Dr. Rabi’u Musa Kwankwaso

Political unity on display as Senator Kwankwaso’s daughter marries in Kano

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, PhD, FNSE, National Leader of the NNPP, welcomed Nigeria’s top political dignitaries to Kano for his beloved daughter’s wedding.

The illustrious event, held under the serene ambience of Kano’s cultural heritage, saw the presence of Kano State Governor Engr. Abba Kabir Yusuf joined hands with his mentor and received many prominent leaders. Among them were Senator Abdulaziz Abubakar Yari, CON, former Governor of Zamfara State; Senator Abdul Ahmed Ningi; and His Excellency Adamu Aliero, former Governor of Kebbi State.

Social media commentators praise the politicians’ display of unity. Others add that the occasion transcends political affiliations, bringing together leaders from diverse backgrounds to celebrate a union rooted in love and tradition. The wedding symbolises more than just a family milestone—it has become a testament to the power of unity, respect, and collaboration in Nigeria’s political sphere.

The event was a magnificent display of cultural pride and leadership, leaving a lasting impression on all attendees and further solidifying Sen. Kwankwaso’s role as a unifying figure in the nation.

Kano State Government: Please revitalise the abandoned technical schools in 44 LGAs

By Bilal Muhammad Bello (BMB)

It is widely recognised across Kano State that the 44 LGA Day Technical Schools have been abandoned and remain under incomplete construction. These schools were established in 2012 during the second tenure of former Governor Senator Rabi’u Musa Kwankwaso. 

The initial progress on these schools was swift under Kwankwaso’s administration. However, the subsequent government, led by former Governor Dr. Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, halted the continuation of the project.

The abandonment of these schools has not only led to their physical decay but also created opportunities for theft and vandalism, with some individuals stealing materials from the school premises. The neglected sites have also become hubs for illicit activities, posing a threat to the safety and well-being of the surrounding communities.

It is crucial to bring this matter to the attention of His Excellency, Engineer Abba Kabir Yusuf, the current Governor of Kano State. Your commitment to advancing education in both urban and rural areas, particularly through the construction of classroom blocks, the reduction of registration fees for higher education institutions, and the provision of postgraduate scholarships, is commendable and has garnered praise from Kano residents and visitors alike.

During your 2019 and 2023 gubernatorial campaigns, you pledged to resume work on the 44 LGA Day Technical Schools. I respectfully appeal to your administration to take swift action to complete these schools. By doing so, you will transform these temporary sites into permanent institutions, ensuring they fulfil their original purpose and preventing further loss of valuable materials.

Bilal Muhammad Bello (BMB) wrote from Mass Communication, Bayero University Kano.

The Kano throne dilemma

By Ibrahim El-mu’azzam 

Four years ago, we witnessed the removal of Mallam Muhammadu Sunusi II as the Emir of Kano and the splitting of the Kano emirate a few months earlier. As they say, what goes around comes around.

Since then, many people have prayed, predicted, and foreseen that the action would be reversed. Thanks to time and destiny, we are now witnessing the return of the Emirates to one and the reinstatement of Muhammadu Sunusi II to Gidan Rumfa and the throne of Dabo. People forget too soon; if not for that, this wouldn’t have made these trends and surprises.

Muhammadu Sanusi II was legally appointed as the 14th Emir of Kano by Gov. Rabi’u Kwankwaso in 2014, following the passing of Alhaji Ado Bayero, the 13th Emir of Kano. Although he initially faced the usual opposition from some people, his appointment was eventually accepted by all, including the family of his predecessor, the Emirate council, the people of Kano, and the global community.

After about six years, a personal-political misunderstanding arose between him and the then-government of Dr Abdullahi Ganduje. This personal-political interest had no adverse effect on the Emirate or the good people of Kano state. However, despite calls from respected individuals and institutions worldwide, as well as a court order, Ganduje, in a display of power, divided the ancient Kano kingdom into five different kingdoms and proceeded to dethrone Sunusi on groundless grounds.

Ganduje didn’t stop there. He took the former CBN governor, the 14th Emir of Kano, an Imam, and the chartered Economist to Loko and later to Awe villages in Nasarawa state, where there was reportedly no stable electricity and water supply. His actions were only halted by the intervention of Malam Nasiru El-Rufa’i, the then-governor of Kaduna state.

You see, I’m not a big fan of SLS. I disagree with some of his takes, but this is an apparent disrespect and damage not only to him but also to the Kano Emirate, the people of Kano, and the entire Kingdoms of Shehu Usmanu Ɗanfodiyo. It pained me more to divide the Kingdom into pieces than to even dethrone the King.

