Goodluck Jonathan

By Bilyamin Abdulmumin

When the former president Muhammadu Buhari’s praise singer Dauda Adamu Abdullahi Kahutu (Rarara), held a media conference some time ago, he stirred up the hornet’s nest. A press conference that initially appeared to lament about being sidelined in the current government ‘that they work hard to enthrone’ took an unexpected turn. Rarara would veer off the course to make damning allegations about the administration of his former boss. 

One of these damages, which sent shockwaves in social media, was that President Buhari did not leave the office until he brought every part of the country to a grinding halt, stating, ‘sai da ya yi dama-dama da kasar nan’. A journalist immediately posed the question that many Nigerians would be wondering: You were in the administration for eight years but haven’t raised a finger until now. Why? Rarara’s response was typical; he claimed he had been hopeful that something positive would happen, so he remained aloof during the eight-year tenure. 

However, sceptics, who don’t take things at face value, could argue that the president had an eight-year mandate. Within those years, how long would have been enough time for Rarara to raise the alarm? This was not to mention the apparent romance Rarara had had with the government during those years. This reminds me of one scandal that occurred during the Goodluck Ebele Jonathan (GEJ) government, and upon the pressure from the public, GEJ appeared determined to leave no stone unturned, so he gave two two-week ultimatum to the committee he set up to finish the investigation to bring the culprit to book.

However, to the most awe and shock, the person indicted for corruption would join the then-presidential foreign tour immediately after the order. A typical case of saying something, but body language says another. When considering the complete picture of the scenarios, the questionable timing and an unconvincing response led almost everyone to dismiss Rarara’s claims with a wave of the hand.

Rarara also launched another salvo, asserting that the 100 days of Bola Ahmed Tinubu were better than the entire eight years of Muhammadu Buhari. While the general view is that Buhari didn’t meet the messianic expectations set for him, drawing a parallel between eight years and 100 days for two different governments is like judging a sprinter’s performance in the first few meters of a marathon. For Rarara to make this shallow comparison, he must be among the Nigerians who thought 100 days was enough for the government to make substantial development. Ever since the United States president, Franklin D. Roosevelt, coined “first 100 days”, the gesture kept going wild; Nigerians have since imported and made it a ritual.

Because the mainstream media has amplified it and become embraced by the public, the newly elected Nigerian officials have become desperate to show that they could lift Zuma rock in the first 100 days in office. Assuming the new government has no serious court litigations to contend with, and the previous administration has little influence on their government, when did the busybody officials finish digesting the thousands of pages of the transition document handed over to them to decide on the administration trajectory? It is even the previous government budget that is already running. When they started to make their own, when were the projects conceived and implemented and matured for the public’s admiration? The speed at which a project is untimely executed to impress the public would go down the heel with double the speed.

In another arsenal that Rarara unleashed, he claimed to have contributed more to Buhari’s success than Buhari did himself. Following the historic dethronement of the incumbent in 2015, people pondered on the key figures that played the most significant role in paving the way for this landmark event: Rarara, President Buhari, and the Card Reader. Including Rarara in this list is a testament to his significant contribution to President Buhari’s success. However, that is not the complete story. All successful people have a tale to share; one crucial factor that defines them is consistency. They persistently push forward until circumstances align for success. So, in that moment of triumph, who rightfully claims the bragging rights?

Two theories were put forward to explain Rarara’s controversial media conference. One theory suggested that Rarara was acting based on the consent of the current administration, an indirect way of informing the public about the status quo of the country they inherited. Masses were already a block of ice waiting for an opportunity to rupture, no thanks to the ever-increasing prices of goods and services. This gave the ruling APC a conundrum: Should they give themselves excuses by condemning the previous administrations, or should they avoid self-sabotage and keep quiet? Therefore, Rarara, lacking a political appointment but commanding a Northern audience, became a strategic mouthpiece. This theory is plausible enough because, beyond the surface, the government could employ several manoeuvres to shift the public’s focus during hard times to avoid citizens’ wrath. 

