Burkina Faso

By Maryam Ahmad

The military government of Burkina Faso says it has thwarted a plot to assassinate President Ibrahim Traore and destabilise the country.

Security Minister Mahamadou Sana said the alleged plot was masterminded by former national leader Paul-Henri Damiba, who was ousted by Captain Traore in a 2022 coup. He claimed the plan was financed from the Ivory Coast.

There has been no immediate comment from the Ivorian authorities or from Lieutenant-Colonel Damiba regarding the allegations.

Captain Traore’s government has reported several attempted coups since he took power, repeatedly accusing Ivory Coast of involvement, claims which Abidjan has previously denied.

By Sabiu Abdullahi

Nigerian soldiers who were earlier held by authorities in Burkina Faso have arrived at an Air Force base in Accra, Ghana, as arrangements continue for their onward movement to Portugal.

The Director of Public Relations and Information of the Nigerian Air Force, Air Commodore Ehimen Ejodame, confirmed the development in a statement released on Friday in Abuja.

According to Ejodame, the Nigerian Air Force C-130 aircraft was already scheduled to travel to Portugal for depot maintenance, with stopovers planned in Banjul and Casablanca. He added that the aircraft and its crew remained in good condition.

“The Nigerian Air Force, NAF, has confirmed that its C-130 aircraft, which made a precautionary landing in Bobo-Dioulasso, Burkina Faso, has safely arrived in Accra, Ghana, ahead of its onward journey to Portugal,” Ejodame said.

He reassured Nigerians that safety standards were fully observed throughout the incident.

“We will continue to operate to the highest standards of safety and professionalism. We thank Nigerians for their concern and support during the precautionary event,” Ejodame said.

The soldiers were detained after the aircraft made a forced landing in Burkina Faso, which led to their temporary holding by the ruling junta in the Sahel country.

Burkina Faso has since released the Nigerian Air Force aircraft along with 11 personnel, bringing the incident to a close as the crew proceeds with its planned mission.

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

Burkina Faso has released a detained Nigerian Air Force aircraft and its 11 military personnel, Nigeria’s Foreign Affairs Ministry confirmed Wednesday night.

The release followed a meeting in Ouagadougou between Nigeria’s Foreign Minister, Yusuf Tuggar, and Burkina Faso’s junta leader, Captain Ibrahim Traoré.

“The aircraft and personnel have been released,” ministry spokesperson Kimiebi Ebienfa stated.

The Nigerian military plane had been held after making a forced landing in Burkina Faso earlier.

The swift diplomatic resolution underscores ongoing efforts to maintain regional cooperation amidst political shifts in the Sahel.

By Maryam Ahmad

In a major step towards promoting regional integration and easing movement across borders, Burkina Faso has announced the removal of visa fees for all African travellers.

The decision, which took effect this week, is aimed at strengthening ties within the continent and encouraging trade, tourism, and cultural exchange. Authorities in Ouagadougou said the policy reflects Burkina Faso’s commitment to the ideals of African unity and cooperation.

Observers believe the move will boost economic activities, attract more visitors to the country, and set an example for other African states to follow.

The announcement comes at a time when regional organizations such as the African Union continue to push for free movement of people and greater continental integration.

By Muhammad Sulaiman

Burkina Faso’s military junta has unanimously passed a law criminalising homosexuality, imposing prison terms of up to five years in what rights groups describe as a major setback for civil liberties.

The legislation, part of sweeping reforms to family and citizenship laws, overturns decades of legal tolerance for same-sex relations. Until the junta seized power following two coups in 2022, homosexuality was not a crime in the West African nation.

The move places Burkina Faso among more than 30 African countries that outlaw same-sex relations. Neighbouring Mali enacted a comparable law in 2024, while Ghana and Uganda have also tightened restrictions in recent years, drawing sharp criticism from global human rights organisations.

Advocates warn the law risks fueling stigma and violence against LGBTQ+ communities already facing marginalisation. Critics say the measure reflects the junta’s growing authoritarianism and its willingness to curtail individual freedoms under the guise of traditional values.

By Anwar Usman

The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) member states will meet in Ghana on Tuesday to discuss the withdrawal of Niger, Mali, and Burkina Faso.

