Opinion

By Bashir Uba Ibrahim, Ph.D. 

Onomastics is the study of names and the naming of objects, places, and things. Its two main branches are anthroponymy and toponymy. While the former is concerned with individual proper names, family names, or surnames, the latter is interested in studying the motivations behind the proper names of places. This article is interested in toponymy—changing the names of places. Thus, it aims to synthesise the nexus between onomastics and history in naming places and how some circumstances trigger their penultimate changes. 

One of the impetuses behind this article is a Facebook post by Dr. Abdullahi Dahiru, a physician and public commentator, regarding the renaming of “Kunchi” Local Government to “Ghari.” In his post, he attributes this change to a distortion of history, citing Prof. Tijjani Naniya’s views on the etymology of “Kunchi” as historically linked to the bravery of its people. 

As a fortress town established to shield Kano from the external aggression of Damagaram, which sporadically attacked Kano in ancient times, the people of Kunchi successfully obliterated and defeated Damagaram infinitum. Thus, they were tagged by the Kano people as “Kun ci”, meaning “you have won”. As time passed, the phrase blended and metamorphosed to “Kunchi”. Henceforth, the town is called “Kunchi”, according to Prof. Naniya, cited by Dr. Abdullahi Dahiru. Therefore, the semantic change of the word was purely motivated by an extralinguistic factor, as the hardship and backwardness faced by the people of Kunchi were onomastically attributed to the pejorative nomenclature of the word in Hausa.

This scenario is called semantic and morphological change through blending in linguistics, a situation whereby the structure and meaning of the word change over time. Many types of semantic changes exist, including Broadening, Amelioration, Semantic Reclamation, and Pejoration.

The fourth one, “pejoration”, is where a semantic change of the word “kun ci” to “kunchi” falls. According to John (2000: 55), “pejoration is when the word’s meaning changes from positive to negative”. It usually occurs due to the extralinguistic factor or associating it with the taboo, as the name “kunchi” in Hausa is pejoratively associated with the taboo or something negative. 

Meanwhile, the stigma that the name “kunchi” pejoratively carries in Hausa and the negative stereotype it connotes make the people of the area opt to change the name of their local government. This will be a significant setback to the town’s history because, as time goes on, the upcoming generation from there will not know the history of their forefathers and their bravery in warfare.

On the other hand, semantic anomalies—those who believe there is no relationship between a word and what it stands for—triumph over analogists, who argue that word meaning represents what it stands for. Thus, the historical and semantic imports of the word “kun ci,” which was subsequently transformed to “Kunchi,” were not only changed but also its whole structure and form were replaced, displaced, and dislocated.

Finally, this is not the first time a place or city name has changed. Historically, we have seen how some places or cities’ names change due to varied circumstances. For instance, Mumbai, the capital of India, was formerly known as Bombay. But when the nationalist party Shiv Sena rose to power in 1995, it changed Bombay’s name to Mumbai, citing that the former name carries relics of British colonial legacy. 

Similarly, Istanbul, the capital of Turkey, was formerly known as Constantinople for hundreds of years. It was renamed Istanbul in 1930 after the Republic of Turkey was created. Therefore, changing place names is normal, depending on the circumstances and historical events that motivated them.

NB:

Dr. Raji Bello draws my attention that the case of the historical change of the name of “Kunchi” to “Gari” is similar to Lynchburg, Virginia, Black American people whose nomenclature of their city etymologically derived from the historical event of their racial subjugation and maltreatment and want the name of their town change.

Dr. Bashir Uba Ibrahim wrote from the Department of English and Literary Studies, Sule Lamido University Kafin Hausa, Jigawa State.

By Hamza Almustapha Paki

Examination malpractice is regarded as any deliberate act of wrongdoing that violates examination rules intended to provide a candidate with an unfair advantage. Examination malpractice, also referred to as the unlawful actions students undertake during their exams to achieve good grades by taking shortcuts.

Exam malpractices, such as cheating, impersonation, and leakage of examination questions, have become a persistent and widespread problem among students in Nigeria. These malpractices threaten the education system and the country’s future. 