The second theory shared by many, including Prof. Abdallah Uba Adamu, was that Rarara is a typical gold digger; his loyalty is not through thin and thick. He has consistently known to forsake one boss at a time of scarceness and identify with another where the abundance is emerging. From praise songs to invective ones; from Saraki Sai Allah for Shekarau to Malam yayi rawa da alkyabba, from dawa ta bare for Kwankwaso to Tsula tsilla tsilla, from uban Abba for Ganduje to hankaka.  But despite that, the nation was surprised to wake up with Rarara’s latest bombshell.  Because Rarara seems to have gone aboard when it comes to Buhari and his government, he goes all out against the critics of Buhari not only in his songs but also in several interviews he offered. 

As Rarara now courts new relationships with incumbents like Nasir Yusuf Gawuna, Dikko Umar Radda, or Bola Ahmed Tinubu, caution is advised. His track record of shifting loyalty raises questions about the depth of his commitment. These figures and their supporters should be wary of potential shifts and assess the sincerity of the newfound alliances.

Bilyamin Abdulmumin wrote via bilal4riid13@gmail.com.

By Bilyamin Abdulmumin

Since the return of democracy in Nigeria, successive governments have contemplated removing fuel subsidies. The then government of President Olusegun Obasanjo (OBJ) saw multiple fuel price hikes, from N20 per litre it inherited from the transitional military government to the last unforgettable fuel hike. In 2007, two days before the expiration of his tenure, OBJ jacked up the pump price from 65 to 75 naira per litre.  However, the incoming president Umar Musa Yar’adua returned the honest nest to order.

The subsequent struggle to remove fuel subsidies, perhaps the biggest standoff, came in 2012 during the government of Goodluck Ebele Jonathan (GEJ). Vibrant labour, trade, civil and student unions, and agglomeration of opposition descended on the government for the decision, forcing GEJ to lower the price from the initial N141 to N97 and later in 2015 to 87 naira per litre. The struggle would continue. As soon as President Muhammadu Buhari (PMB) ascended to power, he greeted the public with partial subsidy removal.

PMB took the pump price from the official N87 to N145 before hitting N187 at the end of his tenure. But all out on fuel subsidy removal came during the run-down to the 2023 general election, where all the major presidential candidates dismissed any doubt left on fuel subsidy. They all warned the point black electorates that they would remove fuel subsidies so that President Tinubu would walk the talk even from the inaugural stage. 

The government and subsidy removal activists argue that an unbelievable amount of funds are being poured into the scheme while the national infrastructure languishes in bad condition. The large amount spent on the subsidy has been said to reach this height dubiously, no thanks to inflated numbers by some unscrupulous officials and the diversion of subsidised fuel to neighbouring countries by rogue marketers. To add insult to injury, Nigeria borrows to sustain this counterproductivity. Although this argument is plausible, instead of throwing a baby with the bath water, why not the government sanitise the scheme so that it brings the amount to within its capacity?

Another pro-subsidy removal argument was that only a few rich Nigerians benefit from the subsidy, the poor masses who were the target of the scheme are not benefiting the way it is supposed to. This slogan is challenging to explain to people; which ‘The poor masses are not benefiting the way it is supposed to’? When people can visibly see the effects of the subsidy when they buy fuel. No answer is as crunching as for a Nigerian to enter a filling station, and after purchasing an expensive fuel, he declares, they said we don’t benefit from subsidy!

 GMB and APC supporters have an additional puzzling dilemma to unravel because GMB had outrightly opposed the plan in 2012 when President Goodluck Jonathan mulled the idea of its removal. GMB and other APC chieftains famously proclaimed ‘over their dead bodies’ would they allow it. Meanwhile, by the side of the TV screen, we threw roses at them.

So, one of the top Buharist El-Rufai’s tried to rescue the situation in the aftermath of the then PMB’s backpedal. According to an accidental civil servant: ‘When fact changes, decision changes.’ This was to defend the then PMB decision even though he opposed it earlier. This philosophy convinced me; I said that Elrufai rightly arranged the pieces together. But one of my friends would make my life miserable; he said the same philosophy could also be applied to Jonathan as his reason behind fuel subsidy removal. I became speechless.

The speed with which the marketers change fuel prices immediately after price changes from NNPC (Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation), regardless of what’s in their stock, whether old or new, is perhaps the biggest showdown between the public and marketers. As soon as NNPC announces a new price, marketers countrywide change the price in the blink of an eye. The public argues that since the new price is for the new product, the marketers with the old product should stick to the old price. One Sheik brought this public sentiment to the fore when he calculated the difference between the old and new prices and multiplied that by a presumably large number of litres for one marketer. The profit he got was staggering, about 300 million naira.