Alhaji Aminu Ado succeeded the central Kano Emirate and performed admirably. I admire his personal qualities, demeanour, lifestyle, and effective handling of the throne. I often tell people that Sarki Aminu Ado embodies more of the traditional King’s character than Sarki Sunusi II. But sad, Aminu Ado was alive and well when his father, Bayero, the 13th Emir, passed away, and Sunusi was appointed. Despite Aminu’s charisma, love of the people, and competence, Sarki Sunusi was chosen by the Almighty to ascend to the Kano throne.

Ever since the campaign of the current governor of Kano state, Engr. Abba Kabir Yusuf, there have been suggestions to reinstate Sunusi and restore the Kingdom to its previous state. I supported this idea, but I didn’t fully agree with the decision to remove the Kano Emir again. I wanted the Kingdoms to be returned, with Aminu continuing as the King. I hoped Sunusi would oversee and move forward, especially with the furtherance that occurred and continue to befall him, like the Khilafa of Tijjaniya and more. I strongly oppose the idea of our honourable Kings to be played like toys by democratically elected governments. I even think of how unaware people were when the law of dethroning a King was made like this.

Although I have some doubts, I wanted everything to be very amicable, especially since all the parties are descendants of Malam Ibrahim Dabo—the same family, living in the same house and sharing the same bloodline. However, Sunusi’s return and acceptance of the reinstatement should not be blamed.

Firstly, for Emir Sanusi, it’s a repetition of history. The same thing happened to the King whose name he bears, Muhammadu Sunusi I. So, to cleanse their lineage of misfortune and bad luck, he can take this as a starting point.

Secondly, he was the last occupant of the undivided Kano throne. It is suggested that the five created kingdoms should be dissolved. Sarki Aminu has not been sworn in for the undivided Kano kingdom. If he is the one to continue, there must be an elevation that extends the continuity of the process. With this, reinstating Sunusi is more legal and straightforward. 

Furthermore, if Aminu is to continue, it will likely be forever prohibited for Sarki Sunusi to visit his origin, the Gidan Dabo. This is a hardly bearable consequence with the opportunity at Sarki Sunusi’s disposal. More importantly, everything is believed to be done on baseless grounds.

We should be reminded that the ultimate desire of every heir to a throne is to be crowned. In addition, Sarki Sunusi’s got the government at hand, the similar power that dethroned him before. Therefore, I don’t view this action as wrongful but rather corrective. The criticisms of Sarki Aminu’s supporters are expected and accepted.

Dr. Ganduje, the prior architect of the dilemma, is currently in a position where he has to watch everything unfold. He is even facing challenges in his current role. Whether he initiated this with a positive or negative mind, it’s up to him to reap. The important lesson to remember is that power is transient. If you have it now, use it wisely; it may turn against you in the future.

In conclusion, it is very significant to call on the Sultan, the high-ranking Emirs, and other stakeholders to address the law that allows Governors to singlehandedly dethrone their Emirs. It doesn’t make sense at all. These Emirs were the foundation. They founded these communities and controlled them for centuries. Then why on earth should a borrowed phenomenon dominate the founding one? Why should an Emir be selected or dethroned without the consent, not even the approval, of the Sultan or his Emirate council? This is the major issue that needs to be addressed.

For Gidan Dabo. Sarki Sunusi, Sarki Aminu, and Sarki Nasiru, you all come from that house. It’s your base and heritage. Why would you allow the government or any external party to distort your peace and relationships?

Sarki Sunusi and Sarki Nasiru lived in the same room for over a decade. Sarki Sunusi’s first wife, Sadiya Ado Bayero, is a biological sister to Sarki Aminu and Sarki Nasiru. Sarki Ado Bayero was on good terms with Sarki Sunusi I. It’s your family. Why would you let an outsider tear you apart? Assume the government dethroned Sarki Sunusi II in the first place, and you all disagree with it; none of you accepted it. Can Ganduje give it to an outsider? “Sai bango ya tsage ƙadangare ke shiga” – “It’s when the wall cracks that a lizard gets a passage,” as Malam Bahaushe says. Please give this a concerned look.

I believe it’s high time for the Emirs and Kings of our respective Kingdoms in Nigeria to stand firm in upholding their dignity and that of their kingdoms. It’s hard to believe that an Emir needs the consent of his local government chairman for his outings and some of his activities. I understand the importance of the position of a local government chairman, but when compared to that of an Emir or a King, there’s a clear distinction. Let’s face reality, set aside selfishness and personal interests, and work together for the betterment of our lands.

A person’s power is his greatest enemy. He either uses it well, or it uses him well.