The meeting will take two days, Tuesday and Wednesday.

In a statement released on Tuesday, the bloc said member states will discuss the modalities of the countries’ withdrawal and its implications for ECOWAS agencies in the countries.

The bloc also said it would “set up a structure to facilitate discussions on these modalities with each of the three countries.”

Furthermore, the ECOWAS member state will discuss its relationship with the three countries in Accra today.

“The session is being held to deliberate on the reasons for the withdrawal of Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger from the regional bloc.

The statement further revealed that “Key items on the agenda include the modalities of the withdrawal process and the implications for ECOWAS Institutions and Agencies operating in the three countries. The session will also address other related matters of regional importance”.

Three weeks ago, the junta-led states, under the Alliance of Sahel States, imposed a 0.5 per cent import duty on goods from ECOWAS.

The levy applies to all goods from ECOWAS countries entering any of the three nations, except for humanitarian aid.

The policy countered ECOWAS’s intention of ensuring free movement of goods between its members and the AES countries despite their official exit from the bloc in January.

By Iranloye Sofiu Taiye

The recent decision by Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger to withdraw from the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) has triggered reactions of uncertainty across the geopolitical landscape of West Africa. This unprecedented move, announced in January 2024, marks a critical juncture for a bloc historically revered as a beacon of regional integration and collective security. The departure of these three Sahelian nations, all grappling with military rule, jihadist insurgencies, and socioeconomic fragility threatens to destabilize the delicate equilibrium of ECOWAS, undermining its credibility and operational efficacy.

ECOWAS was founded in 1975 via the Treaty of Lagos Nigeria, ECOWAS emerged as a post-colonial vision to foster economic integration, political solidarity, and collective self-reliance among West African states. Its architects envisioned a regional powerhouse capable of rivaling global economic blocs, anchored by principles of free movement, a common market, and monetary union. Over the decades, ECOWAS evolved beyond economics, establishing itself as a custodian of democratic norms through protocols such as the 2001 Supplementary Protocol on Democracy and Good Governance, which condemned any form of unconstitutional government changes.

The bloc’s peacekeeping ventures, notably the ECOWAS Monitoring Group (ECOMOG) interventions in Liberia (1990), and Sierra Leone (1997) demonstrated its capacity to mediate conflict. However, ECOWAS has also faced perennial challenges including coups d’état, governance failures, and the paradox between its lofty ideals and the grim realities of poverty and instability. The recent wave of military takeovers in Mali (2020, 2021), Burkina Faso (2022), and Niger (2023), each met with ECOWAS sanctions and suspensions exposed cracks in the bloc’s authority, heralding the current crisis.

The withdrawal of Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger strikes at the heart of ECOWAS’s political legitimacy. These nations, representing 10% of the bloc’s population and vast territorial expanse, have denounced ECOWAS as a “tool of foreign powers” and accused it of imposing punitive measures that exacerbate their populations’ suffering. Their exit underscores a broader regional disillusionment with ECOWAS’s perceived alignment with Western interests, particularly France, amid rising anti-colonial sentiment.

For ECOWAS, the secession weakens its bargaining power on continental and global stages. The bloc’s ability to enforce democratic norms is now in jeopardy, emboldening other authoritarian regimes and eroding its moral authority. Moreover, the formation of the “Alliance of Sahel States” (AES) by the three nations — a mutual defense pact aligned with Russia — signals a shift toward alternative alliances, potentially fracturing West Africa into competing spheres of influence. This realignment risks destabilizing the region further, as rival powers like Russia, China, and Western nations vie for strategic footholds.

Economically, the departure of Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger disrupts ECOWAS’s integration agenda. The bloc’s flagship projects — such as the ECOWAS Single Currency (Eco), slated for 2027—face existential threats. These nations collectively contribute critical mineral resources (gold, uranium) and agricultural output, and their absence could fragment supply chains, inflate intra-regional trade costs, and deter foreign investment.

The free movement protocol, a cornerstone of ECOWAS, may also unravel. Border closures and visa restrictions could follow, stifling cross-border commerce and cultural exchange. Nigeria, which accounts for over 60% of ECOWAS’s GDP, stands to lose significantly: its northern states rely on trade with Niger, while its industries depend on regional markets. The exodus may also derail infrastructure projects like the Kano – Maradi rail project hampering economic growth.