I share this public sentiment, and I, too, initially thought the marketers were doing it illegally until Mele Kyari explained it on BBC Hausa Ra’ayi Riga program. According to the NNPC MD, marketers must sell their old products at a new price. This approach enables them to recoup their old investment. For instance, if a marketer had 100 litres, he had to sell them at a new price so that he could buy the same amount, but if he sold them at the old price of N250, he would not be able to buy the same 100 litres of new product at a higher price.

This is a plausible reason from a market viewpoint; what of the masses? Because while the market provides safety measures for marketers, it does not offer the same to the general public, especially the poor. Economics and the related professionals’ expertise are needed here; they should help us balance these conflicting but appealing arguments.

Although it could be too late to cry when the head is chopped off, Nigerian policymakers may need to learn from thermal shock phenomena when it comes to subsidy removal or any government policy implementation.  Thermal shock is a situation a material experiences when exposed to sudden changes in temperature conditions; it can lead to the material cracking or even breaking down. 

Take a glass cup of tea, for instance. If the tea glass cup is scorching and you suddenly put it in cold water to cool the tea inside, the glass may crack or even break depending on the level of the thermal shock, but to cool the tea inside the got glass cup successfully without harming the glass, you apply gradual cooling. First, you put the glass cup in warm water, then gradually reduce the water temperature until it becomes cold; in this way, the tea inside the glass cup can cool without causing any injury to the glass.

Bilyamin Abdulmumin is a doctoral candidate in Chemical Engineering at ABU Zaria, a public affair commentator, and a science writer.

By Amiru Halilu 

“When the calamity we feared is already arrived, or when the expectation of it is so certain as to shut out hope, there seems to be a principle within us by which we look with misanthropic composure on the state to which we are reduced, and the heart sullenly contracts and accommodates itself to what it must abhor.” William Godwin. 

Somewhere around the globe leaders convey joy, happiness, prosperity and economic development to the ruled. Over a decade, the aforementioned essentials for good leadership have waxed and waned in Nigeria. In the last thirteen years, Nigerians have drowned in blahs and are growing more melancholic every day. The mention of names: “Buhari, Jonathan” made the blood of an average Nigerian to boil. These nightmares ruined the nation beyond a remedied state. Instead of pursuing excellence and give the nation a clear sense of direction, both Buhari and Jonathan pursued retrogression, hopelessness; salivating the underlings and quibbling beyond what is reasonable. 

What really determines a leader is largely one’s political formation, national commitment, love for his country, cognitive intuitiveness of identifying brilliant minds and ideas, self-denial and sound sacrificial ideals. Unfortunately, neither Jonathan nor Buhari possessed and exhibit the aforesaid principles. Throughout the unproductive six years of Jonathan and now the wasteful seven years of Buhari, Nigeria lost international honor recognition and dignity; the nation has been grappling to cast-away the numerous disasters caused by the senselessness of these deuces. Each runs the nation as if he was/is assigned a mission to wreck havoc on the populace.

It is obvious now the ruling All Progressive Congress (APC) is on the cups of something terrible and that thing is the ugly idea of bringing Jonathan back to the throne. And perhaps, he may be better than many evil contestants under the party’s platform, but surely, darkness reigns at the foot of APC. What does this pack of deceitful scoundrels called APC mean by this suicidal mission? Is APC ready and well prepared to reconcile the clear contradiction between the brand (Jonathan) they putdown, tar-brushed as grossly incompetent, clueless, recklessly insensitive, brazenly irresponsible, irredeemably corrupt and the brand new Jonathan they are now trying to make their standard-bearer?

At this sober time of national renewal, at this time of gross social upheaval when the nation is in the sea of uncertainties, at a time when the economy stocked in reverse gear, in this auspicious moment when character and integrity are the signs and symbols that are absolutely needed, the man that was universally described as ineffectual buffoon and who had already done a colossal damage to the nation is certainly not the right man for the same job that requires certain degree of trust. He who participated in destroying Nigeria in the past would not partake in rebuilding her because destiny doesn’t believe in failure.

