Dauda Kahutu Rarara

By Bilyamin Abdulmumin

When the former president Muhammadu Buhari’s praise singer Dauda Adamu Abdullahi Kahutu (Rarara), held a media conference some time ago, he stirred up the hornet’s nest. A press conference that initially appeared to lament about being sidelined in the current government ‘that they work hard to enthrone’ took an unexpected turn. Rarara would veer off the course to make damning allegations about the administration of his former boss. 

One of these damages, which sent shockwaves in social media, was that President Buhari did not leave the office until he brought every part of the country to a grinding halt, stating, ‘sai da ya yi dama-dama da kasar nan’. A journalist immediately posed the question that many Nigerians would be wondering: You were in the administration for eight years but haven’t raised a finger until now. Why? Rarara’s response was typical; he claimed he had been hopeful that something positive would happen, so he remained aloof during the eight-year tenure. 

However, sceptics, who don’t take things at face value, could argue that the president had an eight-year mandate. Within those years, how long would have been enough time for Rarara to raise the alarm? This was not to mention the apparent romance Rarara had had with the government during those years. This reminds me of one scandal that occurred during the Goodluck Ebele Jonathan (GEJ) government, and upon the pressure from the public, GEJ appeared determined to leave no stone unturned, so he gave two two-week ultimatum to the committee he set up to finish the investigation to bring the culprit to book.

However, to the most awe and shock, the person indicted for corruption would join the then-presidential foreign tour immediately after the order. A typical case of saying something, but body language says another. When considering the complete picture of the scenarios, the questionable timing and an unconvincing response led almost everyone to dismiss Rarara’s claims with a wave of the hand.

Rarara also launched another salvo, asserting that the 100 days of Bola Ahmed Tinubu were better than the entire eight years of Muhammadu Buhari. While the general view is that Buhari didn’t meet the messianic expectations set for him, drawing a parallel between eight years and 100 days for two different governments is like judging a sprinter’s performance in the first few meters of a marathon. For Rarara to make this shallow comparison, he must be among the Nigerians who thought 100 days was enough for the government to make substantial development. Ever since the United States president, Franklin D. Roosevelt, coined “first 100 days”, the gesture kept going wild; Nigerians have since imported and made it a ritual.

Because the mainstream media has amplified it and become embraced by the public, the newly elected Nigerian officials have become desperate to show that they could lift Zuma rock in the first 100 days in office. Assuming the new government has no serious court litigations to contend with, and the previous administration has little influence on their government, when did the busybody officials finish digesting the thousands of pages of the transition document handed over to them to decide on the administration trajectory? It is even the previous government budget that is already running. When they started to make their own, when were the projects conceived and implemented and matured for the public’s admiration? The speed at which a project is untimely executed to impress the public would go down the heel with double the speed.

In another arsenal that Rarara unleashed, he claimed to have contributed more to Buhari’s success than Buhari did himself. Following the historic dethronement of the incumbent in 2015, people pondered on the key figures that played the most significant role in paving the way for this landmark event: Rarara, President Buhari, and the Card Reader. Including Rarara in this list is a testament to his significant contribution to President Buhari’s success. However, that is not the complete story. All successful people have a tale to share; one crucial factor that defines them is consistency. They persistently push forward until circumstances align for success. So, in that moment of triumph, who rightfully claims the bragging rights?

Two theories were put forward to explain Rarara’s controversial media conference. One theory suggested that Rarara was acting based on the consent of the current administration, an indirect way of informing the public about the status quo of the country they inherited. Masses were already a block of ice waiting for an opportunity to rupture, no thanks to the ever-increasing prices of goods and services. This gave the ruling APC a conundrum: Should they give themselves excuses by condemning the previous administrations, or should they avoid self-sabotage and keep quiet? Therefore, Rarara, lacking a political appointment but commanding a Northern audience, became a strategic mouthpiece. This theory is plausible enough because, beyond the surface, the government could employ several manoeuvres to shift the public’s focus during hard times to avoid citizens’ wrath. 

