Christians

By Misbahu El-Hamza

President Bola Tinubu has finally responded to the false accusation of a “Christian genocide” in Nigeria, a narrative that surfaced in late September. Yet as this claim gains traction in U.S. conservative circles, he should be more worried about his political prospects. The narrative—and U.S. President Donald Trump’s recent call to redesignate Nigeria as a Country of Particular Concern (CPC)—could give Washington both motive and cover to oppose Tinubu’s re-election in 2027, just as former President Goodluck Jonathan alleged of the Obama administration in 2015.

Former President Jonathan publicly claimed that he lost the 2015 election because of U.S. interference. Two issues broadly defined the diplomatic rift between the two governments. The first was Boko Haram’s insurgency and the abduction of the Chibok girls. In a 2018 BBC interview, Jonathan lamented that Nigerians in the U.S. joined public protests there, one of which famously featured Michelle Obama holding a placard with the slogan #BringBackOurGirls.

At the October 2025 launch of ‘SCARS: Nigeria’s Journey and the Boko Haram Conundrum,’ by former Chief of Defence Staff Gen. Lucky Irabor (retd.), Jonathan recalled: “When I was in office, one of the major scars on my government, and one I will retire with, is the issue of the Chibok girls. As Bishop Kukah said, no plastic or cosmetic surgeon will remove it.” The then-opposition under Muhammadu Buhari, which included Tinubu, exploited insecurity for political advantage, a factor that clearly contributed to Jonathan’s loss.

The second, and in my opinion, more damaging rift was Jonathan’s stance against same-sex marriage, reflecting the convictions of most Nigerians. In 2014, he signed the Same-Sex Marriage Prohibition Act, shortly after the Obama administration’s 2011 pledge to “use all the tools of American diplomacy” to promote gay rights globally. Washington’s reaction was swift. The White House warned of possible cuts to HIV/AIDS and anti-malaria funding, while Jonathan’s government held firm. Nigerians applauded him for that. But during the 2015 campaign, the Obama administration’s outreach, including direct appeals to Nigerian voters and a high-profile visit by Secretary of State John Kerry, was widely viewed as tacit support for Buhari, which many Nigerians, including Jonathan himself, believe shaped the election’s outcome.

Insecurity also played a domestic role in Jonathan’s downfall. Nigerians were increasingly alarmed by unrelenting violence—beyond Boko Haram, currently compounded by communal, ethnic, and religious clashes and by banditry mostly in northern Nigeria—that claimed hundreds of innocent lives. Regardless of how the world described it, the reality was and is still tragic. It eroded public trust and patriotism. Yet successive governments, rather than restoring security, have often appeared more concerned with foreign perceptions than with rebuilding national confidence and truly working to end the bloodshed of innocent Nigerians.

So, while Jonathan’s administration angered the Obama White House over the same-sex marriage law, many believe that Tinubu’s has irritated Washington for another reason.

In early September, U.S. Senator Ted Cruz introduced the Nigeria Religious Freedom Accountability Act of 2025 (S.2747) to the U.S. Senate. The bill seeks to sanction Nigerian officials allegedly complicit in “Islamist jihadist violence against Christians and other minorities” and those “enforcing blasphemy laws”. Blasphemy remains an offence under Nigeria’s criminal code and in the twelve northern states operating shari’a law. Yet, the Cruz bill’s language raises serious questions: how would the former officials be identified, and on what evidence? If Washington possesses proof, it has not presented any. Within Nigeria, such accusations often surface in political rhetoric but rarely withstand scrutiny.

Still, Nigeria’s greater “offence” under Tinubu—at least to American conservatives like Bill Maher, Mike Arnold, Ted Cruz, Riley Moore, and now Donald Trump—is its unwavering support for the Palestinian people. Successive Nigerian governments, whether Christian- or Muslim-led, have consistently condemned Israel’s occupation and called for a two-state solution as the only path to peace. This position, long-standing and bipartisan in Nigeria, clashes directly with Washington’s pro-Israel consensus.

After Nigeria’s firm statement at the 80th UN General Assembly in September, Maher went on his HBO show and declared, “I’m not a Christian, but they are systematically killing the Christians in Nigeria,” comparing it to Gaza and calling it “a more serious genocide.” Such claims, amplified by Trump’s rhetoric about “defending Christians,” serve U.S. political optics more than global justice. Recall Trump’s 2020 CPC designation for Nigeria. It was largely symbolic and carried no enforcement before he left office. His renewed posturing appears equally opportunistic.