A person of Jonathan’s tragic qualification and profile shall never be asked to correct the wrong which he himself had instituted and normalized. We can’t expect the author to burn his own book. Jonathan could no more be a re-builder of Nigeria the way a wind can’t turn to rock or mud into gold. But Buhari and his handlers have seen Jonathan as the ultimate alternative because he managed to sink even lower. It’s hard to ever imagine that Buhari will have a remote link with Jonathan in respect to succession plan, but for an intellectually handicap, politically naive like him who had already convinced the world that there is neither honor nor integrity in governance in Nigeria it’s all in a days work.

Buhari’s attitude towards governance illustrates that Nigeria’s car has continued to be driven in reverse gear by drivers, including himself, who seem to be permanently on drugs. Thinking of bringing Jonathan back is just like calling back the captain of a ship whose negligence and inexperience had caused the death of many. The only thing that such mediocre captain will achieve is to completely submerge the ship and make sure that no single one on board has survived the next accident. Jonathan had melted down Nigeria; Buhari has milked her to her knees, and looking at the caliber of people Buhari wants to succeed him is a confirmation that he doesn’t mean well for the entire nation. 

The only candidate who perfectly possessed presidential credentials doesn’t seems to be Buhari’s favorite. The choice of Asiwaju Ahmed Bola Tinubu will not and will never go down well with those parasitic cabals who are less assured of themselves about what is possible in private life without the country’s largess. Today, we are just five days to the presidential primary elections yet, the presidency has been in limbo and drowned into the abyss of confusion in view of which puppet to field. A pliable puppet who will carry them along, cover their evil wrongdoings and forever follow their dangerous path and eventually sink the nation even deeper.

They perfectly know that Tinubu is a movement; he will not go with the flow; he will definitely sing a different tune. He is just like a medicine, good for you but hard to take. Those who love the party and those who want to save the party from collapsing before general election, must choose competence over hype; integrity over corruption; decisiveness over wavering; rationalism over chauvinism; action over rhetoric and above all, security over living in fear. Else those who have fed the party so well and feel that they have been paid with evil would likely leave the party after the long awaited presidential primary election.

Amiru Halilu writes from Kaduna and can be reached through haliluamiru@gmail.com or @AmiruHalilu

By Mujahid Ameen Lilo

When in 2015, the then incumbent president of Nigeria, Goodluck Jonathan, called to congratulate his opponent ahead of the announcement of the election winner, it was hailed as a heroic act. The act further cemented the country’s democratic maturation and avoided the imminent disintegration of the country had the president not accepted defeat. Moreover, it ensured a stable and successful government transition in a country on the brink of war.

The former president of the Niger Republic got the Mo Ibrahim Prize for Achievement in African Leadership because he respected term limits. Yet, nobody was found worthy of the award for eight years, which points to African leaders’  disgraceful culture of disregard for term limits and bastardising of democracy. What’s more annoying, though, is the culture of celebrating the few ones that respect the term limits.

When we understand that it’s the moral imperative of our leaders to bow to the people’s will, to respect the constitutional authority that put them there and dictate their term limits. Until then, we wouldn’t rush to make a big deal of it and lionise them, present them with awards, among other things. We tend to forget and forgive their misrule. The great disenchantment with the previous administration’s sadistic leadership style made Nigerians ready to go to any lengths to vote out that party. People were prepared for war if the election got twisted. So it’s the morally and politically correct thing to do, that is,  handover.  Most of these leaders leave behind enormous debts, worsening insecurity, cases of corruption and so on.

The recent coups in Guinea and Chad and the foiled one in Niger indicate the frightening facts that the West African countries are far from political stability. Military intervention hardly change matters. It shouldn’t be the response to a faulty democracy. The West African subregion should thoroughly shake itself off the yoke of any military powers. The democratisation of the whole subregion would go a long way in stabilising it. Not that democracy is perfect per se (what with her so-called upholders violating one of the fundamentals: periodic election), but that we can and should practice it most purely, quite distinct from the military system. There should be an atmosphere that’ll facilitate proper reforms of democracy.  A stable system of government will guarantee peace and also bring about the desired developments.

It’s on this premise that I’d now address another factor that is damaging to our democracy, threatening what little peace and stability is left in the region: electoral processes.  In my country Nigeria, once it’s time for elections, people who live away from their states of origin start rushing back to their hometowns because elections have been synonymous with violence leading to the death of many people. There should be peace for people to exercise their fundamental right of voting. Instead, thugs are paid to violate the process. Many people believe in the quote that ‘our votes do not count; otherwise, they wouldn’t let us vote’.  However, that is not where the problem lies.  I believe that we’re capable of holding free and fair elections as we’ve done in the past. We can cite many examples with Nigeria as a case study. The fourth republic election in Nigeria that put Chief Obasanjo into power was relatively free and fair. The two elections that put Buhari into power were also pretty free and fair. We cannot forget the annulled election of June 12, 1993.