Sarki Muhammadu Sunusi II (the 14th and 16th Emir of Kano), may Allah protect and guide you. Sarki Aminu Ado, Sarki Nasiru Ado, and the others, may the Almighty accept the right you have done and overlook the wrong. May the blessings of the Almighty be upon all of you for eternity.

Ibrahim El-mu’azzam wrote via elmuazzammail@gmail.com.

Kano Emirship Crisis: It always helps to live in the real world

By Dr Raji Bello

Following encouragement from some friends, let me say what I’ve been a bit reluctant to say. It is based on my conviction as a dispassionate and non-partisan observer and of course, as a non-indigene of Kano State.

The root cause of the emirship imbroglio in Kano, in my view, was the inability of Muhammadu Sanusi II to subordinate himself and his office to the Ganduje administration as required by the terms of his appointment. This is essentially what triggered every other thing that has happened and which has led us to where we are today. To correct any problem permanently, we need to examine its root cause.

I am not saying that Sanusi is not an emir of high intellect who is enormously popular among the people. This assessment of mine is based on only one criterion — his willingness or ability to comply with the terms of his appointment — and it is made without prejudice to his qualities, endowments and accomplishments as an individual, technocrat and emir. Like other human beings, the emir is not perfect. He might have excelled in 9 out of 10 criteria but his failure in the 10th is the cause of the emirship crisis because it happened to be a very important criterion.

All post-colonial emirs and traditional rulers have been obligated to demonstrate loyalty and due courtesy to government be it colonial, democratic or military. History is replete with examples of the huge price that was exacted each time an emir fell short on loyalty towards government.

As an intellectual of high standing, the emir must have been aware of that history. When he set out to be emir, he should have been conscious of the terms of appointment and should have fully reflected on whether it was the appropriate platform for someone of his disposition or not. The emir seems to want the Kano emirship in its pristine 19th century form when it didn’t answer to a non-traditional authority. This betrays a lack of situational awareness and good judgement because the reality is that the 19th century is long gone and can never be brought back. So if anyone is interested in becoming emir in the 21st century, it has to be under 21st century terms.

The Ganduje administration had accused the emir of multiple infractions from political partisanship, insurbordination and failure to demonstrate courtesy towards it. Some of these infractions had played out in public for all to see and hear which means that they were not false accusations. I do not fully endorse the former government’s actions (which bore traces of the usual Nigerian impunity) but it is clear that it was provoked into taking actions against the emir. I believe that all state governments are inclined by default to respect the traditional institutions within their states and hostilities only break out when there is a breach of the terms of appointment (usually, but not always) on the part of the traditional rulers.

There is no individual who is so important or popular that they would enjoy exemptions from complying with the terms of their appointment. This is an incontrovertible fact. A friend told me that the emirship style of Aminu Ado Bayero is a bit bland compared to that of Muhammadu Sanusi II. I replied that this is true but the Aminu style is actually the correct one.

Post-colonial emirship is not a radical or revolutionary platform and, after the 1976 Local Government Reforms, the traditional institutions in northern Nigeria lost all the vestiges of authority that were previously delegated to them under the Native Authority system. The post of traditional ruler is now just a custodianship of heritage whose essential features are loyalty, co-operation and circumspection.

Yes, Sanusi is wildly popular, has a deeper intellect, a gifted oratory and displays a higher sartorial elegance but it was Aminu Bayero who was doing the emirship correctly under its current terms. Those who cheered Sanusi as he breached the terms of his appointment were not helping him or the Kano emirship institution.

Return of Sunusi: The dilemma ahead

Mohammad Qaddam Sidq Isa (Daddy)                     

The return of Muhammadu Sunusi ll as Sarkin Kano is yet another manifestation of the influence of politics on the traditional Masarauta establishment, which, after all, has always been used and abused by politicians.

Since the British conquest of the Usman Dan Fodio Islamic sultanate in what subsequently became part of today’s northern Nigeria, the enthronement and dethronement of emirs (Sarakuna) have always been motivated by underlying political interests. 

Throughout the colonial era, the British would only enthrone aspiring princes deemed the most loyal to the British colonial establishment as leaders of their respective emirates. This practice enabled them to maintain their colonial grip through those proxy-Sarakuna. And since then, successive generations of military and civilian administrators have followed suit, enthroning and dethroning Sarakuna literally at will. 

The only shift in this regard is that, in the past, the influence of political leaders would mostly come to play only when a throne became vacant mainly due to the death of the Sarki, when the incumbent governor would influence the emergence of his successor, as it happened in 2014 in Kano that led to the enthronement of Sunusi. However, now that the trend is becoming systematic, it will indeed, if left unchecked, render the reins of Sarauta effectively tenured, subject to the tenure of the governor behind it. 