As ECOWAS’s traditional hegemon, Nigeria must spearhead the bloc’s response to this crisis. Historically, Nigeria has bankrolled ECOWAS initiatives and mediated conflicts, but its recent influence has waned amid domestic challenges—security crises, economic stagnation, and diplomatic inertia. To reclaim its leadership, Nigeria must adopt a multi-pronged strategy:

Diplomatic Re-engagement: Nigeria should initiate high-level dialogues with the AES states, addressing grievances while advocating a return to constitutional order. Leveraging its cultural and economic ties — particularly with Niger, with whom it shares a 1,600km border — Nigeria must balance firmness with empathy, avoiding the perception of bullying.
Institutional Reforms: ECOWAS requires structural revitalization. Nigeria should champion reforms to decentralize decision-making, reduce Francophone-Anglophone tensions, and prioritize grassroots economic integration. A revised governance framework, incorporating civil society and youth voices, could restore public trust.

Security Collaboration: The Sahel’s jihadist insurgencies, which have spilled into Nigeria’s northwest, demand a unified approach. Nigeria could propose a joint ECOWAS-AES security task force, blending counterterrorism efforts with development programs to undercut extremism.
Economic Incentives: To lure back the AES, Nigeria could advocate for sanctions relief tied to democratic transitions, coupled with debt forgiveness and infrastructure investments. A Marshall Plan-like initiative for the Sahel, funded by ECOWAS and international partners, might alleviate poverty fueling instability.
Conclusively, the exit of Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger from ECOWAS is not merely a regional setback but a clarion call for introspection. The bloc’s survival hinges on its ability to reconcile idealism with pragmatism, balancing democratic principles with the urgent needs of fractured states. Nigeria, as the region’s linchpin, must rise to the occasion, blending visionary leadership with humility. In an era of shifting global alliances and resurgent authoritarianism, the stakes could not be higher: without decisive action, the dream of West African unity may dissolve into a mosaic of discord, leaving millions vulnerable to the storms of history.

Iranloye Sofiu Taiye can be reached via:
iranloye100@gmail.com

By Tijani Abiola

Burkina Faso is a landlocked country located in West Africa. It shares boundaries with six countries: Mali to the north, Niger to the east, Benin to the southeast, Togo and Ghana to the south, and Côte d’Ivoire to the southwest. As of the last knowledge update in January 2022, the total population of Burkina Faso was 21 million people. The country’s official language is French, which is spoken alongside different indigenous languages.

Economically, Burkina Faso is mainly an agricultural country, though there is also a very strong presence of gold mining. However, this country is troubled by poverty, drought, and political instability.

Mali, on the other hand, also in West Africa, shares borders with Algeria to the north, Niger to the east, Burkina Faso and Ivory Coast to the south, Guinea to the southwest and Senegal and Mauritania to the west, with a population of about 20 million people. The official language is French, and Bambara is also widely spoken.

Political instability, ethnic tension, and conflicts with extremist groups positioned mostly in the northern parts of the country have also challenged Mali in the years past. It lies in the region bordered by Libya to the northeast, Chad to the east, Nigeria and Benin to the south, Burkina Faso and Mali to the west, and Algeria to the northwest. It has a population of about 24 million people. 

The official language is French, and many indigenous languages are spoken. Niger is largely an agrarian society, with subsistence farming forming a very critical part of the economy. Uranium mining is also a very important industry. The country faces challenges such as poverty, desertification, and food insecurity.

All three have diverse cultures and histories, and all have unique challenges. The Sahel region, including the northern parts of Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger, has seen a particular outbreak of security issues, including conflicts with jihadist groups and ethnic tensions.

Meanwhile, in the years 2020, 2021 and 2023 in Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger, respectively, there were successful military coups which still reign to date.  The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) turned an eye to their decision and style of new leadership of the bloc’s member-states. Efforts towards national reconciliation have been in vain. 

The Economic Community of West African States is a regional political and economic union comprising fifteen countries located in West Africa, of which the above-mentioned Countries are members.