I was born in the early 2000s. My generation is called the ‘golden generation’ because the Nigeria we’re born in is democratic, free from colonial and military powers. But my generation suffers from a collapsing education system (most have to attend private schools because the government ones are total craps), from frequent strikes in universities to insecurity devouring our lands like an inferno. This semester, I was looking forward to fieldwork we are supposed to go on in a literature course but have to resort to what our lecturer calls ‘mental research’ because nowhere is safe. This generation is so angry – a wave of anger manifested in the Endsars protests.

On days like this, independence day, I sit and reflect on the happenings in my nation while my fellow teenagers are out having fun, draping their bodies in the country’s colours and posting things like ‘happy independence’ on social media. Yet, the ghost of Achebe and Gimba surrounds me as I struggle to intellectualise my thoughts, building it on Achebe’s dictum (the trouble with Nigeria is simply and squarely a failure of leadership) and the Gimba’s theory that differs from Achebe’s.

I am a lover of columns. As a child, I was very socially and culturally conscious, reading my dad’s dailies. On my shelf, I have a collection of columns: Gimba’s Why am I Doing This, Tundes’s Nigeria: A Thousand Cries, A Thousand Laughs, Nda Isiah’s Nigeria: Full Disclosure, and Victor’s Excuse Me. The writings there span Nigeria from Obasanjo’s first tenure to the eventful short tenure of Yar’adua and Goodluck’s tenure. Presently, I read Kakanda, Bulama and Abubakar,  whose columns are about the present administration. All through, there is rage. There is a disappointment. These essays echo in my conscience, making it hard for me to celebrate not only Nigeria’s birthday but those supposed champions of democracy, that after much damage, step aside and respect term limits. Like Jonathan. Like Niger’s Muhammdou, winner of Ibrahim Prize for Achievement in African Leadership.

Mujahid Ameen Lilo is a winner of the Wole Soyinka Essay Competition and a student at the Department of English, Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria.

By Mallam Musbahu Magayaki

The political calculation of the All Progressives Congress (APC) may likely lead the party to oversight if they fail to set their house to order. There is a rumour that the party is romancing former President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan. APC reportedly declared that they will allow him to recontest for the presidential race in the 2023 general elections if he joins the party.

Lo and behold! Despite this rumour, one Jonathan supporter joined the party after spending many years criticising the party on social media fiercely. Thus, Jonathan’s supporters are defecting to the APC. Will this signal his presidential ambition?

Let’s assume the presidential ticket goes to the south-south; what is the fate of the Southwest that has been promised the presidential ticket in a zoning agreement? Even though the zoning policy is not democratically based on the constitution in the country that is practising democracy.

Meanwhile, a candidate for president and his running mate from the same region sounds too odd. That is, you can not pick a president from the southeast and a vice president from the southwest. In addition, the recent party local government congress elections hindered the party, leading to factions in some states. However, this may cause the party to lose its members if decisive actions are not taken promptly while confronting the party’s national convention elections.

Any political party that gives a glimpse into the Party’s instability will eventually experience its entire tendency to fail. A few weeks ago, in the opposition PDP, the leading crisis crumbled. Many political analysts argued that the party lost its spirit as a real opposition party since there would be no political party prospering in the conflicts.

Nevertheless, when the ticket goes to the South-south, the Southwest may not vote for the party because the national leader of the party’s presidential ambitions would not realise his ambition. As a result, even though he has not declared his interest in the race yet, the APC may lose Lagos, Kano, and many other northern states.

Mallam Musbahu Magayaki writes from Sabon Fegi, Azare. He can be reached via musbahumuhammad258@gmail.com.

By Ahmadu Shehu, PhD

Since The Daily Reality has become the darling medium through which northern elites are called to task, I would instruct them to extend a short message to President Muhammad Buhari this weekend. Although Nigerians are used to the deafening silence of this administration to most of our perils and concerns, the president needs to be reminded of a few disturbing, foreseeable facts.

