Dr Abdullahi Umar Ganduje

By Abdulhamid Abdullahi Aliyu

In Kano today, politics is no longer whispered in corridors; it is argued loudly in markets, mosques and on social media timelines. Since Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf’s reported decision to part ways with the NNPP, the city has become a theatre of competing loyalties, sharp sarcasm and deeper constitutional questions. Supporters have reduced complex political choices into street labels—Abba’s camp being teased as ’yan a ci dadi lafiya, while the Kwankwasiyya faithful wear wuya ba ta kisa as a badge of honour. Beneath the banter, however, lies a serious national issue: who truly owns a political mandate?

Governor Abba Yusuf did not emerge from a vacuum. His ascent to the Kano Government House was inseparable from the Kwankwasiyya political machinery, a movement painstakingly built by Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso over two decades. From red caps to ideological messaging, the movement transcended party platforms and became a political identity. In the 2023 elections, many voters did not merely vote for a party; they voted for Kwankwasiyya as a symbol of continuity, defiance and populist appeal.

Yet, Abba Yusuf is no ceremonial beneficiary. He contested, won, survived legal battles and now governs with all the constitutional powers vested in an elected governor. His mandate, in law, is personal. Once sworn in, no political godfather—however influential—can legally issue directives from outside the Government House. This is where the tension lies: the clash between moral ownership of political capital and constitutional authority of office.

Those derisively tagged ’yan aci dadi lafiya by opponents argue that governance is about pragmatism, access to power and delivering dividends to the people. From their perspective, a sitting governor must build alliances beyond sentiment, protect his administration and ensure stability. Politics, they insist, is not a monastic vow of hardship but a strategic exercise in survival and results.

On the other side stand the wuya bata ƙi sa faithful—Kwankwasiyya loyalists who believe political struggle must be endured to preserve ideology. To them, Abba Yusuf’s move is not strategy but betrayal. They see it as an attempt to reap the fruits of a movement while discarding its architect. In their view, suffering with the movement, even outside power, is preferable to comfort without loyalty.

This divide exposes a recurring Nigerian dilemma: the uneasy relationship between political movements and the individuals they propel into office. From Awolowo’s disciples to Aregbesola’s rupture with Tinubu, Nigerian politics is littered with fallouts between founders and beneficiaries. Kano’s current drama is simply the latest chapter.

Kwankwaso’s influence in Kano politics is undeniable. Beyond elections, he represents a moral compass for millions who see him as a symbol of resistance against elite dominance. His supporters’ anger is therefore not merely partisan; it is emotional and ideological. To them, Abba Yusuf’s political identity was inseparable from Kwankwaso’s shadow.

However, governance demands autonomy. A governor who appears perpetually tethered to an external authority risks administrative paralysis and legitimacy questions. Abba Yusuf’s defenders argue that Kano cannot be governed from outside its constitutional structures. They insist that the electorate voted not just for Kwankwaso’s endorsement but for Abba Yusuf’s promise to lead.

The real casualty in this contest, unfortunately, risks being governance itself. When political energy is consumed by loyalty tests and factional supremacy, policy focus suffers. Kano’s challenges—urban congestion, youth unemployment, educational deficits, and security concerns—require a governor fully immersed in administration, not in constant political firefighting.

There is also the electoral implication. While Kwankwasiyya remains a formidable grassroots force, incumbency is a powerful weapon. State resources, visibility, and administrative control can quickly reshape political narratives. The assumption that loyalty automatically translates into electoral dominance may underestimate the pragmatism of Nigerian voters, especially when power dynamics shift.

Yet, Abba Yusuf’s path is equally fraught. Detaching from a movement that delivered his victory carries political costs. Kano’s electorate is emotionally invested, and symbols matter. If his administration fails to convincingly outperform expectations, the narrative of ingratitude could harden into electoral punishment.

Ultimately, this is not just a Kano story; it is a Nigerian one. It forces a national reflection on whether mandates belong to parties, movements, godfathers or the individuals elected by the people. The Constitution is clear, but politics rarely is.