The phenomenon has infiltrated the education system, compromising the integrity and fairness of assessments, undermining efforts to foster a skilled workforce, and eroding public trust in the system. Examination malpractice, alongwith its disadvantages, has negatively impacted all facets of society.

The examination law and ethics state that the sanctions or penalties for candidates involved in examination malpractice in Nigerian tertiary institutions range from a warning letter to not allowing the candidates to sit the examination, suspension for two semesters, expulsion, and dismissal from the institution, depending on the degree of misconduct. 

According to the National Examination Council (NECO), it is estimated that the total number of students involved in various forms of examination malpractices was about 20,000 as of 2021.

On the other hand, 178 cases of malpractice were detected in the Unified Tertiary Matriculation Examination in the 2022 and 2023 batches.

The Joint Admissions and Matriculation Board (JAMB) identified the malpractices as including “multiple registrations, manipulation of biometrics, collusion of some private CBT centres with parents, impersonation, deliberate disruption of the examination process, and syndicate of adjacent centres in examination.

It is depressing, regrettable, and shameful to engage in examination malpractices after all the energy expended by our respected lecturers or teachers.

In conclusion, examination malpractice could lead to a loss of confidence, self-esteem, determination, and indolence. 

It also acts as a source of future persistent sadness, which could cause psychological, emotional, and physical disorders in the victim. Therefore, it should be seen as the enemy of society and jettisoned.

By Isah Dahiru

The recent interview with popular Kannywood actress Nafisa Abdullahi has ignited a heated debate across the social landscape of northern Nigeria, capturing the attention of various commentators, particularly on social media. In her comments, Nafisa made a bold assertion, claiming she is in complete control of her body and mind, and no external pressure will sway her from dressing or presenting herself as she chooses. While many regard Nafisa as a rising icon in the realm of feminism, others view her stance as a challenge to societal norms, often overlooking moral values and even biological realities that define the differences between men and women.

However, I firmly believe that Nafisa and those who share her views are fundamentally misguided. Our bodies are not commodities to be paraded for public admiration. We are not here merely to fulfil some visual pleasure or as adornments for others’ gaze. Instead, we are human beings endowed with dignity and deserving of respect. As the saying goes, “Modesty is the garment of wisdom,” and our attire should reflect the strength of our character, not just the shapes of our bodies.

Some may view Nafisa’s perspective as a rallying cry for women’s rights, but we must question: at what cost? Feminism, when reduced to a struggle for the right to dress indecently or act without moral constraints, becomes an empty movement. True feminism should not undermine the fundamental principles of respect, but rather empower women to pursue their dreams, shape their futures, and contribute meaningfully to society. Yet, today, far too many feminists have turned their movement into a celebration of physicality and superficiality, often at the expense of deeper issues that affect women—such as access to education, healthcare, and opportunities for economic advancement.

“Not all that glitters is gold,” and the so-called “empowerment” that comes from making oneself a spectacle for public approval is fleeting at best. Our communities need leaders who inspire change through actions that address real problems, not through empty displays of vanity. Nafisa and her supporters must realise that feminism was never about endorsing self-destructive behaviours but advancing equality and opportunity for women, especially in the most critical areas—health, education, and justice.

Moreover, the widespread glorification of such behaviours leads to a dangerous distortion of the feminist narrative. In the pursuit of gender equality, many have lost sight of the core values that have guided humanity for centuries. As the Yoruba proverb says, “A child whose mother does not discipline will be disciplined by the world.” While Nafisa may feel empowered by her choices, she must ask herself whether these choices empower women or diminish their potential. Are they fostering respect, or are they merely setting up an unrealistic, unsustainable standard that undermines the integrity of the feminist movement?

The case of Nafisa is also emblematic of a broader issue in modern-day feminism: the movement has become entangled with other societal problems, including the normalisation of self-objectification. This is particularly damaging in northern Nigeria, where the pressures of social norms and expectations are often at odds with personal freedoms. It is one thing to advocate for women’s rights but another to ignore the vital cultural and moral fabric that holds communities together. The old adage, “When you are in Rome, do as the Romans do,” speaks to the importance of understanding context and respecting traditions that shape our societies.

