Gombe State

By Ibrahim Aliyu Gurin 

In Northern Nigeria’s political battlegrounds, the loudest attacks don’t always come from campaign podiums. Long before Facebook, TikTok and WhatsApp turned everyone into a publisher, Hausaland already had its own version of political messaging.

The maroƙi (praise-singer) was more than a singer. He was a storyteller, historian and public commentator. When a leader did well, he sang yabo, verses filled with praise and the same performer could just as easily turn that skill toward humiliation by mocking a rival’s failures, appearance, or character in verses crafted to stick in public memory, which is referred to as zambo. 

Zambo is a sharp, witty poetry designed to mock, embarrass or expose. It wasn’t always pleasant, but it was part of the culture; the difference today is that zambo has become a political business.

Instead of entertaining a local crowd, one song can now reach millions of people before sunset. A chorus recorded in Kano can be playing in Kaduna, Sokoto, Abuja and even among Hausa communities abroad within hours.

No one illustrates this better than Dauda Kahutu Rarara. Over the years, he has released songs like Hannun Karɓa, Masu Gudu Su Gudu, Baba Buhari Dodar, Jagaba Shi Ne Gaba and recently Malam Ya Yi Rawa. To his supporters, these are campaign anthems. To his critics, they are political attacks wrapped in catchy melodies. Whatever side you take, one thing is difficult to deny: people remember the songs long after they have forgotten the campaign speeches, and this alone says something about the power of music.

What makes today’s political songs different from the poetry of men like Sa’adu Zungur, Mudi Sipikin or Garba Affa is intention. Earlier political poetry was designed to awaken society, challenge injustice and educate the people. Much of today’s political music is driven by patronage. A politician hires a musician, the musician praises one side, ridicules the other, and the song becomes another campaign strategy.

Perhaps that is why political music now feels less like public service and more like political advertising. There is nothing wrong with musicians supporting politicians. Every artist has the right to hold political views. The concern begins when entertainment replaces truth, becomes more influential than verified facts, and insults travel farther than ideas.

Maybe the bigger question is not why politicians pay musicians. Maybe it is why we, the listeners, remember the insults more easily than the policies.

As another election season approaches, perhaps the challenge is to enjoy the music without allowing the chorus to become our ballot paper. After all, a hit song lasts only a few minutes, but the consequences of the leaders we choose can last for years.

Ibrahim Aliyu Gurin is a graduate of mass communication from Bayero University, Kano, and can be reached at ibrahimaliyu5023@gmail.com.

By Zayyad I. Muhammad 

One of the gubernatorial ambitions generating the most intense debate and public interest ahead of the Gombe State 2027 governorship race is that of Professor Isa Ali Ibrahim Pantami.

From the outset, Professor Pantami’s reported interest in contesting for the governorship attracted attention far beyond the borders of Gombe State. This is largely because he is not regarded as a conventional politician. Rather, he is an accomplished academic, Islamic scholar, technocrat, and former Minister of Communications and Digital Economy whose tenure earned him national recognition for driving Nigeria’s digital transformation.

Pantami’s potential candidacy appears to enjoy support from three distinct constituencies.

The first consists of those who genuinely believe he has something significant to offer the state. They draw inspiration from his performance as minister, citing his reforms in the digital economy, the expansion of broadband infrastructure, the growth of digital identity enrolment, and his emphasis on innovation, transparency, and public sector efficiency. To this group, his administrative record demonstrates that he possesses the competence and vision required to govern Gombe State.

The second group is found within the opposition in Gombe state, particularly elements of the PDP, who view Pantami as one of the few personalities with the political profile, credibility, and public appeal capable of mounting a serious challenge against the APC’s candidate-Dr. Jamilu Isiyaku Gwamna. Whether they support him or not, many acknowledge that his entry into the race would significantly alter the political equation.

The third constituency comprises sections of the religious community who see his ambition as an opportunity for one of their own to demonstrate how religious scholarship, intellectual depth, and public service can translate into effective democratic governance. For many within this group, his candidacy represents more than a political contest; it is an opportunity to test whether the values he has consistently preached can be successfully applied in elective office.

Like every major political figure, Pantami also faces opposition from different quarters.