Perhaps the wisest outcome lies not in triumph or humiliation but in recalibration. Political movements must learn to institutionalise beyond personalities, while elected officials must acknowledge the moral debts that brought them to power. Neither absolute loyalty nor total independence offers a sustainable path.

As the dust settles, the sarcasm of ’yan a ci dadi lafiya and wuya ba ta kisa may fade, but the questions will linger. In Nigeria’s democracy, mandate is both a legal instrument and a moral contract. Kano’s unfolding drama reminds us that ignoring either side of that equation comes at a cost—sometimes higher than any political suffering.

Abdulhamid Abdullahi Aliyu is a journalist and syndicate writer based in Abuja

By Umar Sani Adamu (Kawun Baba)

The defection of Kano State Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf from the New Nigeria Peoples Party, NNPP, to the All Progressives Congress, APC, has exposed more than a political shift. It has laid bare the fragility of slogans elevated above reason and the contradictions within Kano’s dominant political movement.

For years, the phrase “Mayiyan Kano” was used by followers of Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso whenever events did not go their way. It served as a blanket response to court rulings, electoral outcomes, and opposing views. What began as a casual expression gradually hardened into a political shield used to dismiss criticism rather than engage it.

Ironically, Governor Yusuf was once celebrated as the ultimate proof of loyalty to the Kwankwasiyya structure. A report by The Daily Reality during the early phase of his administration went to remarkable lengths to present him as a devoted disciple of his mentor and political godfather. His actions, his rhetoric, and even his body language were framed as evidence of unquestionable allegiance. At the time, loyalty was portrayed as a virtue, and Yusuf was held up as its finest example.

That narrative has now collapsed under the weight of political reality. Following his defection, the same voices that once applauded his loyalty have rushed to brand him disloyal. The sudden moral outrage is striking not because politicians change camps but because of the selective memory at play. If loyalty were absolute, then it should have been defined beyond convenience. If it were conditional, then honesty demands admitting that politics is transactional, not sentimental.

The revival of Makiyan Kano, that’s “The enemy of Kano” or “One who works against the interests of Kano”. In this context reveals its emptiness. Rather than interrogate why a sitting governor would abandon the platform that brought him to power, some loyalists have retreated to slogans. It is easier to chant than to reflect. Easier to accuse than to accept that political authority ultimately rests with individuals, not movements.

What this moment exposes is a deeper problem within Kano politics: the attempt to freeze loyalty in time while ignoring changing realities. Governance is not sustained by personal allegiance to a mentor but by navigating power structures, resources, and national relevance. To pretend otherwise is to confuse political romance with political responsibility.

Supporters of the governor argue that his decision was informed by pragmatism and the pursuit of Kano’s broader interests. Whether one agrees or not, it is a position that deserves debate, not dismissal. Slogans do not govern states. Decisions do.

Makiyan Kano has returned to public discourse, but its meaning has shifted. It no longer signals confidence. It now sounds like frustration. In the end, movements that rely on chants instead of ideas often struggle when reality refuses to cooperate. Kano politics appears to be learning that lesson the hard way.

Umar Sani Adamu (Kawun Baba) wrote via umarhashidu1994@gmail.com.

By  Ibrahiym A. El-Caleel

Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso should be competing on the national stage with contemporaries such as Senator Bola Tinubu, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, and other Class of 1999 political actors. By pedigree, experience, and longevity, Kwankwaso has clearly outgrown Kano politics, and he does not need to prove it again in 2027. However, he appears stuck in state-level politics. 

Kwankwaso is at odds with the two successive Kano governors after him, both of whom are his protégés: Dr Abdullahi Ganduje and the incumbent, Engr Abba Kabir Yusuf. He says they have “betrayed” him. There was a show of electoral force at his residence in Kano this afternoon. A large number of people trooped into his Miller Road residence in what he later called a “solidarity visit”.  

