Opinion

By Muhammad Isyaku Malumfashi

There are people within this government who support negotiations with bandits, and this piece aims to address them. I wrote against former Governor Masari’s governance when he had negotiated with bandits in an article published by The Daily Reality newspaper, titled “How Governor Masari is Wrongly Governing Katsina State.” I’m doing the same to refute any move to negotiate with bandits at the expense of the government’s power.

Meanwhile, apart from the government’s “data boys,” the problem we now have is the “negotiation lawyers” who protect the government from criticism of negotiating with terrorists. As I have been saying, it is a failure of the government to negotiate with terrorists.

Not only I, but many security experts have opined that negotiating with bandits is futile. In fact, the governor himself, Dr Dikko Umaru Radda, admitted during a call-in interview with Channels Television that he wouldn’t negotiate with bandits at their weakest point. We all applauded, as they have no justifiable reason for their actions and hence no grievances to present to the government for it to listen to. They should either surrender and cease fire, or the government should use force to wipe them out.

We’ve seen many such negotiations with bandits in both the previous administration and the present that have not borne fruit. Perhaps the Fulani terrorists breached the truce by breaking the agreement, thereby continuing to commit crimes against innocent citizens. 

The biggest problem is that they will come into town with weapons, as we’ve seen in the Kankara Local Government area, until people become accustomed to seeing them. Then, some will start to befriend them, so they, too, can get the opportunity to handle weapons. Thus, the country might become like Libya – God forbid – where arms became available to citizens as a result of government carelessness in the name of self-defence, and subsequently turns into a lawless state.

Because in Libya today, one with more sophisticated arms is the most feared and powerful being, just like a government. They can do and undo as they want. Nigeria, particularly Arewa, might face a similar fate, but I believe God will embarrass them. The worst thing about this negotiation is that even if there is negotiation, these Fulani bandits won’t take up any job that will earn them money. Instead, they’ll move to another town where there’s no security problem and continue their terrorist activities. If there’s another negotiation, they’ll move forward.

They wanted to pursue an agenda of conquest with great force, as in the 1804 Jihad. I know historians among us will relate better, though I’m not one; I’m a history enthusiast and studied it in secondary school. Thus, we’re not ignorant of the past. If we don’t forget, those Fulani bandits camped at the Kankara forest under the notorious bandit leader Babaru, aka, had to negotiate with the people of Yar Goje town, before they could target some villages.

Then, they got the opportunity to attack the Mantau village in Malumfashi, where they killed many worshippers during dawn prayers in the mosque and thereafter kidnapped many residents and took them to their camps. Although they later released them, the government claimed the release was due to a firefight with troops, but Zuma Times reported the opposite. We believe the latter, as the government didn’t present any evidence of casualties.

The Mantau village has been a headache for the bandits for years. They’re well-prepared and gallant, and on many occasions, they’ve hidden at routes where bandits pass by to attack and kill them. The village was a no-nonsense and fearful place for bandits. Even the day they attacked them, it was a raid, not face-to-face, which shows an act of cowardice. Therefore, the Fulani won’t stop terrorising; they’ll move forward until they’ve conquered the Hausa land entirely, as captured and masterminded by their ancestors for centuries.

Negotiation with bandits, even though it has never happened at the state level but at the local governments’ level, as seen in Jibia, Batsari, Kurfi, Kankara, and others, makes us suspect that even those that happened at the local governments’ level were with the governor’s consent. He doesn’t want to admit his failure or is afraid of reversing his stance on non-negotiation with bandits.

The idea is totally archaic and reckless because not everybody will sit down and watch people who killed their loved ones or bankrupted them through ransom payments be forgiven and allowed to roam freely, while the people they killed are no more. The properties destroyed or collected for ransom are not compensated.

Even the government’s careless move to empower repented bandits is not welcoming because they have enough money collected from ransom payments. Why should the government empower them with our money? I think the best approach is to empower the victims, not the repentant bandits. The government should also reintensify its security approach, especially given the recent surge in banditry attacks in eastern and southern Malumfashi over the past two days. May Allah restore absolute peace and stability in our towns, states, and the country at large.

By Zayyad I. Muhammad

The Petroleum Industry Act (PIA) 2021 does not prohibit the importation of petroleum products into Nigeria. There is no outright ban; instead, the Act supports a deregulated market with regulatory oversight governing imports.

Dangote’s grievance with the Nigerian Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority (NMDPRA) under Engr. Farouk Ahmed centres on the continued issuance of import licences to petroleum marketers. And the failure to impose heavy levies and taxes on imported petroleum products 

According to the NMDPRA, Nigeria’s petrol imports averaged 52.1 million litres per day in November 2025.