The first group consists mainly of career politicians who believe he is entering a political space traditionally occupied by established political actors. To them, he is an outsider attempting to disrupt existing political calculations, alliances, and structures that have been built over many years.

Perhaps more surprisingly, the second group of opponents comes from within sections of his immediate religious constituency. Some clerics and religious associates reportedly believe that during his tenure as minister, he did not sufficiently carry them along or extend the expected level of inclusion and patronage. Consequently, while they may respect his scholarly credentials, they remain reluctant to support his political ambition.

Another dimension that has attracted considerable attention is the political dexterity with which Pantami secured the PDP gubernatorial ticket. The manner in which he navigated the party’s internal dynamics and emerged as its flagbearer suggests careful planning and strategic preparation rather than mere political ambition. His decision to align with the Nyesom Wike-led faction of the PDP, a bloc widely perceived in political circles as maintaining a cooperative relationship with the APC-led Federal Government, has further strengthened his political positioning. The goodwill and support he reportedly enjoys within that tendency of the PDP could prove to be a significant advantage as the campaign unfolds.

In addition, Pantami could benefit from protest votes originating from within the APC. Some influential APC stakeholders and their supporters who believe Governor Muhammadu Inuwa Yahaya has not done sufficient justice to their political aspirations or interests may choose to channel their dissatisfaction by supporting Pantami. While it remains to be seen how substantial such a shift could be, the possibility of cross-party protest votes is a factor that political observers cannot ignore.

Whichever way one chooses to examine it, Professor Isa Ali Ibrahim Pantami’s potential governorship candidacy is in a class of its own. What initially appeared to be little more than speculation or a distant aspiration has steadily evolved into one of the defining conversations in Gombe State politics. official campaign has yet to commence, but the discussions surrounding Pantami’s governorship ambition have already reshaped Gombe State’s political landscape, making him a force that political stakeholders can no longer afford to ignore.

The ultimate test, however, will not simply be the enthusiasm surrounding his candidacy but his ability to convert goodwill into an effective political structure, sustain broad-based alliances, and persuade the electorate that his administrative achievements at the federal level can be replicated in Gombe State. Regardless of the eventual outcome, Pantami has already ensured that the Gombe 2027 governorship contest will be one of the most closely watched political battles in the state’s history.

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja via zaymohd@yahoo.com.

By Sabiu Abdullahi

The Gombe State Police Command has returned Toyota Highlander SUV to its rightful owner after recovering the vehicle almost five years after it was stolen in Rivers State.

The command handed the vehicle to Mrs Cecilia Duru of Port Harcourt on Friday after operatives of the State Intelligence Department concluded investigations that confirmed her ownership.

Police said the SUV was recovered on June 8, 2026, during a joint operation by the State Intelligence Department and the Federal Road Safety Corps at the Gombe State Internal Revenue Service Vehicle Licensing Office.

According to the command, officials intercepted the vehicle during a routine verification of vehicle records while it was undergoing re-registration.

Investigators established that the Toyota Highlander was stolen from Mrs Duru in Port Harcourt, Rivers State, on September 17, 2021.

“The investigation established that the vehicle belongs to Mrs. Cecilia A. Duru of Port Harcourt, Rivers State. Further findings revealed that after it was stolen, the vehicle was taken to the Republic of Niger in 2023.

“It later re-entered Nigeria through Illela, Sokoto State, in October 2025, before it was sold in Kaduna State and eventually brought to Gombe for re-registration, where it was intercepted,” the police stated.

The command said efforts to determine those responsible for the theft and the movement of the vehicle across several locations are still in progress.

“While efforts continue to unravel those behind the theft and illegal movement of the vehicle, the command is pleased to hand over the recovered Toyota Highlander to its rightful owner today, July 24, 2026,” the police said.

The police also reaffirmed their resolve to tackle vehicle theft and other forms of organised crime through intelligence-led operations and collaboration with relevant security agencies.

The command advised members of the public to verify the authenticity of vehicle documents before buying used vehicles. It also urged residents to report suspicious vehicle transactions to security agencies promptly.

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

The Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in Gombe State has distanced itself from what it describes as an illegal primary election conducted by a faction of disgruntled members, insisting that the party remains united and has already concluded all nomination processes.