These developments indicate that Senator Kwankwaso is once again positioning himself for state-level dominance rather than advancing a national ambition in 2027. Ideally, Kwankwaso should defeat Governor Abba through a candidate he anoints for #KanoDecides2027. But a deeper question remains: should the 2027 ambition of a politician of Kwankwaso’s stature be focused on unseating a “betraying” godson at the state level, when Kwankwaso’s contemporaries have either honourably retired from politics or are positioning themselves for the presidency? 

Who exactly would Kwankwaso replace Abba with, and what assurance does he have that a newly installed godson would not eventually “betray” him, just as Ganduje and Abba did? At this point, there is little reason to believe the outcome would be different. The current godsons around him are likely to use his influence to rise and then assert their independence once in office. There is no clear indication that they would be more submissive than their two elder political siblings, Ganduje and Abba. How do you keep doing the same thing repeatedly while expecting a different result? 

There is also a genuine political risk. What if Abba Yusuf, like Ganduje before him, survives the onslaught and secures a second term? This is not an endorsement of electoral malpractice, but a recognition of Nigeria’s political realities. Kano’s 2019 gubernatorial election demonstrated how powerful interests can intervene decisively; Dr Ganduje ultimately retained office despite glaring indications that he lost at the polls.

If a similar outcome were to occur in 2027 and Governor Yusuf were to proceed to a second tenure, would that not constitute a second public humiliation for the godfather? What explanation would suffice then? That yet another protégé has matured enough to build political alliances strong enough to neutralise Kwankwaso’s influence? At that point, the narrative shifts decisively: from betrayed mentor to diminishing power broker.

On the other hand, if Senator Kwankwaso succeeds in unseating Governor Yusuf and installing another loyalist, what exactly would he be celebrating at the end of the day? That Kwankwasiyya has simply replaced Kwankwasiyya? That a godfather has prevailed over his own godson? Such victories may satisfy the logic of control, but they do little to expand political influence, strengthen institutions, or advance democratic culture. At best, they amount to an internal power rotation within the same political family, offering no clear gain to the broader society.

Ultimately, this debate goes beyond personalities. Do we really need a political model anchored on godfathers, covenants, and lifelong loyalty to patrons? Has Buhari’s repeated endorsement of anointed candidates meaningfully improved governance or political culture in the North? Has Tinubu’s entrenched godfatherism in the South West translated into measurable social or institutional progress? Until we seriously examine the long-term costs of political baptism, loyalty tests, and patronage politics, it remains difficult to argue that godfatherism is the most viable model for a modern democratic society.

 Ibrahiym A. El-Caleel wrote via caleel2009@gmail.com.

By Anwar Usman

The National Chairman of the All Progressives Congress, Dr Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, said on Wednesday that when he assumed office, he found an N8.9 billion debt from the previous leadership.

The former Kano State governor made this known in Abuja, where he was speaking at the ongoing National Executive Committee meeting of the APC.

He stated that the expenses were incurred during pre-election legal battles, election cases, and appeals for legislative, governorship, and presidential elections.

He explained, “The current NWC inherited debts and legal liabilities amounting to N8,987,874,663, arising from various legal engagements.”

The former Governor explained that Professor Abdul Kareem Kana (SAN), the National Legal Adviser, has been working to alleviate the debt burden.

He pleaded, “We still passionately appeal to the National Executive Committee to intervene accordingly”.

In attendance were President Bola Tinubu, Vice President Kashim Shettima, Senate President Godswill Akpabio, Speaker of the House of Representatives Tajudeen Abbas, state governors, NWC members, and other party chieftains.

By Uzair Adam  

On Sunday, the Deputy President of the Senate, Senator Barau I. Jibrin, distributed 61 cars and 1,137 motorcycles to leaders of the All Progressives Congress (APC) in Kano State.  

The distribution, held at Meena Event Centre on Lugard Road near the Kano State Government House, was attended by key party stakeholders, including the APC National Chairman, Dr Abdullahi Umar Ganduje.  