The Nigerian Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority further disclosed that the NNPC imported the bulk of Nigeria’s petrol requirements in November 2025, with total imports by all marketers amounting to 1.563 billion litres during the month.

In the first round of this battle, Dangote appears to have “won,” as President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has replaced Engr. Farouk Ahmed of the NMDPRA and Gbenga Komolafe of the Nigerian Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission (NUPRC). Oritsemeyiwa Amanorisewo Eyesan has succeeded them as Chief Executive Officer of the NUPRC and Engr. Saidu Aliyu Mohammed as Chief Executive Officer of the NMDPRA, subject to the Senate’s approval.

The bottom line is that this battle will continue. The new chief executives cannot outrightly ban the importation of petroleum products by the NNPC or other marketers, as there is no law to support such a ban. However, they are likely to engage Dangote cautiously to avoid the fate that befell Farouk Ahmed and Gbenga Komolafe. Which is not a good thing for any regulator in any industry 

If Dangote truly seeks full market patronage, pricing is key. His products must match or beat the cost of imported petroleum products. Marketers operate on a simple philosophy: buy good, sell good. 

If Dangote Refinery’s prices and processes are competitive or superior to imported products, no marketer would endure the challenges of sourcing foreign exchange, freight costs, and time delays when a cheaper and readily available alternative exists at their doorstep.

 Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja via zaymohd@yahoo.com.

By Abu Turay

Across West Africa, a silent but powerful transformation is taking root: the judicialization of politics. The courts, once arbiters of constitutional order, are increasingly the final arbiters of electoral contests. Nowhere is this trend more visible than in Nigeria, where nearly every major election ends not at the ballot box, but at the bench.

This expanding role of the judiciary in electoral outcomes raises complex questions: Are the courts rescuing democracy from flawed elections? Or are they replacing the people’s will with judicial verdicts, thereby shifting the center of gravity in democratic governance?

Courts as Electoral Arbiters

In Nigeria, the 2023 general elections showcased the scale of post-election litigation. Dozens of gubernatorial, legislative, and even presidential results were contested, with tribunals and appellate courts deciding outcomes. In some states, candidates initially declared losers were later declared winners by judicial rulings.

This is not unique to Nigeria. Ghana, Senegal, and Sierra Leone have all witnessed major electoral disputes resolved by courts. The judiciary has become both a battleground and a battlement—a place where democracy is either affirmed or redefined.

At face value, this suggests a maturing democracy where the rule of law reigns supreme. But the implications are not always reassuring.

Why Judicialization Is Rising

Several forces are driving this trend.

First, the deterioration of electoral credibility. When institutions like the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) are accused of logistical failures, transparency lapses, or bias, the courts become the last hope for justice.

Second, electoral malpractice, including voter suppression, ballot snatching, vote buying, and misinformation, creates fertile ground for legal contestation.

Third, the increasing legal codification of elections means that technicalities—like improper nomination, overvoting, or irregular result collation—can overturn popular mandates.

Finally, the high stakes of public office in West Africa create desperation. Access to state power can mean access to wealth, immunity, and patronage. In such a zero-sum environment, litigation becomes not just a legal process but a political strategy.

The Benefit and Risks of Judicialization

There’s no denying that courts have played a vital role in correcting flawed elections. In theory, their intervention strengthens democracy, punishes rigging, and reinforces accountability. For disenfranchised voters and honest candidates, the courts can offer justice.

However, the risks are real—and growing.

• Erosion of Voter Confidence: When elections are routinely overturned or validated by judges, citizens may begin to see voting as irrelevant. If judges, not voters, decide winners, what incentive remains for civic participation?
• Perception of Bias: Even when courts follow the law, public trust can erode if verdicts appear to favor the ruling party or lack consistency. Allegations—often unproven—of judicial compromise further deepen distrust.
• Political Pressure on Judges: With so much at stake, courts may face overt or subtle pressure from powerful actors. This politicization of the judiciary undermines its independence and the democratic process.
• Weakened Electoral Bodies: Overreliance on courts can take pressure off electoral commissions to improve. If every error or illegality is expected to be “fixed” in court, institutional reform stalls.