Tinubu may believe U.S. pressure arises from concern for Christian victims of Islamist violence and that this aligns with Nigeria’s large Christian population. Yet the U.S. record tells a different story. The same establishment that condemns persecution in Nigeria supports Israel’s war in Gaza, where many casualties are both Muslim and Christian Palestinians.

If Nigeria accuses Washington of selective advocacy, it may find sympathy at home, but not in Washington, where lobbying interests dominate the narrative. Assuming that the “Christian genocide” argument will shield Nigeria from criticism would be a miscalculation.

Tinubu is not yet where Jonathan stood in 2015, but the parallels are unmistakable. The Obama administration’s posture during Jonathan’s re-election bid showed how U.S. influence can shape Nigerian politics. A sustained clash with U.S. policy on religious freedom and Palestine, coupled with insecurity and governance failures, could become a tipping point. Avoiding that outcome will require strategic diplomacy (which we have no doubt our president possesses), credible reform, and a domestic agenda rooted in accountability. Nigerians must see real action towards ending Boko Haram and banditry.

This moment demands political acumen and the disciplined management of both security and foreign relations. Tinubu cannot afford to repeat Jonathan’s missteps. In global politics, misreading Washington’s signals has previously cost Nigerian presidents, and history may not be kind to those who fail to learn from it.

Misbahu writes from Kano and can be reached via email: misbahulhamza@gmail.com

By Hadiza Abdulkadir

The Ulama Forum in Nigeria has condemned what it describes as false and inflammatory allegations by some international media outlets, including Fox News, Radio Genoa and American talk show host Bill Maher, claiming that 500,000 Christians were killed in Nigeria last year.

In a statement signed by Convener Aminu Inuwa Muhammad and Secretary Engr. Basheer Adamu Aliyu, the Forum described the claims as “entirely unfounded, reckless, and designed to misinform the international community.” 

It added that Nigeria’s security challenges—terrorism, banditry, and farmer-herder clashes—affect both Muslims and Christians, not any single religious group.

The Forum noted that Muslim communities, particularly in the Northwest, have “suffered disproportionately,” with thousands killed in repeated attacks ignored by international coverage. It warned that spreading false genocide narratives could inflame tensions and undermine peace efforts.

Quoting the Qur’an, the Forum reaffirmed Islam’s prohibition of killing innocents and called for unity among Nigerians “to resist attempts by foreign actors to manipulate false narratives.” 

It also urged the government to intensify security measures and advised international media to report responsibly and respect Nigeria’s diversity.

By Bashir Jelani, PhD

It has been trending over the past two days that Boko Haram killed more than 500,000 Christians and burned 18,0000 churches in Nigeria since 2009. Local and international news media are spreading false information that Muslims are carrying out ethnic cleansing against Christians. 

Till now, no news media from Arewa has debunked this news. No Arewa intellectual, writer, or public figure responded to this. It is a big shame on us. Thanks to Femi Fani-Kayode for sincerely putting the record straight.

This phoney propaganda did not start today. Some insincere Nigerian Christians have been working hard to blackmail Muslims on the international stage. I don’t know what they want to get by fabricating that fake news. The dead silence from Arewa is what makes this misleading information gain momentum. 

I have debated this issue with Christian friends for many years. I have maintained that the majority of the victims of Boko Haram and bandits are the Muslims themselves. The Boko Haram terrorists do not spare Muslims. They don’t care about your religion. 

Boko Haram wouldn’t be operating in Northern Nigeria if its target were to cleanse Christians. I sympathise with some Christians who were affected, but the truth is that the Muslims are Boko Haram’s target. That is why they do their evil atrocities in the Muslim dominated regions, mainly killing Muslims.

Arewa needs to wake up. Debunking this dangerous propaganda is very important.

By Malam Aminu Wase

Plateau State is a richly diverse and vibrant community, home to people of various ethnic and religious backgrounds. We are one family, destined by God to live together in peace and mutual respect. Sadly, this unity is too often ignored when it comes to leadership, particularly the highest office in the state. The persistent adoption of a Christian-Christian gubernatorial ticket threatens the very foundation of our coexistence.