Furthermore, it is essential to note that the modern feminist movement has, in many ways, become an outlet for personal grievances—whether stemming from personal insecurity or trauma. In some cases, it’s a response to physical abuse, neglect, or toxic home environments. Unfortunately, this mindset often distorts the movement into focusing on external appearance and aggressive defiance rather than internal healing and social harmony. Feminists like Nafisa who endorse such ideologies must ask themselves: Are we fighting for the right to make healthy, empowered choices, or are we simply reacting to our wounds?

“Empty vessels make the most noise,” the proverb warns. Feminism, when misdirected, can become just that: an empty echo of ideals without true substance or lasting impact. Instead of dwelling on appearances, activists should channel their energy into solving tangible issues affecting women daily. Why not focus on creating innovative solutions for women in business, technology, or healthcare? Why not work toward making pregnancy and childbirth safer for women in rural areas? Let’s think about addressing the millions of girls who are denied an education or the thousands of children living on the streets of cities like Jos and Kano. These are the real battles feminists should be fighting.

The world has always advanced through the cooperation of men and women, and both genders have vital roles to play in society’s development. Nafisa and her followers should consider taking a more constructive approach. Instead of focusing on outward appearances and ideological battles, they could use their platforms to bring about meaningful change. 

Let Nafisa invest her energy into projects to help women access technology, provide better healthcare, or champion the cause of good governance. As the saying goes, “A man with a good wife is like a man with a treasure chest”. True success comes not from looking beautiful for the world but from making contributions that endure long after physical beauty has faded.

Time waits for no one. The years spent in idle pursuits are years lost. Like all of us, Nafisa is in her prime, and it is her responsibility to use this time wisely. Rather than spending it on fleeting concerns like hair and makeup, let her invest in causes that uplift women and contribute to the collective well-being of society. Her legacy can be more than just a pretty face—it can be one of deep, transformative impact. “He who does not cultivate his own field, let him not expect to reap the harvest.”

The choice is hers—will she become a true role model, not just for how she dresses, but for the change she brings to the world?

By focusing on true empowerment and social progress, Nafisa can transcend the superficiality of celebrity culture and contribute to a more meaningful, lasting legacy for herself and the women who look up to her.

Isah Dahiru is a pharmacist who wrote via easerdahiru@gmail.com.

By Dr. Mansur Hassan

The annual Maulud celebration organized by the Tijjaniyya sect in Kano State has once again highlighted the resilience of the people of Kano against politically motivated security threats. Despite repeated attempts by unscrupulous elements to disrupt such events, this year’s Maulud, conducted under the leadership of His Excellency Alhaji Abba Kabir Yusuf, the Executive Governor of Kano State, and His Royal Highness Muhammad Sunusi II, the Emir of Kano was successfully held.

Politically Motivated Threats and Compromised Agencies

It has become a recurring issue that whenever the government of Governor Yusuf, under the platform of the New Nigeria People’s Party (NNPP), intends to organize any form of gathering—be it religious, political, or social—certain individuals and groups, who are both indigenes of Kano and enemies of the state, orchestrate unnecessary security threats. These threats, fueled by political motives, are aimed at destabilizing the government and discouraging the people from attending such gatherings.

Disturbingly, some of these elements reportedly exploit their connections with the federal government to influence security agencies. In several instances, certain compromised officials within the security apparatus have appeared to yield to these politically motivated threats rather than prioritizing their constitutional duty to protect the lives and property of law-abiding citizens.

The Role of the Nigeria Police Force

The Nigeria Police Force, constitutionally mandated to ensure peace and security, has often found itself at the center of these controversies. Ideally, any credible security threat should be swiftly addressed to allow citizens to freely exercise their rights to assembly and worship. However, instead of providing adequate protection, there have been instances where the police were reportedly pressured by these unscrupulous individuals to ask the government to cancel such events under the guise of maintaining public safety.

This practice undermines the fundamental rights of citizens and creates unnecessary tension within the state. It is crucial for the police and other security agencies to remain neutral, professional, and committed to their duties rather than bowing to external influences.

A Victory for Unity and Resilience

Despite the challenges, this year’s Maulud celebration was a resounding success, marking a significant victory for the people of Kano. The event demonstrated the unity and resilience of the Tijjaniyya sect and the larger Kano community in the face of politically driven intimidation.

