by the Nigerian constitution.

Justice Amobeda stated that the intrusion to the applicants’ properties around 11pm on 14th June, 2023, in an attempt to carry out demolition is clearly infringement to their private and family life as enshrined by the constitution.

He stated, “The Respondents are also ordered to remove the red signing marked: 14th June,/KN/ KNUPDA made by their staff or Agents on the Wall of the Applicant’s Properties situated at Salanta and to repaint the wall to the satisfaction of all respondents.”

Barrister Bashir Ibrahim, who filed the suit on behalf of the applicants, applauded the court judgement and described it as a landmark for protection of human rights.

However, also speaking with the journalists after the judgement, counsel to Kano State Government and other respondents, Barrister Musa Dahuru Muhd, said they would study the judgement and advise the Government on the next step.

By Uzair Adam Imam

The National Universities Commission (NUC) has approved ten new degree programmes for Al-Istiqama University, Sumaila, Kano.

Professor Salisu Shehu, the university Vice Chancellor, disclosed the news of the NUC’s approval to the press Wednesday.

“10 new degree programmes approved for Al-Istiqama University, Sumaila,” Processor Shehu announced in a message seen by The Daily Reality.

According to him, the ten new programmes include; B.A Arabic, B.A Shari’a, B.A English language, B.A International Relations and B.A Peace and Conflict Resolution.

Other programmes are B.A Sociology, B.A Criminology and Security Studies, B.A Biotechnology and B.A Environmental Health and Community Health.

It was gathered that admissions into these programmes would be made against the 2023/2024 academic session using the 2023 UTM Jamb results.

By Uzair Adam Imam

The Kano State Govenor, Abba Kabir Yusuf, has declared tomorrow Wednesday as a work-free day in commemoration of the 1445 Islamic new year.

A statement by the Commissioner of Information, Baba Halilu Dantiye, disclosed this on Tuesday.

The statement read in part ‘’The Governor who congratulated Muslims around the world on the dawn of the new Islamic year, enjoined the civil servants and the people in the state to pray for peace and tranquility as well as economic development of our dear state and the country at large.’’

According to Dantiye, the govenor also called on the good people of Kano state to live in accordance with the teachings of prophet Muhammad (SAW).

He added that, “The Governor also called on people to live their lives based on the teachings of Islam and practice the virtues of kindness, love and tolerance as exemplified by our Holy prophet Muhammad peace be upon him.”

By Uzair Adam Imam 

Bayero University, Kano (BUK), in collaboration with the Civil Society Action Coalition for All (CSACEFA), organised a one-day capacity-building training on education budget tracking and analysis.

The event, titled “Education Budget Tracking and Analysis Tools”, took place at the Centre for Gender Studies, Bayero University, on Sunday.

One of the organisers, the President of the Kano State Accountability Forum on Education, Professor Muhammad Bello Shitu, said the purpose of the event was to enlight people on issues related to the education budget.

Professor Shitu stated that their intention was to help “the practitioners and civil society actors to have knowledge and skills of budget analysis as well as budget tracking.”

Also speaking after the event, Dr Auwal Halilu lamented the rising number of out-of-school children in Kano State in recent times.

He stated that “However, with the coming of the new government, which claims to top education on their priority list, we are hopeful that things will change,” he added.

Dr Halilu added that the issue of the rising number of out-of-school children in Kano state, which reached over 1.4 million, is alarming and should be addressed instantly.

The event had converged many educationalists, social and political analysts, as well as civil society activists who came from all walks of Kano to grace the event.

By Muhammad Muhammad Khalil

Since Dr Abdullahi Umar Ganduje’s dollar video surfaced on the internet, I have been keenly pursuing its happenings, from Ganduje’s fierce denial to the latest court order barring his arrest by the Kano Anti-Corruption Agency. I will highlight some critical lessons from this whole saga in this article.

1. Despite the former governor’s persistent efforts to dismiss the clip as bogus and doctored, many people still believe in its authenticity. In many people’s view, and thanks to the video, he is a greedy politician whose craze for money is beyond comparison.

Although Ganduje is ultra-rich, they say, he does not reject a fifty thousand naira kickback. Several stories are widely circulated demonstrating this. This shows us the importance of doing good and avoiding any act that can soil one’s reputation. Ganduje is Khadimul Islam to some people; to many others, he’s a dreadful, unrepentant bribe-taker.

2. The authentic or fabricated videos keep reminding us that what one holds hidden can be brought into the open and even grab the headlines. The fact that we do some terrible and disgusting things in the secrecy of our rooms shouldn’t make us feel we are wise; instead, we should never forget that nothing escapes the sight of Allah. The truth is that we sometimes fear creatures more than we fear the creator.

3. The same Ganduje who defied and has little or no respect for court orders is now desperately struggling to be shielded by the court orders he used to flout in broad daylight. Power is intoxicating.

4. Journalists who have the itch to blow the whistle on people in power should realise the danger of their boldness and prepare for what might trail their decision to speak out against corruption and corrupt politicians. It can cost one his dear life.

I don’t know if President Muhammad Buhari’s administration did anything to protect journalist Jaafar Jaafar from the threat to his life that forced him to seek asylum in the UK. The Buhari Mai Gaskiya claimed to have placed fighting corruption atop his priority. Wonder shall never end.

Muhammad Muhammad Khalil wrote from Kano. He can be reached via muhdmuhdkhalil@gmail.com.