The second theory shared by many, including Prof. Abdallah Uba Adamu, was that Rarara is a typical gold digger; his loyalty is not through thin and thick. He has consistently known to forsake one boss at a time of scarceness and identify with another where the abundance is emerging. From praise songs to invective ones; from Saraki Sai Allah for Shekarau to Malam yayi rawa da alkyabba, from dawa ta bare for Kwankwaso to Tsula tsilla tsilla, from uban Abba for Ganduje to hankaka.  But despite that, the nation was surprised to wake up with Rarara’s latest bombshell.  Because Rarara seems to have gone aboard when it comes to Buhari and his government, he goes all out against the critics of Buhari not only in his songs but also in several interviews he offered. 

As Rarara now courts new relationships with incumbents like Nasir Yusuf Gawuna, Dikko Umar Radda, or Bola Ahmed Tinubu, caution is advised. His track record of shifting loyalty raises questions about the depth of his commitment. These figures and their supporters should be wary of potential shifts and assess the sincerity of the newfound alliances.

Bilyamin Abdulmumin wrote via bilal4riid13@gmail.com.

By Ahmad Deedat Zakari

The Nigerian Police Force, NPF, has dismissed three officers on the ground of infamous conduct.

NPF Spokesperson, CSP Olumuyiwa Adejobi, disclosed this in a statement he signed and made available to journalists on Thursday.

According to the statement, the dismissal is sequel to complaints received against the erring officers.

He wrote, ” Subsequent to complaints and findings on video evidence widely circulated on Friday 7th April, 2023, on social media of high-handedness, unprofessional conduct, and misuse of firearms against some policemen from Special Protection Unit (SPU) Base 1, Kano, and a follow-up orderly room trial of the affected policemen by the Force Provost Marshal, three officers from the SPU Base 1 Kano have been dismissed for the offences of discreditable conduct to wit misuse of firearms, abuse of power, gross indiscipline, and wastage of live ammunition.”

The affected policemen are Inspector Dahiru Shuaibu, Sgt. Abdullahi Badamasi and Sgt. Isah Danladi.

The said officers were attached to a musician in Kano on escort duties and were seen in videos shooting indiscriminately into the air.

Consequent of the development, the NPF warned officers to be law abiding ‘to avoid running foul of its provisions and attracting attendant sanctions’

By Prof. Abdalla Uba Adamu

For the past 43 years that I have been a researcher, there were two areas I stay clear of: politics and religion. If you see my hand in any of these two, then the entry point is popular or media culture. For instance, I have recorded a lot of Kano Qadiriyya’s Anfasu zikr, not as a devotee, but as an ethnomusicologist – focusing on the body percussion and movements (after studying the wonderful works of Margaret Kartomi on body percussion while in Morocco). Similarly – and to balance things somewhat – I recorded Tijjaniyya zikr sessions at Chiranci in the city of Kano as part of a larger study on religious performances. All my recordings were uploaded to a dedicated YouTube public channel. I was, therefore, amused when people try to pigeonhole me either as Qadri or Tijjani. I am neither.

Politically, I am apolitical, meaning I really don’t care who rules the country. I don’t even vote, having done once a long time ago (at the insistence of a dear friend), and promised never to do it again. But performance arts brought my attention to protest songs and the prosecution of singers in Kano. The end product was a paper, “Poetic Barbs: Invective Political Poetry in Kano Popular Culture” which I am sure is floating somewhere in a modified form. And I thought that was it.

In 2014 I came across a song that I found amusing. I was playing it on my laptop when someone exhibited surprised that I was listening to the songs of Dauda Adamu Abdullahi Kahutu, with a stage name of Rarara. That was the first time I even heard the name. The song was “Zuwan Maimalafa Kano.” It attracted my attention in two ways. First, its lyrical construction, as well as its delivery, was just amazing. Rapid fire. He should have been a rapper, a genre of music I am totally besotted on (old school DMX, 2Pac, Snoop Dogg, Ice Cube, Queen “The Equalizer” Latifah, y’all). It was clear Rarara was singing off the cuff, not reading from a setlist or lyrical sheet. Second, it was the most detailed invective song I have heard in the Hausa Afropop music genre. I started digging and latched on to him and his songs. So, for the last seven years or so, I have been following every song he released using the invective matrix.