The successful organization of the Maulud sends a strong message that the people of Kano will not be swayed by fear or manipulation. It also highlights the commitment of Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf’s administration to upholding the rights and traditions of the people, ensuring that religious and social gatherings can take place peacefully.

Conclusion

The yearly Maulud celebration in Kano serves as a reminder of the need for vigilance and fairness in governance and security. It underscores the importance of safeguarding the rights of citizens against the machinations of those who seek to exploit political differences for personal gain. As the people of Kano continue to stand united, it is essential for all stakeholders, especially security agencies, to prioritize their constitutional responsibilities and act in the best interest of the state and its citizens.

Alhamdulillah, this year’s Maulud has proven that unity, faith, and determination can overcome even the most insidious of challenges. May such successes continue to inspire peace and harmony across Kano State and Nigeria at large.

Dr. Mansur Hassan is a Senior Lecturer in the Department of Mathematics, Northwest University Kano and he can be reached through mhassan@yumsuk.edu.ng

Dear Prof. Sagir Adamu Abbas, 

Although I doubt you could access this letter, I consider it necessary after two failed attempts to obtain relevant information from the office of the registrar of Bayero University, Kano (BUK).

After following this issue for over six months, expecting the school to do the needful, I am disappointed that this great institution continues to give the public room to question its integrity, especially when such involves deceiving a newly established institution by inflating figures and withholding surplus money belonging to students.

It has been alleged that the management of BUK inflated the figures of students’ school fees in the data shared with the National Education Loan Fund (NELFund). As a result, students applying for loans to pay their registration fees met higher amounts already pre-entered on their dashboards and submitted their applications since there was no option of altering the figures. Consequently, NELFund sent the pre-entered amounts to BUK to cover the students’ registration fees and expects each applicant to repay the same after graduation.

I know a student who needed N95,500 to pay his registration fees, but when he wanted to borrow from NELFund, he met N110,000 on his application dashboard. He submitted it like that, and his application was approved in June 2024. However, owing to pressure from BUK, he sought money and paid his registration fees, believing in the school to do the needful once it received money from NELFund.

Fast-forward to January 2025. The school refunded him N95,500 (the exact amount he paid as registration fees) without explaining the N14,500 surplus it received from NELFund. 

Another student who needed N101,500 was forced to borrow N105,000 from NELFund, with BUK keeping the extra N3,500. 

In addition to contacting these two students, I have read dozens of posts and comments by BUK students on social media (concerning this issue) between August 2024 and now, with no single student mentioning having information about their missing money. However, some students are afraid of victimisation, hence warning their mates to be careful with their expressions regarding the issue.

Sir, each of these poor students is expected to repay the exact amount BUK received on their behalf. As a consequence, it is absolutely wrong for the school management to keep the money.

I must mention that the BUK’s singular act of providing wrong data to NELFund could jeopardise the chances of a lot of other potential beneficiaries because the Fund could distrust other institutions henceforth.

I considered this letter necessary after taking some steps, notable of which are as follows:

On June 30, 2024, NELFund responded to my questions via X (formerly Twitter) as follows:

“All institutional fees on the portal were provided by the institution who (sic) themselves are autonomous under the law and not by NELFUND. Should you have any questions regarding your institution fees, kindly contact the competent authorities of your institution.

“According to the Establishment Act, NELFUND reserves the right to determine the interest payable on every loan. In this case, NELFUND have (sic) determined that the interest rate is zero.”

Also, on January 16, 2025, I emailed the registrar of BUK to seek clarification regarding the missing funds belonging to students. Fortunately, I received the following response about an hour later.

“Good morning Ishaka, 

Thank you for your email. I will review the issue you’ve raised and respond accordingly. 

Kind regards

Haruna Aliyu 

Registrar”

Nonetheless, after waiting for six days without receiving any feedback, I sent a reminder. However, at the time of writing this letter, I have still not received any relevant information.

An institution like BUK is supposed to be the epitome of accountability and transparency, so I humbly request that you consider doing the following as soon as possible.