It is time for Plateau to embrace equity, justice, and inclusiveness. For too long, Muslims in the state have been marginalised in political leadership, particularly at the executive level. This exclusion must end. I firmly believe that the next governorship candidate, regardless of religion, should choose a Muslim as a running mate. A Muslim-Christian or Christian-Muslim ticket would truly reflect the spirit of fairness and unity we all profess to uphold.

For more than two decades, Muslims in Plateau State have shown unwavering political support for Christian-led tickets, believing in the promise of shared governance and mutual respect. From Wase to Kanam, Jos North to Shendam, Barkin Ladi to Quanpaan, Mangu, and other local government areas, Muslim communities have consistently turned out in large numbers to vote, not out of compulsion, but from a sincere desire to contribute to the democratic process and to foster unity across religious lines. Yet, this goodwill has not been met with reciprocity.

Despite making up a significant portion, nearly half of the state’s population, Muslims remain glaringly absent from the highest levels of leadership. This is not merely a matter of political imbalance but a painful reminder that inclusion and equity remain elusive. When a group that has given so much continues to receive so little in return, it breeds frustration, weakens trust, and threatens the very cohesion that Plateau so desperately needs. We cannot claim to be united while one half of our people are repeatedly shut out of the room where decisions are made.

Our call is simple: include us. Recognise our presence. Acknowledge our contributions. Let us build a Plateau where everyone feels seen, respected, and valued regardless of faith.

Personally, some of the most meaningful relationships in my life have been with my Christian friends, friendships that began in the classrooms of Pilot Central Primary School in Wase, grew stronger at Government Science College Wase, and deepened further during my university years. These bonds have shown me the beauty of unity, the strength of mutual respect, and the power of shared dreams. That is why it pains me deeply to see Muslims continually left out of leadership. It feels like a betrayal of the unity we have lived and believed in. If we can walk together in friendship, why can’t we lead together in governance on the Plateau?

In the Wase Local Government, Christians are a minority, yet they have never been treated as outsiders. They have held key positions, including that of the Deputy Chairman, and many have benefited from the federal appointments from the Rt Hon Ahmed Idris Wase, the immediate past Deputy Speaker of the Nigerian House of Representatives, thanks to his inclusive leadership. This is what true leadership should look like, recognising every citizen’s worth, regardless of faith or number. It proves that fairness is not a favour, it’s a duty. If such inclusive governance can be practised locally, why can’t it be replicated across the entire state?

Plateau belongs to all of us. We must build a future where leadership reflects our shared diversity. Let’s end the cycle of exclusion and embrace a new era of fairness, justice, and genuine unity.

Malam Aminu Wase writes from Kaduna State. He can be reached at aminusaniusman3@gmail.com.

By Nura Jibo

Whenever I see sure PDP political power losers and their APC bedfellows making historical myths and inaccuracies about their pseudo performance of national economic growth and development, it reminds one of the gospel according to Barnabas.

As a Muslim, I actually believe in the Gospel of Barnabas as a myth rather than a reality. Though his assertions are very true and apt, they are considered among Christians as a non-canonical, pseudodepigraphical gospel attributed to him. They somehow believed Barnabas was a disciple of Jesus who lived in the 14th or 15th century.

These historical myths and inaccuracies are what the so-called PDP and APC elders would wish to present to ordinary Nigerians. Indeed, their misrepresentation of facts is contrary to a detailed account of Barnabas, who, according to his Torgado Siburian theological belief, explained Jesus’ life. This account includes elements that align with Islamic reality and beliefs, such as the denial of Jesus’ crucifixion and a focus on Jesus as a prophet rather than the Son of God. 

Indeed, the PDP/APC elders’ gospel on Nigeria’s political leadership/claim on its progress is nothing but something to be considered a fabrication, as it contradicts the canonical gospels and includes historical conundrums that even the so-called generals in politics that resort to this falsehood amidst public glare cannot provide an answer to!

The PDP presidency under Obasanjo and Jonathan is nothing but a political disaster.

These two presidents presided over Nigeria with impunity and first-class corruption that drained Nigerians and stripped them bare of their dignity in the comity of nations.

Obasanjo shamelessly accused his National Assembly of being a “den of corruption by a gang of unarmed robbers”.

Indeed, Evan Enwerem’s emergence as Obasanjo’s Senate president against Chuba Okadigbo confirmed his corrupt tendencies as a political but not military leader to Nigerians. This remains fresh in our psyches and memories.