So, what is an invective song? Invective is the literary device in which one attacks or insults a person or thing through the use of abusive language and tone. If you like, “zambo/shaguɓe”. Invective is often accompanied by negative emotion. Invective can be divided into two types: high and low invective. High invective requires the use of formal and creative language, while Low invective, on the other hand, makes use of rude and offensive images. From 2010, Rarara became a master of popular Hausa invective oral poetry. He used his skills to abuse, insult and body shame anyone he was paid to insult. Including former masters and associates.

A pattern evolved. His switchbacks. Chronologically, his earliest non-invective song was “Saraki Sai Allah” (in honour of then Governor Ibrahim Shekarau’s turbaning as Sardaunan Kano in 2010 by the late Emir of Kano, Alhaji Ado Bayero). In 2011 – barely a year later – when Shekarau failed to anoint Rarara’s ‘master’, Deputy Governor Abdullahi T. Gwarzo, to succeed him, Rarara became ballistically invective – and established a career in body shaming, abuses and innuendoes against various previous masters. Shekarau bore the blunt of colorist abuses – often a case of the kettle calling the pot black. No one was spared his invective barbs. Deeply cut. Insulting. Spread over 39 songs, from 2014’s “Malam Ya Yi Rawa Da Alkyabba”, to 2023’s “Tangal-Tangal.”

I have seen social media calling Rarara out on his not being a Kano indigene, getting rich in Kano through his songs, and yet insulting Kano’s leaders. This is all true. However, ‘da ɗan gari a kan ci gari’ (enemy within). Only about three songs in my analytical corpus by Rarara were free-standing (i.e., unsponsored). All the others were commissioned and paid for – by politicians from Kano, to abuse other politicians from Kano. Rarara always acknowledges his sponsors in the opening doxology of his performances.

Rarara was a highly unprincipled and unethical businessman. Show him the money, and he will praise his closest friend and abuse the friend’s enemy. Show him more money, and he will insult the same friend he praised, and heap praises on the enemy he insulted. Does anyone remember that the glorified “Ɗan Ƙaramin Sauro” (irritating mote) was part of the demeaned “Banza Bakwai” (Bastard Seven)? The bromance did not end well, did it? Business unusual.

In any event, Rarara’s invective braggadocio came back to hit him hard on 5th April 2023 when his opponents used his mother’s picture in unflattering terms and splattered it all over social media and gave her a feminine variation of an insulting name he used against one of his targets. Apparently when the shoe is on the other foot, it pinches.

Thus, instead of focusing on political ideology and promises of creating a better life for the electorate, often politicians in Kano (and I think Kano, as usual, is the only state that uniquely does this) would pay more attention to denigrating, shaming, and condemning opposing candidates, creating an unfavorable imagery of the politician to prevent his being voted. Rarara was a perfect malleable puppet in this process. He has the same emotional value to Kano politicians as an alien from Saturn. Despite his lyrical brilliance and acerbic wit, he was expendable. How many singers from Kano can you recall doing the same invective insults as Rarara to Kano politicians? Two? Three? Their corpus is not as extensive as that of Rarara. Conversely, how many politicians from Katsina pay Rarara money to insult other Katsina politicians? I can only remember one.

Wary of possible legal action against direct defamatory speeches, politicians often find it easier to engage what I call ‘political drones’ to communicate their defamatory messages through the popular medium of singing. In this way, when push comes to shove, it is the singer who would face legal – or in some cases, physical – wrath in one way or other. Unethical singers like Rarara – who was arrested, but not charged in 2014 over “Zuwan Maimalafa Kano” – were willing to pay the price in exchange for the stupendous amount of money they will receive. At least they will have enough for medical care when their houses were wrecked, assaulted and incapacitated to continue singing.