The vehicles and motorcycles were allocated to party chairmen in the 44 local government areas and 484 wards of the state as part of efforts to strengthen the APC’s grassroots structure.  

Speaking at the event, the Kano State APC Chairman, Abdullahi Abbas, lauded Barau for consistently supporting the party since the New Nigeria People’s Party (NNPP) took over the state in 2023. 

He emphasized that ahead of the 2027 elections, aspirants would be assessed based on their contributions to the party’s development.  

Similarly, the Chairman of the House of Representatives Committee on Petroleum Resources (Upstream), Rep. Alhassan Ado Doguwa, expressed confidence in the APC’s resurgence, predicting that the NNPP would be defeated before 1 p.m. on election day in 2027.  

In his remarks, APC National Chairman Dr Ganduje commended Barau for the initiative, describing it as a step towards consolidating the party and improving the livelihoods of its members. 

He also highlighted the increasing defections from the NNPP to the APC, suggesting that the opposition party’s influence in Kano was waning.  

Senator Barau, while addressing the gathering, described the empowerment initiative as just the beginning of a broader program targeting various sectors, including youths, students, farmers, women, traders, and clerics. 

He reaffirmed his commitment to expanding the initiative and urged continued support for President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s administration.  

He noted that Tinubu’s policies were beginning to yield positive results, citing the gradual reduction in fuel prices, stabilization of the Naira, and improvements in food prices.  

“This is just the tip of the iceberg. We will empower all spheres of society. Let’s continue to support Mr. President for the success of his programs,” Barau said.

By Hadiza Abdulkadir

Popular Kannywood actor Mustapha Badamasi Nabraska has defected from the New Nigeria People’s Party (NNPP) and the Kwankwasiyya Movement to the All Progressives Congress (APC).

Senator Barau Jibril, representing Kano North, announced the defection on social media, revealing that Nabraska visited his residence in Abuja, where he symbolically discarded his red cap—an emblem of the Kwankwasiyya Movement. Senator Ibrahim Lamido (Sokoto East) and Political Adviser Hon. Yusuf Tumfafi were also present to receive him.

Nabraska, known for his shifting political allegiances, previously worked under the APC-led government of former Kano governor Dr. Abdullahi Umar Ganduje. However, after the NNPP’s victory in the 2023 Kano governorship election, he switched sides, only to return to APC now.

The actor’s latest move has drawn mixed reactions. Many social media users mock his frequent party changes, suggesting they are motivated by personal gain rather than ideology.

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

Kano state Governor, Abba Yusuf, has accused his predecessor, Dr. Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, of promoting corruption and nepotism in the management of urban planning and land allocations during his tenure.

Governor Yusuf vowed to expose and correct the mistakes made by Ganduje, who is currently the National Chairman of the All Progressive Congress (APC).

In a statement signed by his spokesperson, Comrade Sanusi Bature Dawakin Tofa, Governor Yusuf criticized Ganduje’s administration for alleged corruption, mismanagement, and urban planning failures.

He vowed to restore order through reforms, emphasizing accountability, innovation, and sustainable development.

Governor Yusuf also launched the recertification of Certificate-of-Occupancy (C-of-O) for efficient and transparent land management system in the sate.

Governor Yusuf described the development as a milestone for creating an efficient and transparent land management system.

He flagged off a comprehensive recertification of Certificates of Occupancy (C-of-O) to ensure accurate, secure land records, protect investments, and resolve disputes, urging landowners to comply promptly.

According to the Statement, central to the reforms is a state-of-the-art Geographic Information System (GIS) to modernize land management, improve urban planning, enhance taxation, and eliminate revenue leakages.

Measures also include banning inappropriate land allocations and setting up a State Task Force on Development Control to address urban development challenges and protect Kano’s cultural heritage.

Governor Yusuf highlighted the complete renovation of KANGIS and the Ministry’s facilities, now equipped with modern ICT infrastructure to enhance service delivery, reflecting the administration’s commitment to professionalism, transparency, and development.