The Siemens and KBR bribery scandals, which the FBI investigated, indicted President Obasanjo’s government internationally.

On the other hand, President Jonathan allowed a corrupt Diezani oil ministerial hubris of over N100 billion, alleged to have been collected by Diezani as undue enrichment.

This is not to rule out the role of his wife, Patience, in the $8.4 million and N7.4 billion linked to her by the EFCC under a file suit dubbed FHC/L/CS/620/18.

What the likes of Governors Sule Lamido, Amaechi, Nasiru El-Rufai, Peter Obi, and even VP Atiku Abubakar want to tell Nigerians after being frustrated and pushed to the periphery of power and out of national and global relevance, one hasn’t the vaguest idea.

Please note:

There is no point in alluding to the APC’s leadership under Buhari and Tinubu. Because doing so will not allow us to see the light of day, it is better not to mention the terrible economic harakiri, democratic suicide, and perturbed insecurity that the APC and, by extension, its PDP rivalries have thrown into Nigeria. Recounting APC ordeals is a déjà vu that this writer is not ready to waste more energy delving into.

Happy Eid celebration!

Nura wrote from Shahrazad Homes, 21 Zerifa Aliyev Street, Baku, Azerbaijan.

By Maimuna Aliyu Katuka

Easter is a season of joy, reflection, and renewal. While it is often associated with festive meals, it is also an opportunity to embrace healthier habits without taking away from the fun and spirit of the celebration.

As the world becomes increasingly health-conscious, we can find creative ways to enjoy Easter while taking care of our physical and mental well-being.

By making thoughtful choices, we can turn this season into a meaningful and health-positive experience for ourselves, our families, and our communities.

Easter, which marks the resurrection of Jesus Christ, according to the Christians, is one of the most significant holidays in Christianity. For many, it symbolizes the triumph of life over death—a powerful reminder of hope, rebirth, and new beginnings.

Even non-Christians often take advantage of the holiday to travel or spend time with loved ones, making it a perfect occasion to reflect on personal wellness and communal values.

Whether you are planning a large family gathering or a quiet weekend retreat, here are some practical tips to help you celebrate Easter in a healthy and fulfilling way:

Healthy Eating and Drinking Habits

1. Balance indulgence with healthy choices:
Enjoy traditional Easter treats in moderation. Complement your meals with fruits, vegetables, and whole grains to maintain a balanced diet.

2. Stay hydrated:
Drink plenty of water throughout the day, especially if you are consuming rich or salty foods.

3. Choose healthier alternatives:
Opt for baked or grilled meats instead of fried ones. Dark chocolate or fruit-based desserts can also be tasty and nutritious options.

Staying Physically Active

1. Take a walk or hike:
Incorporate light physical activities like walking, hiking, or biking into your day to stay energized and connected with nature.

2. Plan outdoor games:
Organize family games or community sports that encourage movement and bonding while having fun.

Supporting Mental Well-being

1. Practice mindfulness:
Take time to relax, meditate, or simply enjoy the presence of family and friends. Mindfulness can help ease stress and promote gratitude.

2. Set boundaries:
Prioritize self-care by setting healthy limits on social and work commitments. Maintain a balance that supports your mental peace.

Additional Smart Tips

1. Plan meals ahead:
Prepare healthy dishes and snacks in advance to reduce the temptation of unhealthy choices.

2. Be mindful of portion sizes:
Enjoy your favorite dishes without overindulging by keeping portions in check.

3. Educate the next generation:
Teach children the importance of healthy living. Turn Easter traditions into learning moments about good nutrition and staying active.

Last Line:
As we prepare to celebrate Easter, let us take this opportunity to embrace a lifestyle that reflects the true spirit of the season—renewal, joy, and wellness.

By making simple, conscious changes, we can foster healthier habits that last beyond the holiday.

So, gather your loved ones, get creative with your traditions, and make this Easter not just memorable—but meaningfully healthy.

By Musa Kalim Gambo

ND Shehu Kanam, a political scientist and son of the soil, offered a searing insight into Governor Caleb Mutfwang’s recent statewide broadcast in a Facebook post following the blood-soaked tragedy that befell some communities in Plateau. In dissecting the speech, he made a remark that has lingered in my conscience like smoke from an unquenched fire:

“The governor made reference to previous attacks including Dogo Nahauwa and completely ignored the attack in Garga District of Kanam LGA in 2022 where over 100 lives were killed. At all times, Kanam LGA is being treated as third-class citizens in Plateau State.”