Striking the Right Balance

The solution isn’t to remove the judiciary from politics, but to restore balance in democratic governance. That starts with a few key reforms:

1. Strengthen INEC: Electoral commissions must be empowered and insulated from political interference. Technology, transparency, and real-time result transmission should be prioritized.
2. Judicial Reform: Appointments should be merit-based and transparent. Courts must deliver verdicts speedily, especially before swearing-in ceremonies, to avoid situations where incumbents retain power during prolonged litigation.
3. Public Legal Education: Citizens must understand the legal basis for judgments. Civic education can prevent misinformation and temper partisan outrage.
4. Political Party Reforms: Many disputes begin with flawed primaries. Strengthening internal party democracy would reduce court cases tied to candidacy irregularities.
5. Pre-election Dispute Resolution: Early intervention by courts—before elections—on candidate eligibility, party symbols, and procedural concerns can limit post-election chaos.

Democracy in the Dock

The growing judicial role in elections reflects both the fragility and resilience of West African democracies. It shows that, although the ballot may be compromised, the Constitution still carries weight. Yet, democracy must not become a perpetual courtroom drama.

The judiciary is not an electoral umpire. It is a guardian of law, not a generator of legitimacy. When citizens believe their votes don’t count, the social contract frays. When politicians believe they can win in court what they lost at the polls, the democratic ethic decays.

Ultimately, a nation where every election becomes a lawsuit is one where democracy risks death by litigation.

To end this piece, I ask: Do we want a democracy that is judicially rescued or an institutionally reliable democracy? The difference will shape not only our politics but our future.

Abu Turay is an Embedded Technical Expert on Electoral Affairs at the Electoral Assistance Division of ECOWAS Peace, Security and Governance (EPSG) Program. He can be reached via bainam2010@yahoo.com.

By Usman M. Shehu

One of the most unsettling thoughts for any corper is the harsh reality of the Nigerian labour market. I know this firsthand—I’m in Batch C Stream 2, due for my Passing Out Parade (POP) on 18th December 2025. Finishing service brings not just doubt, but real anxiety and fear: fear of losing the monthly allowance (allowee), and the daunting task of distributing your curriculum vitae (CV)—via email or in person—to companies, agencies, and contacts.

The dynamics of the job market have shifted dramatically. It’s no longer just about what you know (your skill set), but increasingly about who you know (your connections). This is driven in part by the sheer volume of graduates entering the market each year. Take my field, geology, for example: it’s not one of the most competitive courses, yet about 80 students graduated in my class alone, with degrees ranging from first class and second class upper (2:1) to second class lower and third class. This pattern repeats across faculties from sciences and engineering to humanities. When you do the math, thousands of graduates flood the market annually, far exceeding the combined absorption capacity of the public and private sectors.

This oversupply is a major reason why many graduates and even their guardians rely on connections to secure jobs. It’s an affront to the merit-based ideals of our educational system and a key factor behind the declining efficiency in the public sector. When nepotism and connections trump competence, institutions suffer. The civil service is already crumbling under this weight, as we see today. Fixing it remains a hot topic in public discourse, but the goal should be clear: employment public or private must prioritise what you know over who you know.

Another major challenge is the age barrier. Since 2009, the NYSC certificate prominently displays your date of birth to prevent age falsification. This makes it harder for anyone over 28 years whether due to late entry into university or academic delays to get interviews or even apply. Most job portals and advertisements specify strict requirements: age limits, degree class, skills, and years of experience. Often, if you’re above the age threshold, you can’t even access the application portal. These restrictions hit hardest in white collar jobs.

The Way Forward: Despite these systemic hurdles, individual agency matters. To move forward, we must be enterprising and proactive: work hard, strategically build in-demand skills (like digital marketing, data analysis, coding, or entrepreneurship), and stay humble while relentlessly pursuing opportunities whether through networking, job hunting, or starting your own business.

That said, this moment isn’t entirely bleak. We’re excited about the transition and earning our certificates. It opens doors to jobs that require NYSC completion. And if we take these steps seriously upskilling, staying resilient, and thinking creatively we won’t just be employable; we’ll become highly sought-after prospects.Happy POP to my fellow corpers, Batch C Stream 2 2025! Let’s step into this next chapter ready. For by failing to plan, we are planning to fail.

Usman M. Shehu writes from Kano State, Nigeria.

By Anas Abbas

When Professor Salisu Shehu assumed office as Secretary-General of the Nigerian Educational Research and Development Council (NERDC) twelve months ago, expectations were naturally high. His background spanning academia, public service, and university administration suggested a leader well-versed in both theory and practice. One year on, those expectations are steadily taking shape in policy actions and institutional reforms.

Born in Tafawa Balewa, Bauchi State, Professor Shehu’s career journey reflects a deep and consistent engagement with education. From advising former Bauchi State Governor Isa Yuguda on education matters to serving as Vice Chancellor of Al-Istiqama University, Sumaila, his professional life has been shaped by classrooms, policy chambers, and research institutions. That experience would soon inform his approach at NERDC.