Consider sending the surplus money to the rightful owners—the affected students. 

After that, explain the reasons for the wrong figures and the delay in disbursing the surplus to them.

Lastly, explain to NELFund why the school sent the wrong figures to represent the value of students’ school fees.

It is worth stressing that all of the above actions are necessary damage control strategies, so each should be carried out and openly communicated. In addition to helping BUK improve its public image, these strategies could help the authorities of the institution to avoid probable consequences of their unethical and illegal actions.

Yours sincerely,

Ishaka Mohammed

By Ibrahim Ado Kurawa

Nigeria is consistently one of the most successful countries in the annual international Qur’anic recitation competitions. It is blessed with many learned Ulama and pious populace but unfortunately it is also notorious for neglecting Almajirai (Qur’anic school pupils). Therefore the prestige of the Glorious Qur’an is relegated to optics not inculcating the true teachings of Islam of honoring its pupils and their teachers.

Recently, the Ulama closely associated with the president Ahmad Bola Tinubu propagandists and cronies have come under scathing criticisms because of their planned “Qur’anic Festival”. Dan Bello, the popular social media influencer, was the first to bring public attention to the project [contract] though negatively depicted. He exploited the prevalent anti-Tinubu sentiments. This is because, Tinubu is widely perceived as having betrayed the Ulama who supported the Muslim-Muslim ticket.

Shaykh Abdullah Bala Lau, the leader and National Chairman of Jama’atu Izalatul Bidi’ah wa Ikamatus Sunnah is the promoter or convener of the Festival. The Shaykh made a video clip that has become viral in support of the initiative. His most important reason for initiating the Festival is to promote the unity of the Ummah, which is laudable. He has been engaged in such efforts of bringing together leaders of various sects and factions in the past especially during national crises.For example, his most recent effort was in public diplomacy and it culminated in his leading the Ulama mediation team that visited Niger Republic to meet its military president on the tension between Niger and Nigeria over ECOWAS feud. That has immensely enhanced his image. In addition, he is widely respected within the Salafi circle as a man of compassion and friendliness. He has also been able to win some Sufi leaders who are also battling with their factional crises just like him. This is a major political asset, which could translate to votes hence politicians always visualize and exploit it.

Unfortunately, the Shaykh and many other Ulama and activists are not treated fairly by the politicians who are only concerned with exploiting the social capital of the Ulama. This is because, there are states where president Tinubu lost the election, but their politicians are now the major beneficiaries of his government more than the promoters of the Muslim-Muslim ticket – the most important strategy that brought him to power.

Tinubu’s handlers are only interested in using the Ulama for political gains. Hence Dan Bello’s insinuations always resonate with the poor masses no matter how hard the Ulama try to distance themselves from the ineptitude of the Tinubu’s administration.

The big questions people are now asking is, is the Qur’anic Festival going to be financed by Tinubu, his propagandists or cronies? Is the Qur’anic Festival for the benefit of the Muslim Ummah and at what cost? Shaykh Bala Lau must be careful in his dealings with politicians. Because he didn’t clarify the sponsors of the Qur’an Festival.

Though, in a widely circulated video clip, one of the Shaykh’s lieutenants alluded that the Shaykh and a senior official of the government initiated the idea. So, who’ll bankroll the exercise?

The Ulama must resist temptation of taking money from government officials past or present, without knowing the source of the money, otherwise, they will suffer the same fate of loss of integrity as clerics of other faiths. Although, the Shaykh’s followers never doubt his integrity, however, dining with politicians is a dangerous gamble.

Most politicians pretend to work for national interest but in reality it is subordinated to their interests. When did our politicians ever consult any religious leader before implementing unpopular policies? They only do so when things get bad and are in desperate need of public support. This is not acceptable more especially because Muslim organizations made responses to the Presidential Advisory Committee (PAC) Policy Document with diligence and expertise probably more than any other politicians who are now the darlings of Tinubu’s administration.

Moreover, the Tinubu team never respected and honoured the contributions of the Ulama and Muslim intellectuals to the policy proposals of the PAC. Therefore, Shaykh Bala Lau has no reason to use the Qur’anic Festival for the benefit of Tinubu administration unless it changes its course because they will use and dump him.