And how true that is—how bitter, how brazen. One would expect that in the arithmetic of grief, every loss would count, that memory would not play favourites. But alas, even in mourning, there is politics. Even in death, there are those deemed more worthy of remembrance than others.

Let’s be clear: every act of violence against any group of people is an abomination. It should be met with absolute condemnation. Those who carry out such horrors—burning homes, hacking down the old and the young, silencing lives with the crack of a rifle—are not just criminals. They are monsters in human form, agents of chaos and cruelty, and they must be made to face the full wrath of justice, if justice still has a name.

But then we turn to the governor’s address. Perhaps the speechwriter, weary and burdened, meant no harm. Maybe it was all too much—the urgency, the pressure, the tears behind closed doors. Perhaps grief blurred the pen, and memory failed. But selective memory tells a deeper story, whether by accident or design. It speaks of a hierarchy of pain where some cries echo louder in the chambers of power while others are muffled into silence.

The omission of the Kanam massacre, where bullets and blades buried over a hundred souls in 2022, is not just an editorial oversight. It is a symbolic erasure. It is a painful reminder that suffering is not always seen in some communities in Plateau. The state does not always mourn their dead. Their pain is not always acknowledged. In the cold theatre of political memory, Kanam seems to occupy the balcony—watching, grieving, unheard.

But why? Why must Kanam and others like it constantly beg to be seen?

Maybe the intention of the governor’s speech wasn’t to compile a historical record of tragedies. Perhaps it was just a passing mention meant to stir the ghosts and frame the urgency. But even a passing mention must carry the weight of justice. When invoking past massacres, we must strive for balance, breadth, and truth. We cannot cherry-pick grief.

This is not mere sentimentality—it’s about shaping policy from a place of inclusion. When the memory of a people is consistently erased or ignored, how can they believe in the solutions presented to them?

Interestingly, embedded in the governor’s speech was a subtle but telling reference to the nature of the attacks. The subsequent ban on open grazing and cattle movement at night across the state implies that the perpetrators may be connected to patterns of pastoral violence. Whether these connections are definitive or speculative is for the intelligence community to clarify. Yet, in that policy, one senses that the governor has a working theory of the violence–it is, therefore, expected that this act of violence will be brought to a definite end very soon.

Still, even the most astute policies will fall flat if people feel excluded from the conversation—if they feel like third-class citizens in their own land.

A state cannot heal when its government speaks selectively, and a people cannot move forward when some of their dead are left behind in the narrative. To move forward, we must gather all the names, all the villages, all the cries, and lay them bare—without hierarchy or hesitation.

Governor Mutfwang must do better. Plateau deserves better. Kanam demands no pity—only remembrance, and justice.

Let this not be another footnote in the long, bitter history of the Middle Belt. Let this be a turning point—where silence gives way to truth, and truth gives rise to healing.

Musa Kalim Gambo writes from Barkinladi, Plateau State.

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

The Muslim Rights Concern (MURIC) has responded to the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN) regarding four northern states’ decision to close schools until after Ramadan.

Bauchi, Katsina, Kano, and Kebbi are among the states involved. These states announced the closure of schools until the end of the Ramadan fasting period.

The Director of MURIC, Professor Ishaq Akintola, accused CAN of interfering in Muslim matters and Islam. He argued that this indicated that CAN wants to speak on behalf of both Christians and Muslims, which he believes is inappropriate.

MURIC called on CAN to focus on its own affairs and refrain from commenting on matters that are not of concern to it.

By Ibrahyim A. El-Caleel

Muslim men who have an interest in interfaith marriages (marriage to non-Muslim wives) seem to be looking at the matter only at the surface. They do not look deeply into the injunctions around the whole marriage. 

Yes, Islam permits a Muslim man to marry a non-Muslim wife, but the reverse case is prohibited. Some of the few things you must think deeply about and seek explanations from scholars over are:

1.It is not permissible for the Muslim husband to force his non-Muslim wife to accept Islam. This is not permissible in Islam. 

2. To what degree can you ensure that your children from the wife remain upon the fitrah – remain as Muslims? A large number of children from this form of marriage end up as non-Muslims. Some of them leave the fold of Islam after their Muslim fathers die. Some of the fathers don’t even care. They actually make it a “democracy” sort of thing. “You boys and girls can just choose what you think you are okay with- my religion or your mother’s”. 