Upon assuming office, one of his first priorities was the internal part. Professor Shehu believed that effective national reform could not emerge from a divided institution. He therefore placed strong emphasis on building harmony and mutual understanding among staff members. In his view, a research and development council can only thrive when its workforce operates as a cohesive unit, driven by shared purpose rather than fragmented interests.

Yet, beyond institutional culture, curriculum reform remains the centerpiece of his leadership. For years, the national Teacher’s Guide had been limited to junior secondary schools, leaving a noticeable gap at the senior secondary level. Under Professor Shehu’s stewardship, the guide underwent a comprehensive review by subject experts and was subsequently expanded to cover senior secondary education a landmark achievement for the Council. With the support of the Minister of Education, the updated Teacher’s Guide has now been implemented nationwide, marking one of NERDC’s most significant interventions in recent times.

Professor Shehu’s vision, however, extends beyond a single reform. He argues that education systems must evolve in step with a rapidly changing world. To this end, he has proposed a quarterly review and update of Nigeria’s national curriculum an ambitious but strategic move aimed at ensuring Nigerian students remain competitive with their counterparts in developed economies.

In the same forward-looking spirit, the Secretary-General has drawn attention to the growing influence of artificial intelligence in global education. As AI increasingly shapes teaching methods, learning content, and assessment models, he maintains that Nigeria cannot afford to lag behind. NERDC, he says, has begun exploring ways to integrate artificial intelligence into curriculum planning and design, signaling a decisive shift toward future-ready education.

Another critical area under his watch is the long-standing debate on mother-tongue instruction in early education. While Professor Shehu supports the policy in principle, he is equally clear about the need for caution. According to him, successful implementation requires proper groundwork, particularly through structured “train-the-trainer” programmes to equip teachers with the necessary skills before nationwide rollout.

Despite the technical demands of policy reform and institutional leadership, Professor Shehu consistently returns to a simple but powerful message especially for young Nigerians. Education, he believes, remains the most reliable pathway to personal growth and national development. His call to the youth is direct and unwavering: embrace learning, build capacity, and prepare for a future shaped by knowledge and innovation.

As he enters his second year at the helm of NERDC, the direction of his leadership is becoming increasingly clear. Reform the tools, update the knowledge base, embrace emerging technologies, and equip the next generation for a world already in motion. For Professor Salisu Shehu, the task of shaping Nigeria’s educational future has only just begun.

Anas Abbas is a final year student of mass communication, Bayero University, Kano.

By Abdulsalam Mahmud

Across the world today, governments are recalibrating their economies to fit a green and sustainable future. From Brazil’s vast reforestation drive in the Amazon to Morocco’s solar revolution in Ouarzazate, nations are realising that the path to prosperity now runs through the low-carbon economy. 

The green transition has become more than an environmental necessity; it is the new global economy in the making — one that rewards innovation, resilience and foresight. For Africa, this transition is both an urgent challenge and a rare opportunity. 

As the continent most vulnerable to climate change, Africa stands to lose the most from inaction. Yet, it also possesses immense natural capital — sunlight, land, biodiversity and youthful human potential — that can power a sustainable transformation. Countries that act early and boldly will not only build resilience but also attract the finance, partnerships and technologies shaping the next century.

In this global context, Niger State, under the visionary leadership of His Excellency, Farmer Governor Mohammed Umaru Bago, has chosen to define its future differently. Over the last two years, the state has pursued one of the most ambitious subnational green economy transformations in Nigeria’s history. 

By linking local realities to global climate ambitions, Niger is steadily positioning itself as a hub for climate-smart agriculture, clean energy, and green industrial development. Governor Bago’s administration began by recognising an undeniable truth: climate change is not just an environmental issue but an economic one. 

Desertification, flooding and deforestation have long undermined livelihoods across the state. To confront these threats, Niger launched its “Green Economy Blueprint”, an integrated strategy designed to build resilience while creating green jobs and sustainable prosperity. From that moment, the state’s engagement with the world deepened. 

At COP28 in Dubai, Niger presented its blueprint before international partners, and by COP29 in Baku, it had become a recognisable name in subnational climate leadership. These appearances were not symbolic. They yielded partnerships that have since defined the core of Niger’s transition agenda.

One of the most transformative was the Memorandum of Understanding with Blue Carbon, a UAE-based company committed to developing sustainable climate solutions. The agreement to plant one billion economic trees across one million hectares in Niger State is among the largest private–public reforestation programmes on the African continent. 