Presently, there are video clips of some Salafiyya clerics drawing the attention of Shaykh Bala Lau that he’s now compromising his doctrinal position by “inventing” a new “bidi’ah” which his organisation claims to be eradicating. Of course, the unity of the Ummah is sacrosanct and yes, the Qur’an unites the Ummah. But focusing our attention and finding solutions to the issues of almajirai who are neglected by the society are more important than a convention or festival.

According to the Shaykh, 30,000 Qur’anic reciters from across the country will assemble at Moshood Abiola Stadium to promote Qur’anic recitation. How much is the cost? Conservatively it could reach N3 billion at N100,000:00 per head. There is no need for this, because every year there is a National Qur’anic Recitation Competition or Musabaqa with representatives from all over the country. So why spending billions on a similar competition?

Finally, Shaykh Bala Lau and supporters of this Festival should use their influence to mobilize resources for the Almajirai through the National Commission for Almajiri and Out of School Children which has not received up to N3 billion from the Government since its inception. And if the Shaykh and his team do not support the Commission, they should channel their resources and energy to confronting the challenges of the Almajirai through whatever means they believe in, rather than festivities or jamboree. No strategy has so far succeeded in alleviating the predicament of the Almajirai since 1960 when Sir Ahmadu Bello (Premier of Northern Region) initiated the process with the Committee of 100 Mallams. Is this not a shame for Muslims of Nigeria?

Ibrahim Ado-Kurawa is a renowned historian who lives and writes from Kano. He’s the editor of Nigeria Year Book and Who is Who. He can be reached via ibrahimado@yahoo.com

By Zayyad I. Muhammad

“Change is the only constant in life,” -ancient Greek philosopher Heraclitus.

The Danfodio Jihad, led by Sheikh Usman Dan Fodio in the early 19th century, had several prominent flag bearers. These individuals were given flags by Usman Dan Fodio as symbols of authority to lead the jihad in different regions. The most notable flag bearers include:

 1. Muhammad Moyijo – Kebbi

 2. Abu Hamid – Zamfara

 3. Ummaru Dallaji – Katsina

 4. Mallam Musa – Zauzau

 5. Mallam Isiyaka – Daura

 6. Mallam Suleiman – Kano

 7. Buba Yaro – Gombe

 8. Mallam Alimi – Ilorin

 9. Mallam Dendu – Nupe

 10. Mallam Yakubu – Bauchi

 11. Modibbo Adama – Adamawa

 12. Mallam Zaki – Katagun

 13. Mallam Sambo – Hadejia

 14. Mallam Dantunku – Kazaure

 15. Muhammad Manga – Misau

 16. Muhammad Wabi – Jama’are

 17. Muhammadu Namoda – Kauran Namoda

 18. Sambo Dan Ashafa – Yan’Doto

Over time, these scholars and leaders and their territories evolved from jihad leaders and scholars to traditional authorities—‘The Native Authority’—which the British later integrated into their indirect rule system. Emirs in the northern emirates wielded substantial power over their territories, overseeing local administration, tax collection, law enforcement, judicial authority, and maintaining order.

In 1976, during local government reforms under General Yakubu Gowon’s administration, the Native Authority system was formally replaced with a standardized, democratic local government structure across Nigeria.

Initially, emirates and chiefdoms in Nigeria had no graded ranks—only First Class Emirs, Chiefs, and Hakimis or Dakacis. Over time, a grading system (First, Second, and Third Class) was introduced, which the emirates, chiefdoms, and their people adapted to.

These territories witnessed the creation of states and local governments and the emergence of new emirates and chiefdoms. For instance, Gombe State now has nine first-class emirs:

 1. Abubakar Shehu-Abubakar: Emir of Gombe and Chairman of the State Council of Emirs and Chiefs

 2. HRH Alh. Abdulkadir Haruna Rasheed: Emir of Dukku

 3. Muhammad Kwairanga Abubakar: Emir of Funakaye

 4. HRH Ahmad Usman Mohammed: Emir of Deba

 5. Umar Muhammad Atiku: Emir of Akko

 6. HRH Alh. Adamu Haruna Yakubu: Emir of Pindiga

 7. HRH Alh. Umar Abdulsalam: Emir of Gona

 8. HRH Alh. Muhammed Dadum-Hamza: Emir of Nafada

 9. HRH Alh. Abubakar Ali: Emir of Yamaltu

Gombe State also has five chiefdoms: Mai Tangale, Folo Dadiya, Mai Kaltungo, Mai Tula, and Dala Waja. The Tula Chiefdom carved out of the Kaltungo Chiefdom, was created in 2001 by the Gombe State House of Assembly.