After all, just like his enthronement in 2014 by then-Governor Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso and his subsequent dethronement in 2020 by then-Governor Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, Sarki Sunusi’s return to the Kano throne remains politically motivated within the context of the power struggle in Kano politics between Kwankwaso and Ganduje, two provincial vindictive enemies hell-bent on finishing off each other.  

By the way, as a subservient Kwankwaso ‘boy’, Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf himself is a mere fighting tool in the hands of his godfather in the struggle. 

Interestingly, Kwankwaso has tactically put his vengeful mission against Sunusi on hold for now, pending finishing off Ganduje and his legacy. 

Sunusi incurred then-Governor Kwankwaso’s wrath as a then-Lagos-based bank executive when he kept dishing out disparaging criticisms against Kwankwaso and his government. For instance, in an article he titled “The Kwankwaso Phenomenon”, Sunusi described then Governor Kwankwaso as a “rural aristocrat” who “surrounds himself with provincials and places key posts in the hands of rural elite”. He also compared Kwankwaso’s government to “the classic comedy of the Village Headmaster in a village council”. 

Kwankwaso got mad at Sunusi and demanded his sacking by his then-employer, United Bank for Africa (UBA). He threatened to stop his government’s dealings with the bank in case of non-compliance. 

Anyway, now that Sunusi is back, it remains to be seen how it plays out between him and Governor Abba, considering Sunusi’s penchant for publicity stunts involving controversial utterances against government policies and wrongdoings. 

As much as Sunusi is excited about his return to the Kano throne, the development represents a tricky dilemma for him that also tests his supposed commitment to outspokenness against government wrongdoings. 

On the one hand, Governor Abba won’t tolerate his stunts in the name of outspokenness; no governor will, either. And unless he (Sunusi) has, this time around, decided to desist from his stunts to keep his throne, Governor Abba, under Kwankwaso’s influence, won’t hesitate to go to any extent, including dethronement, to deal with him. 

On the other hand, his distance from his stunts would undoubtedly mean the end of the reputation he has somehow earned as an outspoken critic of government wrongdoings.  

Mohammad wrote from Dubai and can be reached via mohammadsidq@gmail.com.

The return of Sanusi

By Aliyu Nuhu

I have read the amended Kano Emirates law, which was brief, concise and straight to the point, to achieve certain ends. It is a promise fulfilled by the new NNPP government. Engr. Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso had said time without number that if elected, the government would repeal the Dr Abdullahi Umar Ganduje-led Emirates laws.

If Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf signs the amendment into law (which is a certainty), it will remove the present emirs from their offices and return all the Ganduje creation of first-class emirs back to district heads (hakimai). The affected emirs are those of Gaya, Rano, Karaye and Bichi.

The new law gives the governor the power to either re-appoint them hakimai or remove them and search for new ones.

Until the coming of this new law, I thought that Muhammadu Sanusi II’s return was impossible, as it had no precedence in the history of the Kano emirate. But after talking to officials and people who know the workings of the government, it appears certain that Sanusi will return to his throne, in fact, soon enough to preside over the coming Eid-Kabir prayer. 

Nothing is certain yet, but nothing is impossible, thanks to political intrigues and the need for the new government to reverse Ganduje’s legacies. There is no love lost between Kwankwaso, Abba, and Ganduje.

For my own views, I support the amendment of the Emirates laws and the return of a strong Kano emirate, but I don’t support Sanusi’s return as emir of Kano. The current Emir of Kano, Aminu Ado Bayero, is doing well and is loved by the people. 

I don’t support Sanusi’s return. I know he has not learned a lesson and will still come back and meddle with Kano politics, attack Abba and his government, and continue shooting his mouth as if he is an ordinary person. People who sit on the Kano throne don’t talk too much. He must also not try, like his grandfather did to Sardauna, to outshine the Kano state governor.

In history, there was an incident where the then-Emir Muhammadu Sanusi shamed Sardauna in the Kano race course parade ground by attracting a standing ovation with the Sardauna seated. The premier of Northern Nigeria considered it an affront to himself as the Emir stole the spotlight by arriving in full splendour and pageantry, and the whole assemblage had to stand up for the Emir in traditional homage and honour. It was a percussion to the dethronement of Emir Sanusi of Kano.

The grandson Sanusi Lamido Sanusi has inherited those tendencies from his grandfather, and I daresay when it comes to attacking and criticizing the government, Kwankwaso/Abba don’t have the patience, and if you like to call it table manners of Ganduje. They will throw out Sanusi in a blink of an eye.

