Opinion

Life after NYSC: Navigating Nigeria’s tough labour market

By Usman M. Shehu

One of the most unsettling realities for any corps member post-NYSC is the harshness of the Nigerian labour market. I know this firsthand—we had our Passing Out Parade (POP) on 18th December 2025. 

Finishing NYSC brings not just doubt, but real anxiety and fear: fear of losing the monthly allowance, and the daunting task of distributing your curriculum vitae (CV)—via email or in person—to companies, agencies, and contacts.

The dynamics of the job market have shifted dramatically. It’s no longer just about what you know (your skill set), but increasingly about who you know (your connections). This is driven in part by the sheer volume of graduates entering the market each year. 

Take my field, geology, for example: it’s not one of the most competitive courses, yet about 80 students graduated from my class alone, with degrees ranging from first class to second class (upper and lower), and third class. This pattern repeats across faculties, from the sciences and engineering to the humanities. When you do the math, thousands of graduates flood the market annually, far exceeding the combined absorption capacity of the public and private sectors.

This oversupply is a major reason why many graduates and even their guardians rely on connections to secure jobs. It’s an affront to the merit-based ideals of our educational system and a key factor behind the public sector’s declining efficiency. When nepotism and connections trump competence, institutions suffer. The civil service is already crumbling under this weight, as we see today. Fixing it remains a hot topic in public discourse, but the goal should be clear: employment, public or private, must prioritise what you know over who you know.

Another major challenge is the age barrier. Since 2009, the NYSC certificate prominently displays your date of birth to prevent age falsification. This makes it harder for anyone over 28, whether due to late entry to university or academic delays, to secure interviews or even apply. Most job portals and advertisements specify strict requirements: age limits, degree class, skills, and years of experience. Often, if you’re above the age threshold, you can’t even access the application portal. These restrictions hit hardest in white collar jobs.

The Way Forward: Despite these systemic hurdles, individual agency matters. To move forward, we must be enterprising and proactive: work hard, strategically build in-demand skills (like digital marketing, data analysis, coding, or entrepreneurship), and stay humble while relentlessly pursuing opportunities, whether through networking, job hunting, or starting your own business.

That said, this moment isn’t entirely bleak. We’re excited about the transition and earning our certificates. It opens doors to jobs that require completion of the NYSC. And if we take these steps seriously, upskilling, staying resilient, and thinking creatively, we won’t just be employable; we’ll become highly sought-after prospects.

Happy POP to my fellow ex-corps members, Batch C Stream 2 2025! Let’s step into this next chapter ready. For by failing to plan, we are planning to fail.

Usman M. Shehu wrote from Kano via usmanmujtabashehu@gmail.com.

Nigeria faces rising insecurity

By Abdulhamid Abdullahi Aliyu

Nigeria is inching into a troubling chapter where insecurity is no longer a distant concern but a daily shadow stretching across communities, highways, markets and now, the country’s schools. The recent surge in kidnappings has unsettled citizens and raised serious questions about the effectiveness of national security frameworks. What used to be episodic attacks have evolved into a sustained campaign of abductions, village raids and highway banditry that expose deep cracks in the country’s ability to protect its people.

Across many states, residents speak of fear as a constant companion. Travellers avoid certain routes, farmers abandon farmlands, and families adjust their routines around the unpredictability of violence. Security agencies, though making efforts, continue to appear overstretched and often reactive. Attackers strike quickly, vanish into unmapped forests, and resurface in another location days later. Communities are left grieving while government assurances rarely transform into long-term relief.

In a development that underscores the urgency of the situation, several states have now moved to shut down schools as a precautionary measure. Katsina State has ordered the closure of all public schools following credible threats linked to the activities of kidnapping gangs. In Kwara State, schools across Ifelodun, Ekiti, Irepodun, Isin and Oke-Ero LGAs have been closed amid rising concerns about attacks on vulnerable institutions. Plateau State has taken similar steps, placing selected schools on an indefinite shutdown. Findings across the northern region show that over 180 schools have been affected by either temporary or ongoing closures linked directly to insecurity.

This trend represents one of the most alarming signals yet. When schools begin to shut down not because of strikes or infrastructure decay, but because the government is unable to guarantee children’s safety, the crisis deepens. The consequences are severe: disrupted learning, displacement of pupils, psychological trauma, reduced enrolment, and widened educational inequality. Children bear the heaviest burden of a battle they did not choose.

The broader insecurity plaguing the country is not without roots. Years of ungoverned spaces, porous borders, arms proliferation, youth unemployment and an over-centralised policing system have created fertile ground for criminal groups to thrive. Banditry has become organised; kidnapping has become transactional. The combination of economic desperation and weak local intelligence systems has allowed small groups of armed men to wield disproportionate influence in rural communities.

Still, this moment calls for more than routine condemnations. What Nigeria faces requires a recalibration of its security priorities. Intelligence must take precedence over brute force. Communities need to be integrated into early-warning mechanisms. Technology—primarily aerial surveillance, communication tracking, and real-time mapping of forest corridors—must shift from policy statements to operational deployment. States must also be allowed clearer, legally backed roles in security management, as the current centralised structure is no longer sufficient to address a crisis spread across vast territories.