Burkina Faso, Mali, and the Niger Republic have all in recent times expressed intention to part ways with ECOWAS bloc bodies. That decision has been a climax and a very big bottleneck for ECOWAS, as the trio of these countries are some of the most resourceful countries which shoulder a huge part of the yearly ECOWAS budget and yet one of the poorest countries on the African continent. After their decision to leave the West African regional bloc of ECOWAS, what effect will this have on ECOWAS?

This country represents almost 20% of the ECOWAS population – that is 66 million out of 420 million people. As mentioned above, cotton, gold, and uranium ore are precious resources for Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger, respectively.

Is ECOWAS blind to these facts?

I will say no, but will they have intensified negotiations before now? Yes. Their belief may be that they will soon get tired and comply or call for help after being deprived of some amenities benefited from nearby ECOWAS countries. Yet, they still remain adamant about their decision. For such countries to make such decisions looks like a threat to other ECOWAS countries.

ECOWAS should know this is no joke. The pumping question is: what if they excel in their decisions and their leaders are able to change their countries and become the best in years to come? What will happen to other ECOWAS countries whose corruption still influences their development?

Is dumping ECOWAS best for Burkina Faso, Mali, and the Niger Republic?

This decision will not only restrict their access to large international markets for foreign exchange and development provided by ECOWAS but also international partnerships that help in country development. Also, the free visa for all ECOWAS states is another big opportunity they might be deprived of from ECOWAS countries.

Though their decision has not been formally in writing to ECOWAS, they may be nursing second thoughts in the decision or calling for attention to negotiation stylishly. The poking questions are;

Is this the best idea for these three countries?

Will they stand without ECOWAS?

Won’t they be a threat to other ECOWAS countries if their decision is granted?

Does ECOWAS need to let them be?

Africa is a blessed continent with all its natural resources, but a continent with the highest rate of poverty and a corrupt leadership style needs to be resolved.

Tijani Abiola wrote via abiolatijani001@gmail.com.

By Muhammadu Sabiu 

Iranian President Ebrahim Raisi applauded the steadfast resistance of African countries against colonialism and terrorism during a diplomatic meeting with Burkina Faso’s Foreign Minister Olivia Rouamba on Monday. 

While not explicitly naming France, President Raisi’s remarks were seen as a recognition of African nations’ efforts to assert their sovereignty. 

Burkina Faso and Mali, both currently under military junta rule, have notably severed military ties with France, their former colonial ruler, in favour of bolstering relations with Russia. 

Niger, which experienced a military junta takeover in July, has been marked by widespread protests demanding the withdrawal of French troops, harking back to its colonial history. 

In his meeting with Foreign Minister Rouamba, President Raisi commended the African countries for their resilience and resolve. He described their stance as a “sign of vigilance and awakening,” underscoring the importance of nations safeguarding their independence. 

The Iranian presidency’s official website published a statement quoting President Raisi’s words of appreciation for African countries’ principled stand against colonialism and terrorism. 

While diplomatic relations between Iran and the African nations were not the primary focus of the meeting, the implicit message of solidarity resonated with those advocating for self-determination and autonomy in the face of historical colonial ties. 

This meeting marks another instance of international relations being influenced by the evolving geopolitical landscape as African nations navigate their path towards sovereignty and redefine their partnerships on the global stage.

By Muhammad Muzdaleefa

The resurgence of military coups is thwarting Africa’s democratic journey. The recent coup d’état in Niger, which saw the ousting of President Mohamed Bazoum by the military, has not only shaken the stability of the country but has also laid bare the divisions and weaknesses within the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). It has also exposed a wide cleavage between citizens of member countries and their governments on ECOWAS policy on Niger. 

As far as one can read the mood without the aid of a proper poll, support for military action against Niger would probably be less than 10 per cent across the region. In Niger, news footage suggests that the public is more solidly against ECOWAS military intervention. Somewhat or otherwise, the mainstream media and social media comments show deep scepticism about ECOWAS’ direction and intentions. Many, if not most, commentators believe that the West, especially France and the US, are behind the ECOWAS drive towards a military solution in Niger.

This has led to resentment, especially in the Francophone countries, where the citizens point out that ECOWAS has been silent at draconian French exploitation of their resources continuing long after independence.