3. How do you reconcile specific differences between the injunctions in your religion and hers? An example here is that a Muslim wife must take her janabah bath after menstruating. Equally, there is no intercourse during that period. Are you aware of what is the provision for a non-Muslim wife? From where do you start, especially since there is even a niyyah (intention) component in the janabah bath? Have you thought about this before?

4. You must allow her to practice her religion if she is genuinely committed to it. If, for example, she must hang a symbol of her religion, let’s say , in her living room, would you be okay with it? Okay, let’s assume you have no problem with that. Have you asked what the Islamic injunction on praying is for any of your five compulsory prayers in a room with such a symbol inside it? 

Both Muslim men and non-Muslim women must seek clarification on some of these things before getting married. They should not just look at the permissibility at the surface. What are the other injunctions within such a marriage? Islam is full of injunctions as a religion based on knowledge of the Qur’an and Hadith. 

There are many injunctions even in a marriage between a Muslim man and a Muslim woman. Therefore, intending couples in interfaith marriages must better know what they are getting into. It is not always about getting a flight ticket and a visa to Rome. You must think ahead—what happens after you land in Rome?

Dear Nigerians,  

1. May God have mercy on you! Your country’s name evokes the abundance of the River Niger, symbolising the endless resources and talents you possess. This nation is blessed with natural wealth and human potential that garners admiration and envy worldwide. 

2. Yet, tears fall when we consider the mismanagement, waste, and looting of this vibrant nation. It’s disheartening to see Nigerian youths unaware of the treasures surrounding them. Who will inherit this great wealth? Where are the competent young leaders to take over when the current generation finally acknowledges its fatigue?

3.  An effective national curriculum should focus on the aspirations and values of the youth. Nigerian youths should be more than seekers of white-collar jobs; they should harness the nation’s real wealth. Ignorance of one’s resources is a grave form of slavery. The curriculum must evolve to cultivate dignity and progress, preparing future nation-builders.

4. Imagine if Nigerians refrained from destructive desires, top to bottom. These desires only ruin their possessors and the entire nation, destabilising not just Nigeria but the region. What would be lost if corruption ceased? Crimes harm the country and ultimately lead to personal ruin.

5. Despite challenges, Nigeria still holds immense potential if its people unite in nation-building. Respect and kindness across ethnic lines won’t harm anyone. Being good neighbours to one another will ensure that no one suffers amid abundance.

6. It’s not easy to forget historical hurts, but healing is necessary to dream big. I dream of a Nigeria that sheds its negative image and becomes a beacon of resilience, talent, and beauty. We can achieve this dream with patience, optimism, and the will to be good.

7. Let the brave ones from every region come forward. Whether in rags or adorned in gold, it’s the mind that matters. Your willingness to embrace reform reflects the people’s hope. Learn about your nation, not just from social media but from its history and potential.

8. There is hope for Nigeria. Nations with more severe problems have risen. Remember, you hold the most powerful office: the Office of the Citizen. Decorate it with action, not despair. If Nigeria isn’t working, it’s because we aren’t working.

9. Weak minds say, “There is no hope.” Strong minds respond, “We have work to do.” Nigeria is the office of every Nigerian. If progress is absent, it’s because we aren’t active. Be inspired and make progress in Nigeria, which is your first concern.

10. Nigeria has served as a beacon of hope for other nations and has the potential to do so again. I have witnessed the kindness, wisdom, and vision of many Nigerians. Goodness is locked within the nation—are you the one to awaken it?

11. If you are, be patient. Don’t let anger or frustration lead to violence. Dedicate yourself to the dream of reform, and one day, you will wipe away the tears of your people.

12. Praise God for making you a Nigerian. Reform begins with you. Even if you only change one person, the impact will be immeasurable. Don’t give up if you find people obsessed with crime and corruption.

13. Your good deeds, endurance, and sacrifices inspire those around you. Continue to educate, alleviate pain, and instil hope. The people are not as bad as they seem; many are ignorant or traumatised.

14. Mass education, not violence or migration, is the answer. Enlightenment will help people learn from the tragedies of war-torn regions.

15.No matter how far you run, home will always call you back. The time to act is now!

Amara Sesay wrote via amarasesay.amir@gmail.com.