They said a leopard never changes its colours. But time will tell.

Until then.

Debating the legality of institutional marketing in private schools

By Isma’il Hashim Abubakar

Schools established, owned and run by non-state actors and private institutions have, no one doubts, been providing a veritable substitute to the dilapidated public schools which have been suffering from wanton neglect by governments at various levels in Nigeria. Private schools have successfully, though not completely, reduced the burdens on governments to supply basic education for children in their public schools, which have been perpetually operating under the shadows of existential threat.

Although people of all social strata now have more faith in private schools and parents with even the meanest incomes and most fledgling source of earning, who always struggle to make ends meet, prefer to take their children to commercial schools at the behest of other life comforts, public schools, which serve as the last option for the extremely downtrodden, still seem to get congested due to the high number of enrollments of children from low-income families. If this indicates anything at all, it shows that people have now fully embraced modern education, and they can sacrifice the expensive things they have just to secure a quality formal education for their wards and children. 

While, as everyone knows, public schools tend not to have too many demands apart from the meagre or more affordable tuition fees, their private counterparts, in most cases, operate in such a way that many parents inwardly feel that the system is tilting more toward a business direction in an obvious capitalist fashion, despite that the dominant pretension of both parents and school managers is that of purely imparting knowledge and building sound character to the young and upcoming generation.

Many schools are extraordinarily excellent in both transmitting sound knowledge and instilling good morals in pupils, and as such, no material gratification can remunerate their work or compensate the teachers for their hard work, dedication and commitment toward discharging their duties and keeping good custody of what has been entrusted to them. In fact, some well-to-do parents often give gifts to teachers as an expression of gratitude for feeding their children with sound knowledge, which is primarily the responsibility of the parents but perfectly undertaken by the teachers on their behalf. As such, many parents may not bother with and will gently turn blind eyes to some straitjacketed and arbitrary financial demands that most commercial schools are now introducing day in and day out.

Some schools go beyond decorum and do not, in the least, pretend to be shy to depict their operation as a purely extortionate venture, deemphasizing the moral and instructional dimensions which their institutions are set upon. Parents now no longer feel at ease after having settled school fees which are the most basic financial burden that comes to everyone’s minds once private schools are mentioned. Not only do textbooks and instruction materials represent the source of anxiety that parents grapple with, but virtually everything which a school stipulates, largely with a marketing mindset. While most schools impose decrees that make it binding upon parents to buy textbooks, stationeries and all other instructional materials from the schools, some schools turn it into a rule that pupils and students must never be allowed into schools wearing uniforms supplied to them by their parents through all other channels apart from the tailoring unit of the schools.

Schools do complain that external tailors often violate dress codes and principles earmarked by the schools, including non-compliance with size, width and length but above all, the lack of authority to manufacture and issue official badges that are glued to uniforms. Hiding behind this pretext, schools have seized the free will of parents to transact with tailors of their choice, and because they aspire for their children to acquire quality education, they relinquish their right and bow down to the pressure of the schools. 

There is, however, no guarantee that the tailoring units of schools themselves are perfect for designing the most fitting and immaculate school attire for pupils. Having taught at both primary and secondary schools (as well as university), I have personally seen pupils wearing school-supplied uniforms that never matched or fully fitted the bodily structures of the pupils. If this is the case, this particular rule might have been informed more by a business instinct and less by a concern to preserve institutional dress codes. Parents of final year students who could only afford to pay for either WAEC or NECO exams for their children, which by the way, is better than missing both of them at once, are coerced by some schools to move heavens and earth to pay for the two exams or risk having their children removed from the list of graduating students. When they could not settle for the fees of the two exams and require the refunds of their money, they hardly recuperate more than half of what they have paid. 

Perhaps the most brazen example of such pecuniary impositions manifests in the demands of some schools on parents to pay internet charges, which would have been understandable and justified if pupils or students were engaged in regular computer lessons that are punctuated at close intervals by visits to websites. Alas! There are schools which extort this surcharge even from parents of nursery pupils, and the only justification for it is the data consumed by Whatsapp groups of parents initiated by the schools on which an administrator often sends announcements.

Many parents relate with schools while they are inwardly burnt due to how things have become in private schools, but because they envisage a better future for their children, they prefer to remain mute and only murmur their complaints on the rarest occasions or when they meet with fellow parents by the roadsides. The best opportunity for them to communicate or even express their squawks loudly to the schools is during periodic parents-teachers meetings, but the schools have been, paradoxically, hijacking and making platforms to further advocate their fiendish and self-aggrandizing policies. Their covert strategy is to appoint a loyal, docile and exceedingly compliant head of Parent-Teachers’ Association (PTA), and to gag his mouth for fear of being influenced by nonconformist parents, the schools bribe him with some free scholarship slots for his children. As a result, he weakens and sabotages any attempts by the parents to rise and challenge arbitrary extortions they suffer from these schools. 