In a press statement issued on May 30, 2026, the state party leadership, led by former Governor Senator Ibrahim Hassan Dankwambo (Talban Gombe) and state Chairman Major General Amnon Kalaye Kwaskebe (Rtd), said the actions of certain mischief-makers pose a threat to party unity and democracy.

According to the statement signed by the State Publicity Secretary, Abdulkadir Ahmad Dukku, all PDP primary elections in Gombe State have been completed, and the party has no faction. The leadership specifically confirmed the recent affirmation of Professor Isa Ali Ibrahim Pantami as the party’s gubernatorial candidate for the 2027 general elections.

“The PDP in Gombe State is one united family without any faction and cannot stand to watch mischief elements causing confusion within the party ranks,” the statement read. “We therefore disassociate ourselves from such unconstitutional acts capable of causing division among party members.”

The party advised all stakeholders, members, and supporters to ignore the activities of what it called unpatriotic elements who do not want the progress and development of Gombe State.

By Ukasha Kofarnassarawa 

Like almost everyone, I saw that Sheikh Ali Isa Ibrahim Pantami is now PDP’s gubernatorial flag bearer for Gombe State. Congratulations to him. Pantami is now everything he once criticised. But that’s not my focus here; the internet has receipts for anyone interested in digging.

The real calculation:

Amid all the “consensus-coronation” drama unfolding nationwide, many observers expected Sheikh to defect to either ADC or the NDC, which are seen as the strongest opposition blocs. But Abuja is playing a different game. This looks calculated.

Right now, the entire core North — both North-West and North-East — is held by APC governors, except Bauchi, which lately switched to APM. The party’s structure and acceptability are widely seen as weak, and the state is likely to return to APC in the next election, given its current flag bearer, the former governor of the state.

For the President’s party, having zero opposition across the whole core north would be a dangerous optics problem. It would look like a monopoly. To avoid that, Abuja needs to “sacrifice” 2  core northern states to the opposition, just to create balance. One in the northwest and the other in the northeast.

And among all opposition parties, PDP is the “lesser evil” from Abuja’s view because one of its sons controls a major faction there. So Pantami decamped to the PDP, which functions as an extension of the APC. The plan: he gets “appointed” governor to create the illusion of balance, then switches to the main APC immediately after winning.

Abuja’s handwriting is not hard to understand.

Ukasha Kofarnassarawa wrote via Ukasha_sani@yahoo.com.

By Muhammad Abubakar

A major crisis has erupted within the Peoples Democratic Party in Gombe State following the emergence of former minister Isa Ali Ibrahim Pantami as the party’s governorship candidate ahead of the 2027 election.

One of the aspirants, Alhaji Abdulkadir Hamma Saleh, alongside other contenders including Khamisu Ahmed Mailantarki, Usman Aliyu Garry, and Monica Kaltho, rejected the outcome of the PDP primary held on Tuesday. Pantami was declared winner through a voice vote after delegates affirmed him as the party’s sole candidate.

The aggrieved aspirants argued that Pantami was ineligible to contest the PDP primary because he had only recently left the ruling All Progressives Congress after participating in its internal political process. They claimed electoral laws do not permit a politician to contest in two different party primaries within the same election cycle.

Saleh also questioned the sudden postponement of the PDP primary from Sunday to Tuesday, describing the process as unfair and unlawful. He confirmed that his legal team had begun preparations to challenge Pantami’s emergence in court and urged his supporters across Gombe State to remain peaceful while the matter is resolved legally.

Pantami, who recently defected from the APC after criticising the party’s consensus arrangement that produced Jamilu Isyaku Gwamna as a candidate, said his decision to join the PDP was driven by a desire to tackle poverty and improve governance in Gombe State.

By Sabiu Abdullahi

Former Minister of Communications and Digital Economy, Prof. Isa Ali Ibrahim Pantami, has pulled out of the All Progressives Congress (APC) governorship primary election in Gombe State.

Pantami announced his withdrawal on Tuesday through a statement issued by Barrister Ibrahim M. Attahir on behalf of the Pantamiyya Movement.

The former minister said his decision followed alleged violations of the Electoral Act 2026 and what he described as the APC leadership’s failure to provide information needed for a transparent and credible primary election.