Public trust, already weakened, can only be rebuilt through visible, sustained action. Citizens want coordinated operations, not conflicting statements. They want preventive measures, not post-attack visits. They want accountability in security spending and clarity in strategy. Above all, they want assurance that their children can sit in classrooms without fear.

Nigeria stands at an inflexion point. The closure of schools is more than a temporary safety measure—it is a national alarm, a stark reminder that insecurity is now undermining the very foundations of development. Whether the country reverses this trajectory depends on how decisively and intelligently the challenge is confronted.

For now, parents wait, communities worry, and a nation watches the future of its young people disrupted by forces that should never have been allowed to grow this bold.

Abdulhamid Abdullahi Aliyu is a journalist and syndicated commentator based in Abuja.

A year called 2025

By Sulaiman Maijama’a 

Writing the end‑of‑year experience or the new‑year resolution, as is the case with many people on social media in recent years, has not been my tradition, for I don’t like making public the ladder I set out to climb in my life, nor do I like sharing my private‑life experience for public consumption. Reflecting on my journey through 2025, however, I saw the need to document the lessons learned, the experiences and knowledge acquired, and the shocks that became a turning point in my life. Perhaps this will shed some light on up‑and‑coming young people.

Of all the things I will recount, three occasions of opposite feelings of happiness and sadness that occurred stand out, and made me redefine my life and the people around me. Two experiences taught me, in practice, the concept of winning and losing in life. Several other experiences have widened my eyes to the realities of age and responsibility that come with it, as I’m rounding out the year as a newly improved version of myself.

On April 12th this year, I reached the pinnacle of my adulthood as I tied the nuptial knot with my beautiful Fulani wife in a momentous ceremony. Two days later, as we set out to enjoy the new life, my father-in-law, the father of my wife, passed on. The mosque we had gone to two days earlier to witness the making of my marriage contract was the same mosque we went back to observe the funeral prayers of my father-in-law. People who, two days earlier, came or called to celebrate with us were the same people who came or called to commiserate now. 

This tribulation obstructed all our plans: our honeymoon and visits from relatives to our newlywed home were suspended.  Weakened or rather paralysed by death, love vanished naturally from our hearts. My wife cried profusely (as she still does), and so my job was to pacify her and give her a sense of solace for her ever-growing pain. We did not have the luxury of the early days of marriage.

One month later, as we began to recover from the ordeal and as the rainy season set in,  thieves broke into my house mysteriously overnight while it was raining and took away my motorcycle. This was yet another moment of nervousness and suspicion about the area we reside in and the people around us, because we did not acclimatize to the environment.

Life continued through June and July, when I decided, for the first time in my life, to give agriculture a try. I planted soya beans with full force and hope to earn multiple profits. When it was almost ripe for cultivation, the farmland was tilted for a massive project, and I ended up having less than 20 per cent of what I invested.

In August, the most flabbergasting of all tribulations befell me: my biological father passed away after two years of illness. This is the greatest change in my life, and the realisation that growth has seriously come.

Looking back on my life, I know the Almighty’s favour and kindness toward me are immeasurable. Throughout my life, I have been successful in everything I have ever put my hands to; my educational journey, from nursery through primary and secondary school to polytechnic and university, has been seamless. Throughout this, I never retook any exam, graduated from polytechnic at the top of my class with a Distinction, and graduated from university with almost a First‑Class Honours. I never lacked resources, had opportunities, and even built a house while in university.

After graduation, I had two job offers before I finished the National Youth Service Corps. As I rounded out my NYSC, I got married immediately. I never missed any of my life’s milestones. With all these favours of God on me, why did God not test me in 2025? I will have to question my life and faith. Though these are tests of life that are hard to contend with, I draw solace whenever I remember Allah’s saying in the verse below in Surah Al‑Baqarah:

“And We will surely test you with something of fear and hunger and a loss of wealth and lives and fruits, but give good tidings to the patient”

Maijama’a is the Manager of Admin and Commercials, Eagle Radio Bauchi. He can be reached via sulaimanmaija@gmail.com.

The lie called “One Nigeria”

By Oladoja M.O

There comes a point in every nation’s existence when it must interrogate the very myths that forged its being, and it appears Nigeria has reached that juncture. “One Nigeria”, a slogan as old as our independence, repeated in classrooms, parliaments and pulpits alike, has gradually morphed from a patriotic creed into a hollow incantation that adorns speeches, but no convictions. A rhetoric that unites in sound but not in substance. And yet, like an overused balm, it is still generously applied to wounds that have long become septic.

When the British, in their cartographic arrogance, decided that the roaring rivers of the Niger and Benue could somehow dissolve the ancestral boundaries of a hundred nations into a single name, they planted both a promise and a peril. The promise was the strength of size, the illusion that numerical vastness equals greatness. The peril, however, lay in presuming that different civilisations, with their own gods, economies, memories, and destinies, could be hammered into a coherent polity without a shared philosophy of being. What emerged was less a federation of equals than a fragile patchwork held together by coercion and cliché.

History is replete with examples of states that mistook enforced coexistence for genuine unity. The Soviet Union once imagined that the subjugation of difference equalled solidarity until it collapsed under the weight of its own contradictions. Yugoslavia thought nationalism could be suppressed by ideology until ethnic passions burned Sarajevo into ash. Even Sudan, our continental cousin, insisted on an indivisible state until the centre could no longer contain the centrifugal cries for dignity and recognition, and the South tore itself free in a baptism of blood. Each of these polities preached “oneness,” but none could manufacture mutual trust. Unfortunately, Nigeria’s situation, though cloaked in democratic pretensions, bears an unnerving resemblance.