Let me first state that the people of this country, especially his brothers and sisters in the north, can’t wait to see the end of his rule. His ethnic group, the Hausa-Fulani, have carried his cross for too long. For over a decade, they gave their lives, wealth and resources for his candidature, and for seven years, they bore the blames, stereotypes and animosities for his presidency. What is their gain? An avoidable but seemingly inevitable genocide. If the president does not know, I will tell him that the people of this region are tired! They are no longer looking for what he can do for or to them. They are only anxious to survive the remaining days.   

I want the president to observe a few things. First, all Nigerian leaders lucky to have left the Villa alive went back to their hometowns after their tenures. For instance, Shehu Shagari, who was overthrown by then General Muhammadu Buhari, moved permanently to Shagari, securing a serene, fruitful life after that. While in retirement, Shagari remained relevant and served in various traditional positions within the Sokoto Caliphate. His love for his people, his engagements with his roots throughout his career, his pride in his people and culture and constant, persistent and proud leaning to his region endeared people to him even after his tenure. That love held him physically and psychologically intact, made him relevant and happy all through his old age.  

General Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida, who succeeded Gen. Buhari, retired to Minna, his birthplace from where he and his wife established great organizations that engendered socio-economic development. As a result, Babangida’s home became a centre of excellence in Minna metropolis, and people trooped to his doors for all kinds of support and favours.

General Abdussalami Abubakar became the Head of State after the death in office of Gen. Sani Abacha. Abdussalam followed the footsteps of his predecessors and retired in Minna, his hometown. This was possible for the two Generals only because of their good to their people and region. To date, Niger and indeed the North-Central are thankful for their service as Heads of State. They gained relevance and recorded developmental strides hitherto impossible without the emergence of their worthy sons.   

Then came Olusegun Obasanjo, who returned to power for the second time. After eight years in office, Obasanjo moved to Otta – not even Akure – to start a new life as a statesman. While Yar’adua died in office, his successor, President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan, immediately vacated Asorock for Otuoke, his birth village and assumed his gentle duty as the breadwinner of his people and region. Jonathan has was devilishly maligned as the enemy of the north, the clueless president of the country. But he ensured that the Niger Delta amnesty program succeeded, for he was conscious of life after office in the creeks. He, therefore, begot for himself and his people a place to live in peace. 

Here at home, the breadwinner of Adamawa state, former vice president, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, ensured that the state’s economic strength is sustained. He established institutions, provided hundreds of thousands of employments, empowered businesses and established banks for entrepreneurs and start-ups. Atiku Abubakar built his retirement home in Jada and moved his business headquarters to the state. He ensured that human development services, such as education, healthcare, media and IT industries only obtainable in the cultural West are brought home to the doorsteps of his compatriots. Thus, he was able to stay at home and proceed with his political career gracefully.  

But with all the situations in the northwest, especially Katsina – his home state – and Kaduna – his preferred haven, where does President Buhari intend to retire and spend the rest of his life? For one, at 80, Buhari will be the oldest Nigerian president to leave office and probably the sickest at that weak point of human life. That is the moment he needs people the most and will undoubtedly go through the most painful retrospections of his administration’s actions and inactions. Then, he would face realities – poverty, inhumanity, misery, deprivation, etc. – that have become the norm on Nigerian streets. At that point, Buhari would need Nigerians, and Nigerians would not need him for anything.

The excoriating economic disaster in Buhari’s northwestern region today has not been seen in a long time. Thousands of people are homeless, hopeless and desperate for food and shelter. In Daura, for instance, hundreds of thousands of youth are unemployed. At the same time, his close relatives and families have bought over most farms and grazing lands around the emirate, extending the wicked hands of poverty to more people than ever. As it stands, hundreds of thousands of people are fleeing this region for safety, as kidnapping and banditry have overtaken citizens’ daily lives. Worse still, the president’s disposition and sheer lack of concern on anything “north” make it impossible for him to enjoy his cult-like mob that kept his military retirement years afloat.

Sadly, there is no going to be Buhari the messiah, Buhari Maigaskiya or Buhari jagoran talakawa. There will be only one Buhari in the world: the one who became president and failed to help his people. The one that has disappointed his most loyal supporters; the messiah that couldn’t save his people from hunger, deprivation and poverty. The Buhari who oversaw the worst economic period of his country. That Maigaskiya supervised the most criminal and cruellest regimes of corruption. The one that promised heaven but gave hell. How life looks for someone at that age in this condition will be very interesting to see.