According to the statement, Pantami joined the race after pressure from political leaders, women, youths and other stakeholders in the state. It added that he complied with the party’s guidelines and fulfilled all requirements expected of aspirants.

The statement also noted that Pantami was the only APC governorship aspirant who sent a representative to the Peace Accord meeting organised by the Nigeria Police Force, Gombe State Command, on May 14, 2026. It said his representative was also the only one who signed the agreement during the meeting.

Pantami, however, accused the party of denying him access to important details concerning the conduct of the direct primaries.

The statement said letters written by his solicitors to party officials over concerns surrounding the exercise were neither acknowledged nor answered.

“In a democracy, the law must guide the process. Non-compliance with the Electoral Act 2026 and the party guidelines renders the exercise unsafe and illegitimate,” the statement said.

It further alleged that irregularities marred the APC National Assembly direct primaries conducted in the state on May 16 and 18.

“The people of Gombe State witnessed what transpired during the direct primary ‘elections’ for the National Assembly held on 16 and 18 May 2026,” the statement added.

Pantami maintained that many grassroots party members, especially women and youths who form the bulk of his support base, were excluded from the process.

The statement said the former minister decided to withdraw after consultations with stakeholders across the state.

“After extensive consultations with stakeholders and careful reflection on the developments in Gombe State, Prof. Pantami has taken the difficult decision to withdraw from the APC governorship primary election scheduled for 21 May 2026, under protest. Peaceful protest is a fundamental pillar of democracy,” it stated.

The movement also accused party leaders of ignoring directives by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu on the need for free and credible direct primaries.

According to the statement, details relating to accreditation of agents and observers, voting procedures and collation centres were not provided to aspirants before the exercise.

“Even though President Bola Ahmed Tinubu insisted on the necessity of free, fair, and credible direct primaries, his directives were, unfortunately, not implemented,” the statement said.

Pantami also expressed appreciation to supporters who contributed money for the purchase of his nomination and expression of interest forms through crowdfunding.

The statement disclosed that donations ranged from ₦5,000 to ₦4 million and were publicly acknowledged online.

He thanked youths, women, campaign coordinators, elders and members of his media and campaign teams for their support.

Pantami urged his supporters to remain peaceful and law-abiding despite the development.

“Democracy rests on the rule of law, peace, and security,” the statement added.

The Pantamiyya Movement said it would announce its next political steps in due course.

By Muhd El-Bonga Ibraheem

Founded in 2022 as the first private university in Gombe State, North-Eastern University has rapidly emerged as one of the most ambitious and forward-looking institutions in Northern Nigeria. The university was established to bridge several educational gaps, and since its inception, it has continued to grow from strength to strength across nearly all facets of academic and institutional development. 

In barely a few years, the university has distinguished itself through academic excellence, infrastructural expansion, research, technological innovation, and professional accreditation, positioning Gombe State as an emerging hub for higher education and specialised professional training.

Most notably among its many milestones, the university recently recorded a landmark achievement with the successful securing of full accreditation for its Architecture programme by the Architects Registration Council of Nigeria (ARCON). This accreditation confirms that the programme meets the national professional standards for architectural education in Nigeria and enables graduates to proceed toward professional registration as architects. More significantly, North-Eastern University, Gombe, following my recent interaction with its Deputy Vice Chancellor—my brother, Prof. Sani Isyaka—is currently the only university in the entire North East region with full ARCON accreditation, and one of only three universities in northern Nigeria to possess this distinction. This milestone places both the institution and Gombe State at the forefront of architectural education and built-environment training in the region.

Additionally, although still in its fledgling stage, the university has demonstrated an admirable pace of growth and institutional development. For instance, it was the first among the newly licensed private universities to commence academic activities in the 2022/2023 academic session and quickly became the first institution to fully implement the National Universities Commission’s Core Curriculum and Minimum Academic Standards (CCMAS). This magnificent feat subsequently earned the university a Gold Medal for successfully completing all CCMAS development stages within its first year of operation, alongside a distinction rating in the NUC’s Virtual Institute for Capacity Building in Higher Education trainings.