Decades after independence, we continue to stagger under the illusion of unity while exhibiting every symptom of division. Our politics remains a theatre of tribal anxieties. Our economy, a contest of regional grievance. Our institutions, battlegrounds of exclusion and suspicion. Every census, every election, every policy debate collapses into the arithmetic of ethnicity. We have created a federation in name, but a feud in practice. The Nigerian state, like a badly tuned orchestra, plays the anthem of unity while each instrument screams in its own discordant key.

What has deepened the tragedy is not merely that we are divided, but that we have learned to romanticise our dysfunction. The myth of “One Nigeria” has been elevated to the level of moral blackmail, as though questioning it were heresy. Yet, the facts are unflinching. From the coups and counter-coups of the 1960s, to the Biafran war that drenched this soil in youthful blood; from the endless agitations of the Niger Delta, to the violent insurgencies of the North, and the secessionist murmurs of the East, we have been a nation perpetually negotiating its own existence.

Even now, in the twenty-first century, the markers of mistrust remain, only deepened by new forms of betrayal. We have witnessed, time and again, how national security efforts are quietly sabotaged by regional sympathies where the pursuit of peace against terror becomes a political chessboard, and those who menace the state are garlanded as champions in their communities. In some quarters, it has almost become an identity to excuse barbarity in the name of kinship, to embrace those who burn the nation’s fabric as heroes rather than outlaws.

There are regions where individuals, through their character and conduct, have dragged the nation’s image into global disrepute, staining the diplomatic standing of millions, and forcing the country to spend years rebuilding bridges of trust with the international community. Elsewhere, the spirit of entitlement fosters a belief that governance is a turn-by-turn inheritance, that “it is our time now,” and so positions of influence must rotate along bloodlines and geography rather than merit. Even the recent rumblings of military adventurism, the whisper of coup sympathies and their architects seem disturbingly traceable to predictable corners of the polity, confirming that our divisions have not merely survived time; they have evolved.

Thus, we remain a country trapped in its contradictions: differential justice, uneven development, selective outrage, and an ever-widening gulf between the governors and the governed.

How then do we continue to recite the catechism of unity with straight faces? When the “one” in “One Nigeria” has become a question rather than a statement. For unity cannot be decreed by constitutions nor enforced by soldiers; it must be earned by fairness, equity, and mutual respect. When a nation’s prosperity is monopolised by a few, when power circulates within predictable bloodlines, when regions are treated not as partners but as provinces, the rhetoric of unity becomes an insult to intelligence.

We deceive ourselves with patriotic songs while ignoring the dissonance in our reality. The world is changing; nations are redefining themselves in pursuit of justice and balance. Ethiopia, after decades of internal conflict, restructured its governance to reflect its ethnic federalism. The United Kingdom, once rigidly centralised, conceded autonomy to Scotland, Wales, and Northern Ireland to preserve its union. Even Belgium, split by language and identity, discovered that devolution was the price of stability. In each case, political maturity triumphed over sentimental unity. Why then should Nigeria, with its far deeper pluralities, cling to a system that has neither delivered prosperity nor peace?

It is at this critical juncture that Nigeria must summon the courage to confront itself, not with nostalgia or denial, but with truth and pragmatism. The time has come for an honest national conversation, a sober rethinking of our structure, values, and vision. We must ask: What truly binds us, and on what terms should we continue this union? This is not a call to disintegration, but to redefinition. 

If genuine unity is to be sustained, it must be built on a framework that reflects our peculiarities rather than suppresses them. Perhaps it is time to revisit the foundations of our federalism to decide, through dialogue and consensus, whether the present centralised model still serves our collective good.

If what we need is a restructured federation that grants greater autonomy to regions, then let us pursue it with sincerity. If what we require is a return to a confederation that allows each region to govern according to its social and economic realities, then let the people decide it freely. And if, after exhaustive dialogue, it becomes clear that coexistence itself has become unsustainable, then perhaps peaceful dissolution negotiated with maturity and justice may be the truest form of unity left to us.

Whatever the outcome, silence and pretense can no longer suffice. We must choose between a future defined by courage or a decline defined by denial.

It is time to stop pretending that unity is sacred when it has become suffocating.

If we refuse to confront this reckoning, we risk learning, as others have, that when unity becomes a prison, freedom will break the walls. For now, the cracks are visible in our rhetoric, our regions, our republic. Whether they widen into collapse or are sealed with courage depends on our collective honesty. But one thing is certain: the chant of “One Nigeria” will not save us if it continues to mean nothing more than silence in the face of inequality.

Until we replace illusion with justice, and ideology with sincerity, we will remain what we are, a country yoked together by history, but not joined by purpose.

Oladoja M.O writes from Abuja and can be reached via mayokunmark@gmail.com.

A reminder to all Muslims around the world

By Amara Sesay

All praise is due to Allah, the Most High, the Most Exalted. We seek His peace and blessings upon the last Prophet sent to humanity, Muhammad (may the peace and blessings of Allah be upon him), his noble household, his companions and all those who follow in their footsteps until the Last Day.