And the politician who caused it all? He can’t even remember the song that made him popular, having moved on to greener political pastures. Until the next election cycle when he will latch on another expendable drone to help him heat up the polity through more invective songs using campaign words he does not have the guts to utter himself.

Rarara’s defense of not uttering specific names in his invective taunts and body shaming do not stand up to scrutiny under Nigeria’s defamation laws, and demonstrates that while he was a brilliant lyricist, he needs to understand the law. This is because his invective defamation in the form of his songs is publicly available (indeed, he made them so), created a narrative about individuals that are easily identifiable either by their physical appearance or public behavior, created a negative impression on the person being so targeted, and was not misquoted as Rarara’s utterances (from his songs) were publicly available and subject to an only interpretation as intended. A clever prosecutor would have enough to jail Rarara on listening to any of his invective songs, if someone complained hard enough.

Invective songs can often have their positive sides in the sense of making politicians – or their targets – aware of public perception of their misdemeanors, or at most, errant behaviors. Rarara’s invective narrative in the selected songs I analyzed, however, do not demonstrate their oversight functions in public accountability for politicians. Regardless of whether explicit names were uttered or not, their narrative was focused on kicking them when they are down, and subjecting them to public ridicule. This questions the artistry of Rarara as a purveyor of aesthetic values of the Hausa oral arts.

Academicians ignore Rarara and his art – and I think that’s a mistake. True, some would argue that his songs have no aesthetic, intellectual or ideological value. On the contrary, they do. In their own way. They are beautiful as lyrical discourses. His delivery is truly artistic, even if the content is inelegant. Unlike other songs in the repertoire of political communication, his are not protest songs, and thus lack ideological focus. They neither educate, illuminate or illustrate any aspect of political culture. They only entertain – at the expense of the dignity of the people he attacks. His songs synthesize Hausa rural lexicon overlayered with abusive, often self-constructed urban jargon to enhance general appeal – and act as rabble rousers for politicians who think like him. It is a unique, if unadmirable business model in the performing arts.

Subsequently, Rarara’s songs cannot be compared, by any stretch of imagination, with the classical Hausa protest poets such as Sa’adu Zungur, Mudi Sipikin, Aƙilu Aliyu, Abba Maiƙwaru and Aminu Kano, whose artforms were fueled by educative political ideology, certainly not profit. Mudi Sipikin, for instance. used his poetry to attack the system of colonial rule. Aƙilu Aliyu wrote poems directly attacking the NPC. Abba Maiƙwaru wrote a 10-line NEPU poem for which he and Aminu Kano were arrested in the mid-1950s.

Zungur used his poetry originally to warn the emirs of the north of the necessity for reform, as illustrated in his central work, Jumhuriya ko Mulukiya [Republic or Monarchy]. In this work, he called for political and social problems to be solved on the basis of the existing Islamic institutions, rejecting alien political concepts. He later used his poetry to appeal directly to the common people. In a similar vein, one of the earliest poems written for a northern political party was by Aminu Kano, and called ‘Waƙar Ƴancin NEPU-Sawaba’ [Freedom poem for NEPU-Sawaba], and published in 1953 and put in the final form by Isa Wali. It was one of the earliest statements of Nigerian nationalism.

Despite all these, I argue that as researchers we can’t afford to ignore a current of knowledge flowing right at our feet. But the cold shoulder given to Rarara by our community, opposed to Aminu Ladan Abubakar (ALAN Waƙa) who is a toast to the academic and intellectual community, merely emphasizes the expendable and ephemeral nature of Rarara’s art. Ten years after the release of any ALA song, it will still have relevance. The relevance of Rarara’s songs rarely last to the next song release. Instantly forgettable.