Dr Ahmadu Shehu is a nomad cum herdsman, an Assistant Professor at the American University of Nigeria, Yola, and is passionate about the Nigerian project. You can reach him at ahmadsheehu@yahoo.com.

By Salisu Yusuf

Saturday, the 21st of August, 2021, marks a black day in our march towards achieving social equilibrium among Nigeria’s two social classes: the poor and the elites. The picture on social and conventional media of President Buhari, former President Jonathan, Atiku Abubakar, Femi Fani-Kayode, etc., dining, laughing, exchanging banter, posing for the camera at Bichi speaks volumes on the future of the masses in Nigeria.

On the one hand, these men would quarrel, argue and set their followers against each other just to win elections. But, on the other hand, they shower elitist solidarity to one another when anyone in the circle is celebrating or mourning. Alas, it’s the poor who’s socially excluded even though it’s through him they rode to power. 

While the glitz and glamour were going on at Bichi and Aso Villa, in Batsari, Danmusa and many palaces, people are running for their lives; some are bereaving the dead ones. Moreover, many are abducted by bandits. For example, over 150 Islamiyya students from Attagina (Tegina) in Niger State were, for months, in captivity. Six died, including a three-year-old boy. What do you think if these children belong to the upper class? It’s high time our politicians show class, empathy and maturity.

Today, Nigeria represents every aspect of George Orwell’s Animal Farm. “All animals are equal, but some animals are more equal than others,” says the satiric work! Clover, one of the most loyal and hardworking characters, symbolises the Nigerian poor. For the poor is the only symbol of loyalty and toil to the Nigerian state like Clover. Clover’s realisation toward the end of the novel of betrayal of the so-called revolution depicts the current sad reality:” if she herself had any picture of the future, it had been a society of animals set free from hunger and the whips, all equal, each working according to his capacity, the strong protecting the weak.” 

Photos of the number of jets grounded at Aminu Kano International Airport on social media depicts the sad reality. On the one hand, it reveals the massive gap between the elites and the poor. But, on the other hand, it reveals the security situation in the country and why our elites are reluctant to address it; they travel on planes, we travel by road, where kidnappers set up roadblocks. 

From the wedding scene, receptions, the phones distributed, to Abuja where the bride is conveyed, the glamour exhibited reflects how far we’ve regressed to the version of 18th-century capitalist Britain and its attendant ‘Enclosure System’. Oliver Goldsmith sums up our predicament in his famous ‘The Deserted Village’ when he says, ” to see profusion one cannot share, to see ten thousand baneful arts combined.. to pamper luxury and thin mankind.” 

Today, there are designated federal parastatals and ministries such as Petroleum, Finance, CBN, Federal Inland Revenue, etc., where the children of the poor can’t work; for them, these covetous places are uncharted territories. They’re meant for the rich.

Today, our leaders are attributed with everything elitist and why elitism represents. One salient legacy our man will be remembered is his earnest response to elites’ birthdays. They’re the hallmarks of elitism because they’re the only group who celebrate it. However, a poor isn’t after birthdays; he contends with his security and daily bread in a hostile socio-economic environment. Thus, he neither gets the bread nor feels secured; he’s barred from farming by a group that catches him and demands a ransom from his low-income family members who are too hungry to pay.

Sadly, the so-called ardent supporters couldn’t differentiate between sad reality and fantasy. Those who sometimes cried in the past, when we were in the new normal, can’t cry now when the new not normal sets in. We’re besieged from every angle of our home. The attack on the Nigerian Defence Academy (NDA) this week is the last straw…the definition of Nigeria and what it symbolises: chaos.

The government has so far mastered the art of rhetoric. They can rhetorically speak in the language the criminals understand; but can’t speak in the language the Talakawa understand: that provides the basic social services.

Never in the history of politics in Nigeria has a political figure garnered so much goodwill and solidarity from the poor like President Buhari. But, alas, the goodwill and the solidarity aren’t reciprocated. A conscientious man can’t sleep soundly when his subjects are daily hunted like dogs. Those poor masses who toil and sweat… 

As for now, the hope of the poor is so slim, for hunger, bandits, and elites besiege him.

Salisu Yusuf writes from Katsina. He can be reached via salisuyusuf111@gmail.com.