Today, thanks to persistent efforts, the university runs 27 undergraduate programmes across four faculties, 16 departments, 7 directorates, 1 academy, and 2 centres, all approved by the National Universities Commission (NUC). Over the years, the young university has witnessed an exponential rise in enrolment, with its diverse student population across many strata of society growing rapidly to about 2,000 undergraduates, making it one of the fastest-growing private universities in the North East sub-region. To accommodate these growing numbers, the university recently passed a resource verification exercise by the NUC for the creation of new, highly sought-after undergraduate programs in Artificial Intelligence and Information Systems, as well as a Doctor of Pharmacy (Pharm D).

What particularly sets the institution apart is its investment in research and specialised facilities. Recently, the university established the Centre for African Medicinal Plants Research, equipped with advanced laboratories dedicated to natural products research, microbiology, synthesis, and pharmaceutical formulation. It also houses specialised scientific facilities rarely found in many universities across the country.

Given the pervasive rise in technology integration, especially in the post-COVID-19 era, the institution has equally prioritised technology-driven learning and global academic engagement. Through its CISCO Academy and the adoption of the Octopus Learning Management System, the university has embraced blended learning supported by several online learning platforms. It has also established research and academic collaborations with globally recognised institutions, including the University of Surrey, Universiti Teknologi Malaysia, and several others across Africa and beyond.

As a mark of excellence, following several tours whenever I visit the school, the university equally boasts of fully furnished lecture halls, auditoria, solar-powered electricity, science laboratories, Mass Communication studios, an Architecture studio, Moot Court facilities, modern hostels, ICT centres, and the state-of-the-art Justice Abubakar Jauro Law Library. Nonetheless, ongoing campus expansion projects, beautification initiatives, and student-friendly facilities further reinforce its commitment to creating a modern academic environment.

In many respects, the rise of North-Eastern University symbolises the growing educational and intellectual aspirations of the North East sub-region. Through strategic investment in quality education, research, infrastructure, and professional standards, the university is increasingly building a reputation as one of Nigeria’s emerging centres of academic excellence. 

With the massive development the university has experienced in virtually all dimensions over the past few years, amid sustained momentum of outstanding achievements, the university aims to achieve the founder’s long-term vision of becoming one of the best universities in Nigeria within the next 10 to 15 years.

El-Bonga can be reached via miabba40@gmail.com. 

By Abubakar Musa Idris

During a recent Ramadhan Tafseer session in Abuja, former minister Isa Ali Pantami made a remark that ought to trouble every Nigerian who cares about media fairness. The North, he argued, needs a strong media presence capable of projecting its narratives to the world. This was not a regional call. It was a practical response to a structural imbalance that leaves Northern perspectives underrepresented both within Nigeria and beyond.

Two concepts explain what Pantami identified. The first is agenda-setting: when news platforms decide what to cover, they are effectively deciding for millions what matters. The second is the battle for narrative control: the competition to shape public conversation. He who wins this battle helps set the agenda. He who has no platform is spoken for by others. This battle plays out globally, where international outlets shape how the world sees Nigeria, and nationally, where the concentration of media houses influences which stories receive prominence.

Consider Nigeria’s media geography. Most major privately owned networks are headquartered in Lagos. This is not a conspiracy; it is a commercial reality. Lagos is the natural home of advertising revenue and media infrastructure. Consequently, perspectives from that region receive sustained national attention not out of malice, but simply because journalists live there. When newsrooms are concentrated in one area, other regions struggle for airtime. The North is reported on rather than reporting. This absence of strong Northern media with national reach is not favourable to accurate national discourse.

The international dimension is equally urgent. Global wire services—Reuters, AP, BBC, CNN, Al Jazeera function as gatekeepers of the world’s agenda. Their choices shape the understanding of billions. Research confirms that coverage of developing nations is almost entirely limited to stories of war and disaster. If a region cannot feed its perspectives into these channels, its stories will be told by others, whether incompletely or inaccurately, sometimes with hostile intent.

Consider what happened on February 19, 2026, when suspected Lakurawa terrorists attacked Kebbi State, killing thirty-four Muslims fasting for Ramadan. The next day, gunmen massacred thirty-eight more in Zamfara. Earlier that week, gunmen in Plateau abducted an imam and seven mosque committee members. Where was the sustained national coverage? Where were the front-page stories? Coverage existed, but it was minimal relative to the horror.