Other schools have different, perhaps more treacherous strategies of navigating intricacies and tackling eventualities that may come up owing to this venture, such as giving undertaking papers for parents to sign before the children are accepted at the stage of enrollment, and many parents are carried away by the desire for the admission of their children and often don’t pay commensurate attention to these documents or mull over their future implications. The question that, however, is seldom asked, what is the legality of these modes of institutional marketing practices that have become norms in not only purely western-style schools but also model Islamic schools? To what extent do these operations comply with Islamic teachings and principles, and what are the business dimensions of these dealings which should then ideally be done and looked at from the viewpoint of Islamic commercial and financial regulations?

First of all, everyone knows what schools are primarily meant for, which is imparting knowledge and this should be the apex among all the operations that are expected to exist in the schools. Hence, from this prism, school fees are the most obligatory financial demands that parents are, by default, owed to schools and upon which any compromise will be a favour that the schools could grant or deny at will. Any other charge or tax is secondary and gains its legitimacy according to how it complements the primary function of schools, but, above all, it should be done in a transparent atmosphere defined by mutual agreement and understanding. In other words, selling textbooks, stationery and instructional materials at schools should be governed by Islamic commercial laws, without discrimination or thinking that schools could do as they will without referring to Islamic stipulations. If this is the case, then these materials sold to parents must be on the basis of freewill and agreement and not impositions that may result in penalties. 

Of course, many schools publish exercises and textbooks with their names and logos finely inscribed, which then makes it compulsory for parents to obtain the materials in no other places but the schools. Many other schools, meanwhile, retail the materials from markets and sell them to parents at exorbitant prices that at times double or triple the normal market prices. All these are normal and should be considered lawful businesses if only it is done with a mutual agreement such that parents have the liberty to buy either from the schools or at markets, or in the former case, if the materials are not sold arbitrarily at unimaginable prices just because of the inscriptions of logos and names. 

The general Islamic principle that confers legitimacy or otherwise to any business venture is free will and mutual agreement, and interestingly, this is explicitly postulated by the Qur’anic verse and Hadith, the two most fundamental sources of Islamic law. Allah says:

“Yā ayyuha alladhīna āmanū lā ta’kulū amwālakum bainakum bi al-bāṭil illā an takūna tijāratan ‘an tarāḍin minkum. Wa lā taqtulū anfusakum. Inna Allaha kāna bikum Raḥīma”.

“O you who believe! Eat not up your wealth among yourselves unjustly except it be a trade by mutual good-will: Nor kill (or destroy) yourselves: for verily Allah has been to you Most Merciful!” [Sūrat al-Nisā’: 29].

In his groundbreaking exegetical work al-Taḥrīr wa al-Tanwīr, the prolific commentator of the Qur’an, Muḥammad Ṭāhir Ibn ‘Āshūr posits that the prohibition to eat up people’s wealth without mutual agreement is paired with the crime of murder in the verse to draw Muslims’ attention on the gravity and heinousness of such a practice. He argues that it is emphasized because people do not largely consider it something significant and the victim is usually powerless and could hardly resist (as it occurs in private schools).

Moreover, in an authentic Ḥadith narrated by Anas bin Mālik, the Prophet (SAW) says, “lā yaḥillu mālu imri’in Muslimin illā ‘an ṭībi nafsin”. (It is unlawful to take a Muslim’s wealth except with his goodwill). [Dāru Qutnī, 3/26].

As asserted earlier, a lot of transactions in private schools are imposed upon parents, and school authorities often warn parents and even threaten to apply penalties when these marketing ventures are observed in the breach, leaving no room for a bargain and mutual consent that would ordinarily prevail in open transactions. Since this is the case, only a few people will contest the illegality of this practice. Needless to say, some officials and authorities, including ironically, of schools paraded as Islamic models, are, to some extent, oblivious of the legal status of their policies, although this is not a valid, genuine and acceptable reason. A Muslim is, after all, and before anything else, principally required to be fully conversant with the pros and cons of any action he undertakes.

One of the easiest ways to make amends and rectify this wrong tradition, irrespective of how well consolidated it is, how difficult it may be to refrain from or how odd our argument may sound to some, is to be so transparent and open to parents and gear the deal to be dictated by consent and mutual agreement. Freewill and mutual agreement are pivotal in any financial dealing and they determine whether it is done lawfully or unlawfully. 