“Has not the time come for those who have believed that their hearts should become humbly submissive at the remembrance of Allah and what has come down of the truth? And let them not be like those who were given the Scripture before, and a long period passed over them, so their hearts hardened; and many of them are defiantly disobedient. Know that Allah gives life to the earth after its lifelessness. We have made clear to you the signs; perhaps you will understand.” (Surah Al-Hadid, 57:16–17).

O Beloved Muslims, Has Not the Time Come? Beloved brothers and sisters, reflect for a moment—are we content with the state we find ourselves in today? How can we exchange a seat of honor for one of humiliation? Are we not the same people who pray at least five times daily, asking Allah: “Guide us to the straight path”, yet so easily stray toward the ways of those who have earned His anger? How can we abandon the mosque, the remembrance of Allah, and the noble mission entrusted to us, only to imitate those who oppose divine guidance? Are these the actions of Ahl al-Albab (the people of understanding)? Do they reflect the character of Ibadur-Rahman (the servants of the Most Merciful)?

Will such deeds bring us the comfort of angels at the time of death, or the comforting words Angels in the darkness of the grave? O Muslims, Do You Not Know Your Worth? You are the most honored of all peoples. Allah has chosen you to lift humanity from servitude to men into the worship of the ONE TRUE CREATOR of men. You were sent to liberate humankind—from the narrow confines of this world to the vastness of this life and the Hereafter.

For this noble mission, Allah has blessed you abundantly: He gave you the Qur’an, a book so mighty that if it were sent down upon a mountain, it would crumble from humility. He sent you Muhammad (may the peace and blessings of Allah be upon him)—a mercy to all creation. And the best of all created beings. Can there be a better role model for you? He granted lands rich in resources and strategically placed across the world.

He gave you population, wealth, heritage, and faith—blessings that many envy. But know, O servants of Allah, that these are trusts (Amanah) for which you will be questioned on the Day of Judgment. So fear Allah and let each soul reflect on what it has prepared for tomorrow. Truly, the convulsion of the Final Hour is a terrible thing!

O My Sister in Faith! You are the cornerstone of this Ummah’s future. You owe the world your purity, your steadfastness, and your sacrifice in raising a generation that will save mankind from despair and darkness. Do not be deceived by the false glitter of this fleeting world. The world praises you only when you abandon your modesty—but remember the deception of Shaytan toward your mother Hawwa (Eve). She lived in pure freedom until Shaytan promised “more,” only to strip her of dignity. Do not trade the honour of Maryam (Mary) for the cheap attention of those who see women as objects. Allah did not create you to be consumed and discarded—you were created to nurture faith, justice, and light. So fear Allah and pay attention to the kind of deeds you are sending forth for the Hereafter. Indeed, the convulsion of the Hour is a terrible thing.

O Believers, Remember your accountability know that every one of us will be questioned by Allah—about our life and how we spent it, our youth and how we used it, our wealth and how we earned and spent it, and the blessings we so often take for granted. “Then you will surely be asked that Day about pleasure.” (Surah At-Takathur, 102:8).

Will we then be grateful servants—or are we among the heedless who allowed this world to blind them from the Home of Eternal Bliss? “It [Paradise] is not [obtained] by your wishful thinking or by that of the People of the Scripture. Whoever does a wrong will be recompensed for it, and he will not find besides Allah a protector or a helper. And whoever does righteous deeds, whether male or female, while being a believer—those will enter Paradise and will not be wronged [even as much as] the speck on a date seed.” (Surah An-Nisa, 4:123–124).

The Promise of Allah Is True “If only the people of the cities had believed and feared Allah, We would have opened upon them blessings from the heaven and the earth; but they denied [the messengers], so We
seized them for what they were earning.” (Surah Al-A‘raf, 7:96).

Even amidst the trials facing the Muslim world—humiliation, oppression, poverty, and spiritual confusion—the promise of Allah remains true. The pious will inherit the earth, and the believers will rise again to a state of dignity, security, and leadership. The problem is not with the promise, but with the promised—all of us. If only we could temper our love for this fleeting world, conquer our fear of death, and return to Allah in sincere repentance—we would find Him Most Forgiving, Most Merciful. “O you who have believed, bow and prostrate and worship your Lord and do good that you may succeed. And strive for Allah with the striving due to Him. He has chosen you and has not placed upon you in the religion any difficulty. [It is] the religion of your father Abraham. He named you ‘Muslims’ before and in this [revelation], that the Messenger may be a witness over you and you may be witnesses over mankind.” (Surah Al-Hajj, 22:77–78).

“O you who have believed, persevere and endure and remain stationed and fear Allah that you may be successful.” (Surah Aal-Imran, 3:200). The Final Word, “And Our word has already preceded for Our servants, the messengers, that indeed they would be those given victory, and indeed Our soldiers will be those who overcome. So leave them for a while and see, for they are going to see. Exalted is your Lord, the Lord of might, above what they describe. And peace be upon the messengers. And praise to Allah, Lord of the worlds.” (Surah As-Saffat, 37:171–182).