By Bilal Muhammad Bello (BMB)

It is widely recognised across Kano State that the 44 LGA Day Technical Schools have been abandoned and remain under incomplete construction. These schools were established in 2012 during the second tenure of former Governor Senator Rabi’u Musa Kwankwaso. 

The initial progress on these schools was swift under Kwankwaso’s administration. However, the subsequent government, led by former Governor Dr. Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, halted the continuation of the project.

The abandonment of these schools has not only led to their physical decay but also created opportunities for theft and vandalism, with some individuals stealing materials from the school premises. The neglected sites have also become hubs for illicit activities, posing a threat to the safety and well-being of the surrounding communities.

It is crucial to bring this matter to the attention of His Excellency, Engineer Abba Kabir Yusuf, the current Governor of Kano State. Your commitment to advancing education in both urban and rural areas, particularly through the construction of classroom blocks, the reduction of registration fees for higher education institutions, and the provision of postgraduate scholarships, is commendable and has garnered praise from Kano residents and visitors alike.

During your 2019 and 2023 gubernatorial campaigns, you pledged to resume work on the 44 LGA Day Technical Schools. I respectfully appeal to your administration to take swift action to complete these schools. By doing so, you will transform these temporary sites into permanent institutions, ensuring they fulfil their original purpose and preventing further loss of valuable materials.

Bilal Muhammad Bello (BMB) wrote from Mass Communication, Bayero University Kano.

By Dr Raji Bello

Following encouragement from some friends, let me say what I’ve been a bit reluctant to say. It is based on my conviction as a dispassionate and non-partisan observer and of course, as a non-indigene of Kano State.

The root cause of the emirship imbroglio in Kano, in my view, was the inability of Muhammadu Sanusi II to subordinate himself and his office to the Ganduje administration as required by the terms of his appointment. This is essentially what triggered every other thing that has happened and which has led us to where we are today. To correct any problem permanently, we need to examine its root cause.

I am not saying that Sanusi is not an emir of high intellect who is enormously popular among the people. This assessment of mine is based on only one criterion — his willingness or ability to comply with the terms of his appointment — and it is made without prejudice to his qualities, endowments and accomplishments as an individual, technocrat and emir. Like other human beings, the emir is not perfect. He might have excelled in 9 out of 10 criteria but his failure in the 10th is the cause of the emirship crisis because it happened to be a very important criterion.

All post-colonial emirs and traditional rulers have been obligated to demonstrate loyalty and due courtesy to government be it colonial, democratic or military. History is replete with examples of the huge price that was exacted each time an emir fell short on loyalty towards government.

As an intellectual of high standing, the emir must have been aware of that history. When he set out to be emir, he should have been conscious of the terms of appointment and should have fully reflected on whether it was the appropriate platform for someone of his disposition or not. The emir seems to want the Kano emirship in its pristine 19th century form when it didn’t answer to a non-traditional authority. This betrays a lack of situational awareness and good judgement because the reality is that the 19th century is long gone and can never be brought back. So if anyone is interested in becoming emir in the 21st century, it has to be under 21st century terms.

The Ganduje administration had accused the emir of multiple infractions from political partisanship, insurbordination and failure to demonstrate courtesy towards it. Some of these infractions had played out in public for all to see and hear which means that they were not false accusations. I do not fully endorse the former government’s actions (which bore traces of the usual Nigerian impunity) but it is clear that it was provoked into taking actions against the emir. I believe that all state governments are inclined by default to respect the traditional institutions within their states and hostilities only break out when there is a breach of the terms of appointment (usually, but not always) on the part of the traditional rulers.

There is no individual who is so important or popular that they would enjoy exemptions from complying with the terms of their appointment. This is an incontrovertible fact. A friend told me that the emirship style of Aminu Ado Bayero is a bit bland compared to that of Muhammadu Sanusi II. I replied that this is true but the Aminu style is actually the correct one.