And since schools, especially the religious ones, enjoy respect from parents, it will hardly be burdensome to mutually arrive at some understanding, and this, as beautifully ratiocinated by Ibn ‘Āshūr, could lead to the implementation of the divine principle that “if they give up willingly to you anything of it, then take it in satisfaction and ease” (fa in ṭibna lakum an shai’in minhu nafsan fakulūhu hanī’an marī’a) [Sūrat al-Nisā’, 4].

Indeed there is a need for governments to intervene and reintroduce guidelines that will neither oppress the schools nor allow them to do as they like, pertaining to their financial dealings with parents. Parents in Kano, for instance, will certainly look back with nostalgia at the era of Governor Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, who laid down modalities that checkmated arbitrary extortions of parents by commercial schools. He formed a formidable committee that regularly went around schools and observed their operations to ensure they complied with state regulations, most of which were meant to shield masses from further extortions.

Unfortunately, Kwankwaso’s successors did not maintain the tempo, and now things are, to say the least, almost getting out of control. School authorities would increase school fees at will and would rush to mention inflation as a cause and the need to better the condition of their staff, while in essence, it is the proprietor and a few notable among his cliques that would end up enjoying while flowing pittance to and leaving the majority of staff to keep on wallowing in despondency.

Ismail writes from Rabat, the Kingdom of Morocco and can be reached via ismailiiit18@gmail.com.

Military can end Nigeria’s security crisis

By Uzair Adam Imam

Former Minister of Defence and National Leader of the New Nigeria People’s Party (NNPP), Sen. Musa Kwankwaso, has emphasized the capability of the military to effectively address the prevailing security challenges in Nigeria, provided with the requisite support.

Speaking to journalists after the NNPP National Executive Committee meeting in Abuja, Kwankwaso underscored the pivotal role of the Federal Government in addressing the security crisis while urging Nigerians to actively contribute by providing crucial information to security agencies.

Drawing from his extensive experience in security matters as a former Minister of Defence and Chief Security Officer of Kano State, Kwankwaso emphasized that the gravity of the situation necessitates the involvement of the Nigerian military.

He stressed that alternative security measures, such as state-led initiatives, fall short of addressing the magnitude of the crisis.

Highlighting the dire consequences of the security challenges, including disruptions to agricultural activities and rampant abduction of innocent civilians, Kwankwaso urged collective efforts towards restoring peace and security in the country.

Asserting his party’s readiness to tackle the nation’s problems, Kwankwaso positioned the NNPP as a beacon of hope for Nigerians disillusioned by the failures of the All Progressives Congress (APC) and the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP).

Echoing Kwankwaso’s sentiments, Kano State Governor Abba Yusuf urged unwavering dedication among party members, emphasizing the need for wholehearted commitment to the NNPP’s vision for a better Nigeria.

Nepotism in Nigerian politics: A tale of two governors

By Umar Sani

In the intricate tapestry of Nigerian politics, nepotism is often woven deep into the fabric of governance. Recent events surrounding Engr. Abba Kabir Yusuf, popularly known as “Abba Gida Gida,” and Dr Abdullahi Umar Ganduje illuminate a troubling pattern of favouritism and cronyism that continues to plague the nation’s political landscape.

In a move reminiscent of his predecessor, Abba Kabir Yusuf has nominated Mustapha Kwankwaso, the son of his godfather Engr. Rabiu Kwankwaso, for a commissioner position. This decision raises eyebrows, echoing past criticisms of Ganduje’s administration, where appointments seemed to prioritise personal connections over merit.

Such actions underscore a disturbing reality: the entrenched culture of nepotism in Nigerian politics, where loyalty to political dynasties often outweighs competence and merit. While the faces may change, the playbook remains eerily similar, perpetuating a cycle of patronage that undermines the principles of accountability and good governance.

The parallels between Abba Kabir Yusuf and Abdullahi Umar Ganduje serve as a sobering reminder of the challenges facing Nigeria’s democracy. Despite differing affiliations, both governors have succumbed to the temptation of nepotism, prioritising the interests of elites and families over the welfare of the broader populace.

This nepotistic trend erodes public trust in the political system and exacerbates social and economic inequalities. When positions of power are monopolised by a select few, talented individuals from marginalised communities are denied opportunities for advancement, further entrenching the status quo of privilege and exclusion.

As the nation navigates its democratic journey, it is imperative to confront and address the scourge of nepotism head-on. Transparent and merit-based governance systems must be championed, where appointments are made based on qualifications rather than personal relationships.