O Muslims—return to Allah before death returns you to Him. Awaken your hearts, renew your faith, and rise to the honour Allah has destined for you. Hold fast to the rope of Allah together, for He is your Protector—and excellent is the Protector, and excellent is the Helper. May Allah revive our hearts, unite our Ummah, and make us among those who hear the reminder and follow the best of it. And the final word is: All Praise is due to Allah, Lord, and Nourishers of everything that exists in the Universe. And may the peace and blessings of Allah be upon the Messenger, his household, his companions, and all those who followed them on the right path.

On the infringement of Nigeria’s sovereignty

By Zayyad I. Muhammad 

Bandits, Lakurawa, Ansaru (Jama’atu Ansarul Muslimina Fi Biladis Sudan) and other terrorist groups have been terrorising Nigerians through killings, kidnappings, and rape. They have displaced thousands of people, carved out territories for themselves, collected taxes, and effectively governed parts of the North-West and North-Central regions.

For 13 years, the violent separatist group IPOB/ESN, designated a terrorist organisation by the Federal Government, has been operating in southeast Nigeria, terrorising the region through armed attacks on security forces, the enforcement of sit-at-home orders, and the killing and coercion of citizens to obey its directives.

For over 15 years, Boko Haram and ISWAP have established their authority on soft targets in some parts of the North-East, as well as attacking military formations, killing and kidnapping civilians, and carrying out suicide bombings against innocent people.

From the North-East to the North-West and North-Central regions, both local and foreign terrorist groups have carved out territories within Nigeria, killing and kidnapping innocent citizens, collecting taxes, imposing their own laws, displacing hundreds of people and brazenly displaying their weapons in public and on social media platforms.

On December 25, 2025, the United States, with the coordination and approval of the Nigerian government, launched 16 GPS-guided missiles at terrorist targets in parts of Sokoto State. As a result, some debris fell in Jabo and Offa. In Jabo, the debris fell on open fields, while in Offa, two hotels were hit.

Nigeria’s failure to eliminate these terrorists has brought the country to this point. No nation welcomes foreign military intervention on its soil. 

However, which constitutes a greater infringement on Nigeria’s sovereignty: the existence of local and foreign terrorist groups operating freely, killing, kidnapping, conducting suicide bombings, collecting taxes, and displacing innocent citizens from their lands, homes and places of business for nearly two decades, or a few hours of a U.S. missile strike authorised by the Nigerian government?

 Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja via zaymohd@yahoo.com.

Kebbi, Zamfara and the burden of a country failing its rural citizens

By Abdulhamid Abdullahi Aliyu

Nigeria has fallen into a bitter cycle of violence, with communities caught in a war they neither invited nor comprehend. In four days, at least 145 Nigerians were abducted in Kebbi, Zamfara, and Niger. This included 25 schoolgirls kidnapped in Kebbi, three villagers killed, 64 seized in Zamfara, 16 vigilantes murdered, and 42 abducted in Niger. The headlines are shocking, but the stories are more troubling: rural areas are dissolving under fear, abandonment, and rising criminal violence.

For many Nigerians, these incidents are not isolated tragedies; they are part of a vicious pattern stretching back years. In 2023, during the tense pre-election months, at least 792 Nigerians were abducted in only the first quarter, according to verified data. Today, as political parties warm up again for the 2027 contest, the shadows are lengthening once more. Insecurity rises, rhetoric rises, promises rise, but communities continue to fall.

The Kebbi school attack is particularly symbolic. Once again, the targets were schoolgirls. Once again, a perimeter fence proved more ceremonial than protective. Once again, armed men walked into a public school as though strolling through an unguarded market. According to the police, the bandits arrived at about 4:00 a.m., firing into the air and overpowering the school’s security before escaping with 25 children. A staff member, Hassan Makuku, was killed. A guard was shot. And the students vanished into the vast, unregulated forests that now function as safe havens for armed groups.

The Federal Government has condemned the attack as governments always do, calling it “reprehensible,” promising swift rescue, and directing security agencies to “locate, rescue and ensure justice.” The Minister of Defence described the incident as “totally unacceptable.” These statements are necessary, but they do little for the parents who now spend their days staring at empty bunks and silent uniforms.

Zamfara’s case is no less alarming. Entire families were carted away from Tsafe and Maru LGAs, with reports confirming three deaths and at least 64 abducted in one attack alone. Communities such as Zurmi, Shinkafi, Maradun, Maru and Bungudu have lived under this shadow for years. They pay levies. They negotiate to farm. They bury loved ones. They flee at night. Banditry in Zamfara has evolved into a parallel economy, one that thrives because the state’s presence has weakened, and criminal syndicates now operate with cold confidence.

Niger State’s tragedy further complicates the picture. Sixteen vigilantes were killed, and dozens were kidnapped. These vigilantes are ordinary residents who step in where the state has failed with torches, dane guns and courage as their only armour. They are outmatched, outgunned and overstretched. Yet they stand in the gap because the alternative is abandonment.

What links Kebbi, Zamfara and Niger is not geography but the silence that follows after promises fade and attention shifts elsewhere. Rural Nigeria has become the theatre of a slow, grinding war of attrition. Schools, farms, highways and markets have become targets. Parents now enrol children in schools not by distance or quality, but by safety. Communities now make security decisions based on rumours, not signals from the government.