Beyond ecological restoration, the initiative promises rural employment, carbon credit generation and long-term economic dividends from timber, fruit and non-timber forest products. Equally significant was the partnership with FutureCamp Germany, a globally renowned firm in carbon markets. This collaboration aims to unlock over ₦1 trillion in climate investments and build the technical framework for Niger’s carbon market activation.

For a subnational entity, this is pioneering work — one that could see Niger emerge as the first Nigerian state to fully participate in voluntary carbon trading, attracting new revenue streams while promoting transparency in climate finance. The MoU with the NNPC Limited extends Niger’s climate action to the energy frontier. 

It covers a suite of renewable and low-carbon projects, including a Greenfield hydroelectric power plant, mega solar parks for institutions and home solar systems targeting 250,000 households. The agreement also envisions an ethanol plant capable of producing 500 million litres annually, powered by crops cultivated across 100,000 hectares — a project that will create value chains, empower farmers and reduce dependence on fossil fuels.

Meanwhile, the collaboration with ECOWAS Bank for Development and the Environment for an $11 million Madalla Green Economic Market promises to turn commerce itself into a model of sustainability—blending trade, recycling, and renewable energy into a single modern ecosystem. Similarly, Niger’s partnership with the Turkish firm Direkci Camp is reshaping agribusiness through smart agriculture, irrigated soya cultivation and export-oriented value chains.

These developments are not isolated. They are coordinated through the Niger State Agency for Green Initiatives (NG-SAGI), the institutional anchor established two years ago and now led by Dr Habila Daniel Galadima. Beyond a doubt, NG-SAGI is more than a bureaucracy; it is a policy engine designed to harmonise the state’s environmental, agricultural, and energy programmes into a coherent climate-resilience framework.

Under this framework, Niger hosted Nigeria’s first-ever subnational Green Economy Summit in 2023, attracting investors and development partners from across the globe. The summit’s outcomes validated the Governor’s approach: local action can be globally relevant if guided by a clear vision and credible governance. The pledges and partnerships secured there continue to serve as foundations for current projects — from afforestation to renewable energy and sustainable agriculture.

Another milestone was the creation of the Niger State Agriculture Development Fund, with ₦3.5 billion in startup capital from the state and local governments. The fund is enabling 1,000 young farmers to access ₦1 million in grants, along with hectares of land for nurseries across all 25 local governments. This initiative has quietly triggered an agricultural mechanisation revolution, empowering a new generation to view farming as a business —and sustainability as a strategy.

Partnerships with the United Nations Industrial Development Organisation (UNIDO), the Energy Commission of Nigeria, and the Global World Energy Council are driving new frontiers in wind energy and industrial decarbonization. Niger’s growing alignment with UNIDO is already yielding plans for circular-economy models within the agro-processing free trade zone, blending job creation with environmental responsibility.

And while some of these projects are at different stages of implementation, the direction is unmistakable: Niger State is building a green identity anchored on innovation, inclusion and international collaboration. Even modest steps, like installing solar-powered streetlights across Minna, tell a larger story — one of a government deliberately moving toward a future powered by clean energy and driven by public safety and climate consciousness.

As the world prepares for COP30 in Brazil next month, Niger State’s delegation is expected to present these achievements not as isolated efforts, but as part of a coherent subnational climate narrative. It will highlight how a state, once challenged by deforestation and poverty, is now leading a structured march toward carbon neutrality and green prosperity. 

The focus this time will be on climate-smart agriculture, renewable energy expansion, youth inclusion, and green finance innovation—key pillars aligned with the global call for just and equitable transitions. At COP30, Niger’s voice will also speak for Nigeria’s broader subnational climate movement — demonstrating how state-level leadership can accelerate the nation’s commitments under the Paris Agreement. 

The lessons from Niger are clear: climate action must be localised, data-driven and economically beneficial. Beyond the conference halls of Brazil, Niger’s agenda carries deep human meaning. Every hectare reforested, every solar panel installed, every youth trained in sustainable agriculture is a statement of faith in a livable future. 

Climate action here is not an abstract ambition; it is a lived policy that transforms communities, restores hope and redefines governance as stewardship. If properly amplified, Niger’s story could inspire other states to view climate change not as a threat but as an opportunity—a chance to create industries, attract green finance, and protect generations unborn. 

That is the broader promise Governor Bago’s vision now represents: that sustainability is not an aspiration for rich nations alone, but a shared moral and developmental duty for all. As COP30 draws near, Niger’s turn to shine on climate action is not just about showcasing progress; it is about reinforcing possibility. 