Nevertheless, just as we struggled for the recognition and documentation (if not acceptance) of the Kano Market Literature in the 1990s when everyone was denigrating it, we need also to document the stream of popular culture, including Rarara – warts and all – flowing around us at all times. As far as I can see, only Maikuɗi Zukogi has focused attention on two of Rarara’s songs. More needs to be done.

As soon as I tell myself that I will wrap up the research, he will release a song insulting a former master or associate. Subsequently, I delayed publishing the research until he insulted two people, and true to expectations, he did. These were President Muhammadu Buhari (Matsalar Tsaro) and Governor Abdullahi Umar Ganduje (Lema ta sha ƙwaya). With the ‘Hankaka’ barb against Ganduje in the Lema song, my fieldwork became almost complete. His destruction of “ɗan ƙaramin sauro” leaves only the references to be completed. As I argued, based on his corpus, Rarara sells to the highest bidder with neither conscience nor ideology. The huge profit he makes serves as insurance against future loss of earnings when Kano politicians become mature enough to stop patronizing him to insult each other (and themselves) and utilize his skills in more constructive ways.

My thanks to a team of eager research assistants, headed by my ever-faithful and close companion, Hassan Auwalu Muhammad – a former songwriter and lyricist himself. He was the one who mainly, patiently, transcribed the songs, which I wove into a narrative going to almost 40 pages! I plan to upload the lot during my Summer break when the children are all here on holiday! By then, the threatened wobbling ‘Tangal-Tangal’ had stopped and probably settled for a four-year legal battle.

Professor Abdalla Uba Adamu can be contacted via auadamu@yahoo.com.

By Ibrahim Sulaiman Jama’are

On Wednesday, 15th June 2022, two of my Facebook friends, Ahmad Muhammad Danyaro and Abdullahi Barau Azare, tagged me in a trending post that that one association called Jama’are Emirate Youth Forum (JEYF), awarded a popular Hausa political musician, Alh. Dauda Kahutu Rarara a “Certificate of Excellent” (don’t mind the grammar). The group added that “In recognize in your (that’s the awardee) tremendous effort and exceptional commitment towards development of humanity” (I beg for your pardon on the poor grammar).

Based on my search on Facebook, the story on this issue was first broken by Ibrahim  Sanyi-Sanyi (who I follow), whose post seemed to be earlier than that of the purported chairman of the forum, Rabiu A Umar (who happens to be my Facebook friend too).

My dismay was minified by the comments on the Facebook wall of Ibrahim Sanyi-Sanyi by his followers, many of whom (thank God) suspected the forum to be fake and, of course, created and formed for the purpose. 

Though there is naturally nothing wrong with conferring an award on any person who contributed toward the development of any community, the question remains: in what way did Rarara contribute to the development of Jama’are Emirate?. Many groups in Jama’are have a history of giving awards to personalities that excelled in different areas of endeavour and contributed to the Emirate’s development (which is normal and obtainable in many places). 

It is a source of concern that churning out such awards to personalities not known for delivering any community services is a spoof that will do a great disservice in future. 

The public should note that JEYF is not a registered association by any institution at the local government or state levels. Traditionally, such associations are registered with the desk officer of clubs and associations at the local government Social Welfare Office. Also, local clubs usually have patrons, typically elderly, who advise and guide members on what to do.  JEYF neither to has no one and no in the registry of the LG.   

I would naturally not write this if the awardee was, say, Aminu Bagwai, another famous Hausa singer. For quite a long time, he has been a friend and, of course, a frequent visitor to Jama’are and who had a dedicated song for Jama’are town, a headquarters of Jama’are Emirate.

On a serious note, from all indications, Rarara might have been a victim of ‘Yan-wanki’ impostors parading themselves as representatives of Jama’are Emirate Youths. The carelessness with which the certificate is written in quite mangled English indicates that this group does not represent us. It is an obvious fact that every casual observer can glean. 

Ibrahim Sulaiman Jama’are is a concerned citizen of Jama’are. He wrote from Abuja via ibrahimsulaiman193@gmail.com.