Reactions from political figures capture a growing national frustration. Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar condemned the attacks as “a reminder of worsening insecurity,” pointing also to killings in Plateau, Benue and Kano. The PDP accused the Federal Government of “preferring politicisation to protection.” Security experts have raised deeper worries. Former CP Emmanuel Ojukwu warned that abductions often spike ahead of elections, becoming tools of disruption and intimidation. Another retired CP, Ladodo Rabiu, countered that insecurity has now become permanent, not seasonal, and politicians merely exploit it when convenient.

Both views reveal a brutal truth: Nigeria’s insecurity is no longer episodic; it is structural. It feeds on weak governance, fragile policing, porous borders, fragmented jurisdictions, and an overstretched military deployed incessantly for internal duties it was never designed to handle.

But beyond statistics and politics lies the real crisis, a moral one. Rural Nigerians are bearing the brunt of the state’s slow decay. They pay for security with money they don’t have. They live in fear; they didn’t create. They bury victims they cannot protect. Nigeria is failing them not because officials do not speak loudly, but because institutions do not act deeply.

So where does the problem lie, and what must be done?

First, the country’s security response remains reactive. Troops are deployed after attacks, not before them. Intelligence is gathered after kidnappings, not to prevent them. This cycle guarantees repetition. Nigeria must invest in village-level intelligence networks, not just forest-level firepower.

Second, the state is fragmented. Federal, state and local security efforts exist in parallel but rarely intersect meaningfully. Community policing remains a slogan instead of a functional architecture. Insecurity requires a coordinated chain; currently, Nigeria operates with scattered links.

Third, governance in the North-West has become inconsistent. Some states negotiate with bandits; others fight them; others allow communities to fend for themselves. Criminals easily read these patterns and exploit them.

Fourth, poverty and governance failure feed bandit armies. Unemployed youths become foot soldiers. Unprotected forests become camps. Unregulated mining corridors become revenue lines. No amount of military operations can defeat a criminal economy unless the incentives are dismantled.

Finally, transparency is missing. Nigerians rarely know what works or fails. Operations are announced, but outcomes are not documented. Without accountability, improvement is impossible.

The solutions are not mysterious. Deploy intelligence-driven operations; rebuild local policing; integrate vigilantes into formal security structures with training; secure forests with drone surveillance; regulate mining corridors; strengthen border patrols; ensure swift prosecution of captured bandits; and most importantly, ensure that victims are rescued quickly and consistently.

But no solution will matter unless Nigeria is honest with itself: the country has abandoned its rural citizens, leaving millions to bargain daily with terror. Kebbi, Zamfara and Niger are not just news items; they are warning lights for a nation whose peripheries are collapsing inward.

The question now is not whether the government will condemn the attacks it already has. The question is whether Nigerians will see meaningful change, or whether new tragedies will replace these before this week ends.

Until the state reclaims every inch of its territory physically, administratively and morally, rural Nigerians will continue to live on borrowed certainty, waiting for the next sound of gunshots in the night.

Abdulhamid Abdullahi Aliyu is a journalist and syndicated commentator based in Abuja.

On the gazetted tax laws: What if Dasuki was indifferent?

By Isah Kamisu Madachi

For over a week now, flipping through the pages of Nigerian newspapers, social media, and other media platforms, the dominant issue trending nationwide has been the discovery of significant discrepancies between the gazetted version of the Tax Laws made available to the public and what was actually passed by the Nigerian legislature. Since this shocking discovery by a member of the House of Representatives, opinions from tax experts, public affairs analysts, activists, civil society organisations, opposition politicians, and professional bodies have been pouring in.

Many interesting events that could disrupt the pace of the debate have recently surfaced in the media. Yet the Tax Law discussion persists because public interest is deeply entrenched in the contested laws. However, while many view the issue from angles such as a breach of public trust, a violation of legislative privilege by the executive council, the passage of an ill-prepared law and so on, I see it from a different, narrower, and governance-centred perspective.

What brought this issue to public attention was an alarm raised by Hon. Abdulsammad Dasuki, a Member of the House of Representatives from Sokoto State, during a House plenary on 17 December 2025. He called the attention of the House to what he identified as discrepancies between the gazetted version of the Tax Laws he obtained from the Federal Ministry of Information and what was actually debated, agreed upon, and passed on the floor of both the House and the Senate. He requested that the Speaker ensure all relevant documents, including the harmonised versions, the Votes and Proceedings of both chambers, and the gazetted copies, are brought before the Committee of the Whole for scrutiny. The lawmaker expressed concern over what he described as a serious breach of his legislative privilege.

Beyond that, however, my concern is about how safe and protected Nigerians’ interests are in the hands of our lawmakers at the National Assembly. This ongoing discussion raises a critical question about representation in Nigeria. Does this mean that if Dasuki had also been indifferent and had not bothered to utilise the Freedom of Information Act 2011 to obtain the gazetted version of the laws from the Federal Ministry of Information, take time to study it, and make comparisons, there would have been no cause for alarm from any of Nigeria’s 360 House of Representatives members and 109 senators? Do lawmakers discard the confidence we reposed in them immediately after the election results are declared?

This debate serves a latent function of waking us up to the reality of the glaring disconnect between public interest and the interests of our representatives. The legislature in a democratic setting is a critical institution that goes beyond routine plenaries that are often uninteresting and sparsely attended by the lawmakers. It is meant to be a space for scrutiny, deliberation, and the protection of public interest, especially when complex laws with wide social consequences are involved. 