For a state once defined by its rivers and farmlands, the journey toward a green economy may well become its most enduring legacy — one that proves that in Africa’s heartland, the seeds of a sustainable future are already being sown

Mahmud, Deputy Editor of PRNigeria and a rapporteur at the maiden Niger State Green Economy Summit, writes via  babasalam1989@gmail.com.

By Alhassan Hassan Salihu

How BBC Hausa shaped my journey into journalism, from childhood mornings filled with the voices of BBC Hausa to my first day inside a studio, radio has been more than just background noise; it has been my teacher, my guide, and my inspiration.

This is the story of how listening turned into learning, and how learning shaped my journey into journalism.

Becoming a journalist was a natural progression for me, sparked by a lifelong habit of listening, reading, and watching the news. For as long as I can remember, news has been a daily ritual to me, something that felt less like a choice and more like a tradition I inherited from my father.

Growing up, our mornings and evenings were defined by the voices on the radio. We would start the day by tuning in to Voice of America at 6:30 AM, then switch to the BBC Hausa Service at 7:00 AM, followed by DW Hausa at 7:30 AM, and return to the BBC Hausa Service at 8:30 AM. And at night, the whole family would gather again, this time before television, to watch NTA Network News at 9:00 PM sharp.

These routines were more than just ways of staying informed; they became a profound part of my upbringing. The sound of the BBC Hausa and Radio Nigeria Kaduna, in particular, was not just a broadcast; they were a culture. 

They shaped entire generations in northern Nigeria, creating shared experiences and anchoring people to both local and global realities. For many of us, storytelling comes naturally, but the absolute obsession with stories and even the dream of becoming journalists often started with our parents’ love for radio. 

Families gathered around to listen, not only to know what was happening in the world, but also to feel a sense of belonging to a broader conversation.

But here lies a challenge; unlike the generations before us, today’s families are not always gathering around radios or televisions at fixed hours. 

Instead, parents are glued to smartphones, and children often consume fragmented bits of information through digital media. 

This shift raises an important question: what will become of the younger ones if they grow up without the discipline, focus, and collective culture that radio once provided?

The beauty of the radio era was its structure. Programs are aired at specific times, forcing families to pause their lives and share a common moment of learning. 

I later realised how insightful and educational this exposure had been, especially when I began studying mass communication at the university. 

During my first and second years, I took courses like Media English I & II, which helped me connect the dots and apply what I had unconsciously been absorbing for years.

While many struggled with the art of broadcasting, I found it surprisingly simple. It felt effortless, like second nature, because I had been learning by listening to experts all along. News isn’t merely about headlines; it is about understanding context, undercurrents, and implications. 

Critical engagement with news empowers people to navigate the world’s complexities and contribute meaningfully to conversations that shape positive change.

In today’s fast-evolving environment, staying informed should not be seen as a casual habit but as a necessity for growth, development, and societal progress.

I still remember my first day in the studio. My coach, Hajarah Bala Sidi, was impressed by my performance and asked if I had previously worked at a radio station. In truth, I had done nothing more than to follow her simple guidance, yet I was able to compile and voice an excellent report. 

That moment confirmed what years of exposure had quietly built in me: a confidence with words, rhythm, and storytelling.

It was not just news, it was an education in patience, attention, and dialogue. Digital media, while faster and broader, often lacks this collective discipline. Stories are consumed in isolation, and context is sometimes lost in the flood of content.

Along the way, I also developed a deeper appreciation for language mastery, particularly in Hausa. Radio programs were filled with proverbs, metaphors, and eloquence that enriched my communication skills.

This influence even stretched back to my secondary school days; subjects like Government, History, Current Affairs, and English Literature became easier for me because the insights I picked from the radio gave me a head start.

This makes it even more important for parents, educators, and journalists to rethink how news is introduced to children today.  This background provided me with the basic tools to analyse and judge the world around me. Those early lessons still influence the way I view society today.

This background provided me with the basic tools to analyse and judge the world around me. Those early lessons still influence the way I view society today. 

Journalism, for me, isn’t just a profession; it reflects how I was raised: constantly aware, always questioning, and always learning.

News sharpens critical thinking and broadens worldview. It provides insights into emerging trends, global challenges, and innovative solutions.

If BBC Hausa and Radio Nigeria Kaduna once shaped generations through the power of sound, then perhaps the task now is to find new ways of shaping generations through the power of both sound and screen. 

Whether through radio, television, or digital platforms, one truth stands out: societies thrive when their citizens are informed. 

Staying informed is not passive consumption; it requires active engagement: reading thoroughly, listening carefully, and watching with intent. 

As a journalist, I hold to this principle: the newsrooms of my childhood might have changed, but the lesson remains the same.