Moreover, robust mechanisms for accountability and oversight are essential to ensure public officials are held accountable for their actions. Civil society organisations, independent media, and vigilant citizens play a crucial role in exposing and challenging instances of nepotism and corruption, fostering a culture of transparency and accountability in governance.

Ultimately, the fate of Nigerian politics rests in the hands of its citizens. By demanding accountability, transparency, and a commitment to the common good, Nigerians can pave the way for a brighter and more equitable future, free from the shackles of nepotism that have privileged few.

Umar Sani Adamu (Kawun Baba) wrote via umarhashidu1994@gmail.com.

Kano State’s scholarship debacle: Outstanding fees leave bright minds in limbo

By Dr Sagiru Mati

I was one of the beneficiaries of the 501 Scholarship Scheme during the Kwankwaso-Ganduje administration in 2012. Eleven of us were selected to pursue Master’s Degrees in Civil Engineering, Economics, and Software Engineering at Near East University. All expenses for tuition, accommodation, meals, a monthly stipend of four hundred US dollars ($400), flight tickets, and other necessary costs were covered and transferred to the university’s account. Towards the end of our program, an additional one thousand US dollars ($1,000) per person was also provided as a ‘thesis allowance.’ We are grateful to the Kano State government for this, and we hope that all scholarship schemes can be as hitch-free as ours.

Upon completing our master’s programs, approximately 50 students of Kano origin, primarily teenage girls, were transferred from India to Near East University. Additionally, a new group of undergraduates and post-graduates were granted scholarships under a new program initiated by the Ganduje-Hafiz administration. Unlike us, their fees and stipends were to be paid in instalments. Unfortunately, they faced numerous challenges, including delayed monthly stipends, despite their dedication to bringing pride to their parents and Kano State through hard work.

They comprise individuals holding PhDs (11 males and 1 female) and an MSc (1 female), alongside 47 undergraduates in Medicine (29 females and 5 males), Nursing (8 females and 2 males), Pharmacy (2 females), and Dentistry (1 female). In summary, there are 47 undergraduates and 13 postgraduates. These students showcased exceptional brilliance, making significant strides in their respective fields of study. Notable among them is Dr. Sani Isah Abba, the top PhD graduate in 2020, a distinguished researcher, and among the top 2% of world researchers in Artificial Intelligence. Assistant Professor Abdullahi Garba Usman stands out as the first postdoctoral scholar at Near East University, honoured with the Young Scholar Award, boasting over 800 citations.

Moreover, a married couple, Drs Auwalu Saleh Mubarak and Zubaida Said Ameen, received recognition from Near East University for two years in a row for their remarkable contributions to Biomedical Engineering research, accumulating hundreds of citations under their belts. Dr Rabiu Aliyu Abdulkadir is notable for having amassed more than 500 citations. At the same time, Dr. Abdulmalik Ahmad Lawan specialises in utilising technology for assessing autism spectrum disorder, and Dr. Umar Aliyu Shuaibu excels as an expert in assessing economic policy.

Similarly, the top three graduating medical students were Dr Ismail Adnan, securing the first position; Dr. Khadija Yusuf, ranking second; and Dr. Amina Aliyu Sambo, claiming the third spot. Likewise, Aliyu Nuhu Salihu distinguished himself as the top graduate in Nursing.

Despite these achievements, the Kano State government has not settled their tuition fees, stipends, and airfare for their return home. They were compelled to arrange their own means to travel back home. Near East University has withheld their certificates since 2019 due to the outstanding fees, which have escalated from around two hundred million Naira (NGN200,000,000) to approximately eight hundred million (NGN800,000,000) due to the depreciation of the Naira. Any further delay may increase this amount.

I have often pondered the following questions: Could it be because resolving their issues wouldn’t enhance political popularity? Is it because they don’t belong or lack connections to political families? Is it because there’s nothing in it for the government officials? Is it because the government lacks the funds to settle the debt?

I implore the government to act with compassion and understanding to settle this debt and safeguard the future of these bright minds before it becomes irreparable. They have demonstrated unwavering dedication to their education, and they deserve to have their achievements celebrated through the issuance of their certificates. The government should honour its commitment and restore the hope once ignited in these aspiring scholars’ hearts. They deserve the opportunity to reclaim their futures, proudly display their certificates, and embark on the careers they have diligently prepared for. Furthermore, Kano State needs human resources, predominantly female medical doctors in our hospitals and lecturers in our universities.

Sagiru Mati, BSc (BUK, Nigeria), MSc, PhD (NEU, North Cyprus), can be reached via sagirumati@yahoo.com.