Not because these deaths mattered less. They received less attention because the institutions with the power to amplify them are far from affected communities, and because the North lacks platforms to project these tragedies into national consciousness.

Now contrast this with another narrative that dominated global discourse throughout 2025. Between January and October, a story alleging Christian genocide in Nigeria gained significant traction. Investigators traced this coordinated campaign to networks affiliated with IPOB. The narrative reached 2.83 billion impressions on X alone. It influenced the United States to designate Nigeria a Country of Particular Concern. It shaped discourse around the Sokoto airstrike. It is now cited in discussions about sanctions against Northern figures and proposals to label Fulani groups as terrorist organisations. 

One side had an army of storytellers. The other had none. Agenda-setting power shifted accordingly in Abuja and Washington. The absence of strong Northern media is not favourable in such a landscape.

The proposed sanctions and scrutiny of the Fulani illustrate where this leads. As analyst Yushau Shuaib observed, criminal elements exist across every line. But the Fulani are a diverse population numbering in the millions. Collective blame is profiling. 

Yet profiling becomes easier when only some perspectives dominate discourse. The Fulani have no platform to tell their own story, their history, their contributions, their humanity. They risk being defined solely by what others say. This is about ensuring all Nigerians can represent themselves accurately when the world is watching.

Pantami also pointed inward, critiquing Northern media that prioritize entertainment over substantive reporting. Insecurity, education, industrial revitalisation, issues that shape daily life receive far less attention than partisan conflicts. The stakes are higher for regions with limited platforms. When local media fails to set a serious agenda, it becomes distraction. 

But the problem is also reaching. Numerous Northern stations exist, but many broadcast locally in Hausa, limiting national influence. Reliance on NTA alone is insufficient. The absence of strong, English-language, professionally run Northern media with national ambition is simply not favourable.

Pantami also called for a world-class station broadcasting in English, French, and other global languages. Its purpose: to speak to Nigeria and the world. To feed alternative narratives into national and global ecosystems and claim power to help set the agenda. He pointed to Al Jazeera.

 Before Al Jazeera, the Arab world was narrated by Western outlets. After, Arab perspectives could not be ignored. The channel succeeded not as propaganda, it faced criticism from all sides but because it invested in professional journalism and built credibility. A Nigerian equivalent could do the same.

Consequences extend beyond the North. When any community cannot tell its story, the nation’s image is shaped by whoever has the loudest platforms. International sanctions and diplomatic decisions are increasingly influenced by narrative control. So too are national decisions: budget allocations, security responses. If Northern realities are not part of the national conversation, they will not be part of the national response. Without professional media projecting Nigerian perspectives, the country will be defined by whichever voices dominate existing platforms. This is not favourable to national cohesion.

Pantami spoke during a religious gathering, but his message was strategic. He identified a vulnerability and proposed a solution. The question is whether Northern elites will redirect resources toward building the media infrastructure the region desperately needs. The North must tell its own story. Not because its story matters more, but because every community deserves to represent itself. Nigeria needs multiple voices engaging with the nation and world.

Today, many platforms shaping perceptions of Northern Nigeria are headquartered elsewhere. This is not an accusation. It is media geography. And geography can be changed. The North can build. It can invest. It can tell its own story. Not through propaganda, but through professionalism. Not by silencing others, but by adding its voice.

Abubakar Idris wrote via abkidris99@gmail.com.

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

The Minister of Transportation, Senator Saidu Alkali, formally resigned from President Bola Tinubu’s cabinet on Tuesday, paving the way for his anticipated entry into the race for the Gombe State governorship.

His exit, announced by the State House media office, came hours ahead of the March 31 deadline set by the President for political appointees nursing elective ambitions to step down.

Alkali, a native of Gombe State, met with President Tinubu at the Presidential Villa on Tuesday evening before finalizing his resignation. He is widely expected to contest for the state’s top seat in the 2027 general elections, aiming to succeed Governor Inuwa Yahaya, whose second term is set to conclude in May 2027.

The former minister’s departure adheres to a directive issued by the President through the Office of the Secretary to the Government of the Federation on March 17, which mandated all appointees seeking public office to vacate their positions by the end of March.