The world may no longer gather around a radio at dawn or a television at night, but the responsibility to stay informed remains timeless, and if we can pass this culture on to our younger ones, they too will learn that news is not just about headlines; it is about understanding the world, questioning it, and striving to make it better.

Alhassan Hassan Salihu wrote via hassanalhassan8785@gmail.com.

By Muhammad Umar Shehu

Once again, the federal government is threatening the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) with its usual tactic, no work, no pay. It’s the same tired strategy used by previous administrations whenever the union pushes for the full implementation of agreements that were voluntarily signed. But history has shown that this policy does not resolve issues; it only increases mistrust, diminishes morale, and further weakens our universities.

During President Muhammadu Buhari’s administration, the no-work-no-pay policy was enforced after the 2022 ASUU strike, which lasted eight months. Lecturers were unpaid despite the government’s failure to fulfil promises that caused the strike. Buhari’s approach focused on punishment rather than dialogue, leading to resentment and strained relations with academics. The key issues- poor funding, unpaid allowances, and decayed infrastructure- remain unresolved.

Education is not like any other sector. ASUU is not just another pressure group that you can intimidate or silence with threats. This is a body of intellectuals, people whose weapon is knowledge and whose struggle is for national development. You can’t use the same tactics that might work on transport unions or political protesters on an organisation built on principles, history, and intellectual resistance.

Globally, similar unions in countries such as South Africa, the United Kingdom, and even the United States have stood their ground when governments have failed to meet academic demands. In 2016, for instance, the South African “Fees Must Fall” movement forced the government to rethink its policies and increase education funding. In the UK, university staff have repeatedly gone on strike over pay and working conditions, yet the government has had to return to the negotiating table rather than threaten them. These examples show that dialogue and respect for agreements are the only sustainable paths, not coercion.

In Nigeria’s own history, ASUU has endured decades of intimidation and threats. From the military era to the present democratic dispensation, their fight has remained consistent to protect public universities from total collapse. They have been banned, unbanned, and blacklisted, yet they stay because they represent something more profound than just salary negotiations. They represent the conscience of our educational system.

The government’s repeated use of the “no work, no pay” policy is not just short-sighted; it is a confession of leadership failure. Instead of fixing the root causes of the strikes, those in power prefer to silence those who expose their neglect. The result is what we see today: poor learning conditions, brain drain, and a generation of students whose academic lives are constantly interrupted.

It’s time the government understood that ASUU’s strength lies in its moral ground. Their struggle is not for personal gain but for the survival of education in Nigeria. Threats won’t work; intimidation won’t help. Only commitment, dialogue, and respect for signed agreements will bring peace to our universities.

If we truly want to equip our education system for the poor and the future, we must stop treating teachers as enemies and start treating them as partners. A nation that punishes those who fight for education has already given up on its future.

Muhammad Umar Shehu wrote from Gombe and can be reached viaumarmuhammadshehu2@gmail.com.

By Haroon Aremu Abiodun

There are mornings in Ilorin when silence feels heavier than sound. The call from the mosques echoes through the still air, the streets breathe quietly, and the city wears its memories like scars. Old voices recall leaders who once came with grand promises of tomorrow, only for those promises to collapse into dust. Over time, people have learned to wait with folded arms, half-expecting betrayal, half-resigned to it. In such silence, names either fade away or return as stubborn echoes. For Ilorin, one such echo is Saliu Mustapha.

Ironically, his story does not begin with privilege or inherited power. Born on September 25, 1972, he followed ordinary paths: Bartholomew Primary School in Zaria, Command Secondary School in Kaduna, then Kaduna Polytechnic, where he studied Mineral Resources Engineering. His foundation was not gilded, but shaped by discipline and a technical education that sharpened his instinct for problem-solving, a skill he would later carry into politics.

Politics did not come to him as an inheritance. He carved his own space, first as the National Publicity Secretary of the Progressive Action Congress, and later as the National Deputy Chairman of the Congress for Progressive Change. These were not glamorous titles but challenging, foundational roles in party-building, long before the APC became the political behemoth it is today. His fingerprints are etched into the DNA of Nigeria’s political evolution, even before his name became widely recognised on the Senate floor.

In 2021, Ilorin’s political and traditional calculus shifted when Mustapha was turbaned as Turaki of Ilorin. What many saw as a mere ceremony was, in fact, a rupture of entrenched political alignments. For the first time, a politician already known for grassroots philanthropy was formally woven into the traditional fabric of Ilorin. That title would become part of his political identity, following him into every campaign, every negotiation, every conversation.