Post-colonial emirship is not a radical or revolutionary platform and, after the 1976 Local Government Reforms, the traditional institutions in northern Nigeria lost all the vestiges of authority that were previously delegated to them under the Native Authority system. The post of traditional ruler is now just a custodianship of heritage whose essential features are loyalty, co-operation and circumspection.

Yes, Sanusi is wildly popular, has a deeper intellect, a gifted oratory and displays a higher sartorial elegance but it was Aminu Bayero who was doing the emirship correctly under its current terms. Those who cheered Sanusi as he breached the terms of his appointment were not helping him or the Kano emirship institution.

Mohammad Qaddam Sidq Isa (Daddy)                     

The return of Muhammadu Sunusi ll as Sarkin Kano is yet another manifestation of the influence of politics on the traditional Masarauta establishment, which, after all, has always been used and abused by politicians.

Since the British conquest of the Usman Dan Fodio Islamic sultanate in what subsequently became part of today’s northern Nigeria, the enthronement and dethronement of emirs (Sarakuna) have always been motivated by underlying political interests. 

Throughout the colonial era, the British would only enthrone aspiring princes deemed the most loyal to the British colonial establishment as leaders of their respective emirates. This practice enabled them to maintain their colonial grip through those proxy-Sarakuna. And since then, successive generations of military and civilian administrators have followed suit, enthroning and dethroning Sarakuna literally at will. 

The only shift in this regard is that, in the past, the influence of political leaders would mostly come to play only when a throne became vacant mainly due to the death of the Sarki, when the incumbent governor would influence the emergence of his successor, as it happened in 2014 in Kano that led to the enthronement of Sunusi. However, now that the trend is becoming systematic, it will indeed, if left unchecked, render the reins of Sarauta effectively tenured, subject to the tenure of the governor behind it. 

After all, just like his enthronement in 2014 by then-Governor Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso and his subsequent dethronement in 2020 by then-Governor Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, Sarki Sunusi’s return to the Kano throne remains politically motivated within the context of the power struggle in Kano politics between Kwankwaso and Ganduje, two provincial vindictive enemies hell-bent on finishing off each other.  

By the way, as a subservient Kwankwaso ‘boy’, Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf himself is a mere fighting tool in the hands of his godfather in the struggle. 

Interestingly, Kwankwaso has tactically put his vengeful mission against Sunusi on hold for now, pending finishing off Ganduje and his legacy. 

Sunusi incurred then-Governor Kwankwaso’s wrath as a then-Lagos-based bank executive when he kept dishing out disparaging criticisms against Kwankwaso and his government. For instance, in an article he titled “The Kwankwaso Phenomenon”, Sunusi described then Governor Kwankwaso as a “rural aristocrat” who “surrounds himself with provincials and places key posts in the hands of rural elite”. He also compared Kwankwaso’s government to “the classic comedy of the Village Headmaster in a village council”. 

Kwankwaso got mad at Sunusi and demanded his sacking by his then-employer, United Bank for Africa (UBA). He threatened to stop his government’s dealings with the bank in case of non-compliance. 

Anyway, now that Sunusi is back, it remains to be seen how it plays out between him and Governor Abba, considering Sunusi’s penchant for publicity stunts involving controversial utterances against government policies and wrongdoings. 

As much as Sunusi is excited about his return to the Kano throne, the development represents a tricky dilemma for him that also tests his supposed commitment to outspokenness against government wrongdoings. 

On the one hand, Governor Abba won’t tolerate his stunts in the name of outspokenness; no governor will, either. And unless he (Sunusi) has, this time around, decided to desist from his stunts to keep his throne, Governor Abba, under Kwankwaso’s influence, won’t hesitate to go to any extent, including dethronement, to deal with him. 

On the other hand, his distance from his stunts would undoubtedly mean the end of the reputation he has somehow earned as an outspoken critic of government wrongdoings.  

Mohammad wrote from Dubai and can be reached via mohammadsidq@gmail.com.