We saw Sen. Ali Ndume in a short video clip that recently swept the media, furiously saying during a verbal altercation with Sen. Adams Oshiomhole over ambassadorial screening that “the Senate is not a joke.” The Senate is, of course, not a joke, and neither should the entire National Assembly be. Ideally, it should not be a joke to the legislators themselves or to us. Therefore, we should not shy away from discussing how disinterested those entrusted with the task of representing us, and primarily protecting our interests, appear to be in our collective affairs.

It is not a coincidence that, even before the current debate over the tax reform law, it has continued to generate controversy since its inception. It also does not take quantum mechanics to understand that something is fundamentally wrong when almost nobody truly understands the law. Thanks to social media, I have come across numerous skits, write-ups, and commentaries attempting to explain it, but often followed by opposing responses saying that the authors either did not understand the law themselves or did not take sufficient time to study it.

The controversy around the gazetted Tax Reform Laws should not end with public outrage or media debates alone. It should prompt deeper reflection on how laws are made, scrutinised, and defended in Nigeria’s democracy. A system that relies on the alertness of a single lawmaker to prevent serious legislative discrepancies is neither resilient nor reliable. Representation cannot be occasional, and vigilance cannot be optional. 

Nigerians deserve a legislature that safeguards their interests, not one that notices breaches only when a few individuals choose to be different and look closely. If this ongoing debate does not lead to formidable internal checks and a renewed sense of responsibility among lawmakers, then the problem is far bigger than a flawed gazette. When legislative processes fail, it is ordinary Nigerians who bear the cost through policies they did not scrutinise and consequences they did not consent to.

Isah Kamisu Madachi is a public policy enthusiast and development practitioner. He writes from Abuja and can be reached via: isahkamisumadachi@gmail.com.

[OPINION]: A swift response to insecurity: commending Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf

By Anas Abbas

The launch of Kano State Security and Neighbourhood Watch Guard on December 23 by Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf is a timely and reassuring response to growing concerns about insecurity across the state.

At a moment when residents were increasingly raising alarm over safety in their communities, the governor chose action over silence.

In recent months, reports of petty crimes and organised disturbances have unsettled many neighbourhoods, threatening Kano’s long-held reputation as one of the more peaceful states in the North.

These concerns were not distant headlines but daily experiences discussed in markets and almost everywhere in Kano state. Acknowledging this reality, Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf’s administration moved swiftly to confront the challenge.

Central to the initiative is the deployment of 2,000 security personnel, carefully drawn from all local government areas of the state. This structure ensures broad representation, local knowledge, and community trust key elements in effective crime prevention. By embedding security personnel within familiar environments, the government strengthens early detection and rapid response.

The neighbourhood watch guard complements existing security agencies rather than replacing them. It is designed to close the gaps where formal policing alone may struggle, particularly at the grassroots. This layered approach reflects a practical understanding that modern security requires cooperation, intelligence sharing, and community participation.

Beyond physical protection, the initiative delivers psychological reassurance. Visible security presence restores confidence, discourages criminal behaviour, and reassures residents that the government is attentive to their fears. Insecurity thrives where people feel abandoned; decisive leadership reverses that narrative.

Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf deserves commendation for the timing of this intervention. Launched during a period of heightened social and economic activity, it demonstrates foresight and sensitivity to public safety risks. It also reinforces the principle that governance must be proactive, not reactive.

However,as implementation unfolds, sustained training, accountability, and respect for human rights will be essential to long-term success. If properly managed, the neighbourhood watch guard can become a durable pillar of community safety.

In taking immediate steps to safeguard lives and property, Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf has sent a clear message: the security of Kano’s people is paramount. This initiative stands as a strong example of responsive leadership in challenging times.

Kannywood Best Performances of 2025

In 2025, the Hausa film industry, popularly known as Kannywood, witnessed a clear shift, with series films completely overshadowing feature-length productions. Apart from Mansura Isa’s Faliha and Falisha, no major Kannywood movie was released in cinemas throughout the year. This is, of course, troubling, as series films alone do not define the strength and global reach of any serious film industry.

However, series films attract more audience commitment, offering extended runtimes, deeper character development, and closer engagement with social realities. They also give filmmakers and actors the room to explore complexity in ways feature-length films often cannot.

After following several Kannywood series throughout the year, six clearly stood out for viewership, audience engagement, and the level of conversation they generated. They are as follows:

  1. Labarina (Season 14), 
  2. Wata Shida
  3. Garwashi
  4. Jamilun Jidda
  5. Zabi Biyu, and 
  6. Taskar Kannywood (Da Na Sani)

The above series were considered for the year’s best performances. Nominees were first identified within each series, after which an overall winner was selected for each category based on consistency, depth of performance, narrative impact, and contribution to the series as a whole.

  1. Best Actor of the Year 

Top Nominees:

  1. Adam Garba (Abba Galadima in Labarina [season 14], and Sameer/Dahiru in Wata Shida)
  2. Abubakar Waziri [Bado] (Malam Sani in Garwashi)
  3. Ali Nuhu (Professor Nuri in Jamilun Jidda)
  4. Yakubu Muhammad (Mudan in Garwashi)

Winner: Adam Garba (Abba Galadima in Labarina [S14], and Sameer/Dahiru in Wata Shida)

Adam Garba’s contributions to two of the top series clearly set him apart from other nominees. In Labarina (season 14), he delivers a calm, grounded performance as Prince Abba Galadima. However, his portrayal of Sameer/Dahiru in Wata Shida demands duality and emotional balance, all of which he handles with impressive control.