Today, he serves as the Senator representing Kwara Central and chairs the Senate Committee on Agriculture Production, Services, and Rural Development. This portfolio is not symbolic; it is central to Nigeria’s survival. In a country where food crises threaten households and livelihoods, the committee he leads touches what matters most: food on tables and jobs in villages.

But Abuja titles mean little without ground truth. On the streets of Ilorin and across Kwara Central, his presence is felt through the quiet but steady work of the Saliu Mustapha Foundation. From funding scholarships and refurbishing classrooms to constructing the Al-HikmahOnimalu road, his interventions blend education, infrastructure, and empowerment. His scholarship program for Arabic and Islamic Studies students, under the NBAIS framework, reflects cultural sensitivity that is often absent from mainstream politics.

Even his empowerment programs carry an unusual personal stamp. With ₦100 million branded as Turaki Cash, artisans and traders were lifted into small but meaningful stability. Unlike many politicians who shy away from direct ownership of initiatives, Mustapha attached his name to the initiative, underscoring his responsibility and intent.

There is also philanthropy done quietly, beyond the glare of headlines — clearing hospital bills for indigent patients, including children whose stories might otherwise never be heard. These gestures rarely make it into campaign flyers, but they build a loyalty deeper than billboards ever could.

Perhaps most striking is his approach to accountability. Unlike most of his peers, Mustapha documented his first year in the Senate with a public scorecard, published on his official website. Every project, every intervention, is laid out for public scrutiny. This transparency may not make him the loudest voice in the chamber, but it makes him one of the most accountable to the people he represents.

Recognition has followed. In 2025, the University of Ilorin hosted him as a Distinguished Personality, a rare academic acknowledgement that demonstrated his relevance had extended beyond politics into civic and intellectual spheres.

So what does all this mean on his birthday? It means that, unlike many whose legacies are written in lofty speeches, Saliu Mustapha’s is being written in roads, scholarships, markets, and farms. It means that, in a society addicted to noise, he has chosen the language of implementation. And it means his name has become that stubborn echo Ilorin cannot ignore.

Happy birthday to Senator Saliu Mustapha, Turaki of Ilorin. History has not given you a free pass; it has given you a challenge: to turn your uncommon record into an indelible legacy.

Haroon Aremu Abiodun is an Associate Member of the Nigerian Institute of Public Relations (NIPR).

By Abbas Datti

The Federal University Dutse (FUD) has ushered in a new era of purposeful leadership with the election of Professor Ahmad Muhammad Gumel as its 4th substantive Vice Chancellor, a development widely welcomed across the academic community as a well-deserved victory for merit, experience and vision.

Gumel’s emergence followed a competitive and transparent selection process that drew seasoned academics from across the country. Muhammed Gumel’s victory reflects the confidence of the University’s Governing Council in his proven capacity to lead, innovate and consolidate the gains recorded since the institution’s establishment.

A scholar of high repute, Gumel is widely respected for his intellectual depth, administrative acumen and unwavering commitment to academic excellence. Over the years, he has distinguished himself as a disciplined researcher, an inspiring teacher, and a consensus builder who understands the complexities of managing a growing federal university in a dynamic educational environment.

Colleagues describe him as a visionary leader with a clear understanding of the mandate of Federal University Dutse—to serve as a centre of learning, research and community development. Gumel’s leadership style, marked by inclusiveness, transparency and firm decision-making, is expected to strengthen institutional stability and staff morale while enhancing students’ academic experience.

As the 4th substantive Vice-Chancellor, Gumel is expected to build on the solid foundation laid by his predecessors, with a strong focus on academic quality, research output, infrastructural development, global partnerships and community engagement. Gumel’s background in university governance and strategic planning positions him well to navigate contemporary challenges, including funding constraints, staff development, and the drive for international relevance.

In accepting responsibility, Gumel reaffirmed his commitment to service, pledging to work collaboratively with staff, students, alumni, and stakeholders to advance the university’s vision. He emphasised that leadership is a collective task and expressed readiness to harness the vast human resources within FUD to move the institution to greater heights.

The election of Gumel has been widely celebrated as a triumph of competence and integrity. Many within and outside the university community view his emergence as Vice-Chancellor as timely and reassuring—a signal that Federal University Dutse is firmly on the path of sustainable growth, academic distinction and national relevance.

With Gumel at the helm, expectations are high that FUD will consolidate its reputation as one of Nigeria’s fast-rising federal universities, driven by purposeful leadership and an unrelenting pursuit of excellence.

Abbas Datti writes from Dutse, Jigawa State, via comradeabbasdatti@gmail.com.