One of the glaring weaknesses exhibited by ECOWAS in response to the Niger coup is its lack of unity and consistency among member states.

While some countries strongly condemned the coup and called for a swift return to civilian rule, others remained relatively silent, seemingly hesitant to take a decisive stance. This lack of a united front weakens the regional body’s influence and diminishes its ability to address such crises effectively.

Another aspect that has been brought to the forefront is ECOWAS’s flawed diplomatic approach. Despite constituting a mediation committee to engage with the coup leaders and negotiate a resolution, ECOWAS failed to halt the coup or achieve a viable solution. The committee’s lack of leverage and the limited consequences the perpetrator’s face have raised questions about the efficacy of diplomatic efforts and the regional body’s influence over military leaders.

ECOWAS has often resorted to imposing economic sanctions to exert pressure and resolve political crises. However, the effectiveness of such measures in addressing coups has been questionable. The reliance on economic sanctions has a limited impact, particularly in countries with weak economies and high poverty levels like Niger. 

The recent example of Mali, where sanctions failed to bring about meaningful change after a military coup, highlights the need a more comprehensive and proactive approach by ECOWAS. The situation has become even grimmer, with Russia increasingly stepping in to provide short-term assistance to cushion the effects of the sanctions against coup countries, which appear to have exchanged the influence of France with that of Russia.

What is worse is the fact that the Niger crisis has also highlighted ECOWAS’s inability to identify and address underlying issues that lead to political instability. This failure to take pre-emptive measures further exposes weaknesses within the organisation. Since ECOWAS gave an ultimatum to Niger, citizens in ECOWAS countries have voiced their disapproval against any military action, mainly because ECOWAS lacks the moral authority to send troops into Niger.

Many commentators have pointed out failure within member countries as a significant contributing factor undermining ECOWAS’s intentions. Some West African governments are dynasties, flawed elections taint others, while some have repressed their countries’ media and opposition parties. 

What principles does an ECOWAS military intervention in Niger seek to establish, and are they all practised in the countries that will impose them by force of arms in Niger? If democracy is essential to ECOWAS, it has to ensure that the complete panoply of democratic principles is firmly in place in all member countries. It cannot pick and choose. Therefore, to safeguard democracy, ECOWAS should invest more proactively in conflict prevention mechanisms, addressing socio-economic disparities, and promoting good governance across member states. 

Timely intervention in electoral processes, strengthening democratic institutions, and promoting dialogue are crucial steps towards avoiding crises before they occur. In addition, ECOWAS must develop a robust apparatus to communicate with citizens across the entire subcontinent and carry out programmes that promote dialogue between citizens and between citizens and governments. 

Does public opposition to military action signal a higher tolerance for military coups in West Africa? That is a difficult question, but there is no doubt that people have generally become disenchanted with the Western democratic model, given that poverty and lack of opportunity continue to be entrenched. At the same time, politicians are seen as opportunists who are in it for themselves. However, none of this can be interpreted to mean that people in West Africa prefer military regimes.

Significantly, however, the coup in Niger has exposed the leadership vacuum within ECOWAS. While the organisation has made progress in promoting regional integration and economic development, its political leadership role has been less pronounced. ECOWAS needs robust leadership capable of decisive action in times of crisis, backed by a clear framework and mechanisms that discourage power grabs and protect democratic systems.

The coup in Niger has exposed the weaknesses, divisions, and inconsistencies within ECOWAS. The regional body’s lack of unity, ineffective diplomacy, reliance on economic sanctions, inadequate pre-emptive measures, and leadership vacuum have hindered its ability to respond effectively to political instability. The regional body’s response to the coup has showcased its challenges in effectively addressing political crises, highlighting the need for a more cohesive and proactive approach to preserving democracy in the region.

To strengthen ECOWAS and protect democracy in the region, there is an urgent need for member states to forge a unified front, strengthen conflict prevention mechanisms, explore diplomatic alternatives, and foster strong leadership committed to preserving democratic values. Without addressing these fundamental issues, the fragile democratic gains achieved in West Africa may remain at risk, allowing further regional divisions and challenges to promote peace and stability.

Muzdaleefa wrote from Kaduna via mohammedadamu736@gmail.com.