  • Best Actress of the Year 

Top Nominees:

  1. Fatima Abdulahi Washa (Sumayya in Labarina [Season 14])
  2. Fatima Hussaini (Zahrah in Wata Shida, and Ruth/Fatima in Jamilun Jidda)
  3. Fiddausi Yahaya (Ma’u in Garwashi, and Jidda in Jamilun Jidda)

Winner: Fatima Hussaini (Zahrah in Wata Shida, and Ruth/Fatima in Jamilun Jidda)

Although Fiddausi Yahaya left a strong impression as Ma’u in Garwashi and the title character in Jamilun Jidda, Fatima Hussaini maintains a stronger performance quality across different projects. The confidence she showed as Zahrah in Wata Shida, and her dual role in Jamilun Jidda prove her versatility, as she navigates contrasting identities effectively.

  • Best Supporting Actor 

Top Nominees:

  1. Rabi’u Rikadawa (Baba Dan Audu in Labarina [Season 14])
  2. Kabiru Sani (Gaddafi in Garwashi)
  3. Isah Feroz Khan (Kasim in Garwashi)

Winner: Kabiru Sani (Gaddafi in Garwashi)

Each of these actors delivered memorable supporting performances, but Kabiru Sani, alias International, stands out for the complexity and freshness he brought to the role of Gaddafi in Garwashi. The character is a blend of thuggery and humour. This combination could easily have messed up in less capable hands. However, Kabiru International plays it naturally. His performance felt confident and fully formed.

  • Best Supporting Actress

Top Nominees:

  1. Faiza Abdullahi (Lawisa in Garwashi)
  2. Bikisu Safana (Shatty in Wata Shida)
  3. Aisha Humaira (Samira in Garwashi)

Winner: Faiza Abdullahi (Lawisa in Garwashi)

The reason why Fa’iza Abdullahi wins is the way she adjusted her physicality, voice, and mannerisms to fit in the thuggish character of Lawisa in Garwashi. Her performance reminds you of Alia Bhatt’s finest performance in Gangubai Kathiawadi, which earned her the prestigious Indian National Film Award.

  • Best Villain of the Year

Top Nominees:

  1. Hauwa Farar Lema (Kilishi, Labarina [Season 14]) 
  2. Balaraba Abdullahi (Baba Lami, Garwashi)
  3. Magaji Mijinyawa (Kawu Nakowa, Wata Shida)

Winner: Hauwa Farar Lema (Kilishi, Labarina [S14])

Hauwa Farar Lema’s portrayal of Kilishi in Labarina (Season 14) stands out for her deep understanding of the character’s motivations and emotions. Her performance feels realistic. She looks fearsome and conveys the essence of her malicious character through threatening glances and expressions.

  • Star of the Year

Winner: Fiddausi Yahaya (Ma’u in Garwashi and Jidda in Jamilun Jidda)

While some critics question her acting prowess, Fiddausi Yahaya is undoubtedly the star of the year. As a relatively new actress, she suddenly became a household name, gained a massive fan following, trended widely on social media, and began appearing in multiple big-budget projects such as Garwashi and Jamilun Jidda, among others. She is a subtle performer and has shown steady improvement in acting quality with every new role.

  • Best Breakthrough Performance of the year

Winner: Amina Shehu [Lulu] (Samira in Da Na Sani)

A breakthrough performance is a role that elevates an actor’s visibility and reputation. This happens to Amina Shehu after delivering an intense and emotionally layered role of Samira, nicknamed Kwaila, in “Da Na Sani”, the seventh film from Taskar Kannywood collection. Da Na Sani became the most-reviewed film, and her performance in it was probably the most widely acclaimed of the year. 

  • Most Promising Actor of the Year

Winner: Murtala Yahaya Musa Sarauta (Bello in Zabi Biyu)

Judging by how convincingly he handled the role of Bello in Zabi Biyu, only a few roles would truly challenge him. He may appear too mature and lack the conventional swagger of Kannywood heroes, but his acting skills are too solid to be overlooked. With the right story that suits his personality, Murtala is really an actor to watch.

  • Most Promising Actress of the year

Winner: Hassana Ibrahim (Safiyya, Zabi Biyu)

The debutante Hassana Ibrahim demonstrates exceptional potential in her powerful lead performance in Zabi Biyu. She portrays emotional depth and control, particularly in scenes that require vulnerability and internal struggle. She has a commanding screen presence, delivers her dialogue effectively, and complements it with appropriate gestures

  1.  Best Comic Performance

Winner: Isiyaka Jalingo (Zabi Biyu,and Garwashi)

Isiyaka Jalingo is not merely funny; he generates humour through behaviour and mannerisms while still serving the story. His roles are not designed solely for comic relief; instead, the humour emerges organically from the way he speaks and acts in every scene he features. His roles in Garwashi and Zabi Biyu, though small, leave a huge impact.

Written By

Habibu Maaruf Abdu

habibumaaruf11@gmail.com