Similarly, Bauchi State has six first-class emirs: Bauchi, Katagum, Misau, Jama’are, Ningi, and Dass.

Borno, not part of the Danfodio Jihad, has eight emirates: Borno, Bama, Damboa, Dikwa, Biu, Askira, Gwoza, Shani, and Uba. The Uba Emirate was created in 1976.

The Kano Emirate has experienced the creation and abolition of emirates by successive governments. Governor Abubakar Rimi established new emirates in 1979, which Governor Sabo Bakin Zuwo reversed in 1983. Governor Abdullahi Ganduje recreated them, but only Governor Kabir Yusuf reversed the decision. On June 16, 2024, Kabir Yusuf signed the bill, creating Gaya, Rano, and Karaye as second-class emirates within Kano State. The Kano Emirate has navigated these changing times, which is inevitable!

As of April 25, 2023, there are 28 first-class traditional rulers in Nasarawa State. In April 2023, Governor Abdullahi Sule announced the elevation of the status of 22 traditional rulers in the state.

Taraba State has 56 graded chiefs: 6 first-class, nine second-class, and 40 third-class. Former Governor Darius Ishaku created 9 of the traditional chiefs.

Emirates and chiefdoms have transformed, their people have evolved, and their geography has been altered. Some were established during the Danfodio Jihad, others through historical processes, and some by administrative laws.

The Sardauna Province, with its emirates and chiefdoms in both Adamawa and Taraba states, is a product of recent history, created after the United Nations referendum of February 11, 1961, in which 59.97% voted to join Nigeria. Sir Ahmadu Bello promised that those who joined Nigeria would be granted a separate province with benefits similar to those of Northern Nigerians- thus, the present emirates and chiefdoms in the province.

Leaders with foresight accept change and encourage and push for it. It was reported that when the administration of former Governor Boni Haruna of Adamawa State considered upgrading the Hama Bachama, Gangwari Ganye, Emir of Mubi, Amna Shelleng, Murum Mbula, and Kwandi Nunguraya (Chief of Lunguda Kingdom) to first-class status, the late Lamido Aliyu Mustapha also advised and encouraged the upgrading of the Hama Bata. Surprisingly, the late Lamido Aliyu Mustapha was the only first-class Emir in Adamawa State at the time, and his emirate was one of the largest in the Danfodio Dynasty, spanning parts of Cameroon, Chad, including Central Africa. 

When Governor Ahmadu Umaru Fintiri announced the appointments of emirs and chiefs for two newly created emirates and four chiefdoms, some people questioned the appointment of His Royal Highness Sani Ribadu as the new Emir of Fufore Emirate. They overlooked and forgotten the fact that emirates and chiefdoms have evolved.

Individuals without royal lineage have become kings, emirs, and chiefs. Traditional titles are now more accessible, and the role of kingmakers has also evolved, with emirates and chiefdoms determining their kingmakers. Emirates, chiefdoms and kingdoms have evolved, their territories have transformed, and their people have embraced the inevitable changes of time.

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja zaymohd@yahoo.com.

By Uzair Adam

The Kano State Government has distributed 7,158 goats to 2,386 women as part of the second phase of its Livestock Fattening Programme, with each goat costing approximately N321,319.

Governor Abba Yusuf launched the initiative, valued at N2.3 billion, to reduce poverty and promote economic self-reliance among vulnerable groups.

Each beneficiary received three goats, amounting to a total allocation of around N963,957 per person.

Sanusi Dawakin-Tofa, the governor’s spokesperson, explained that the program is designed to foster livestock entrepreneurship among women in all 44 local government areas of the state.

Future phases of the scheme will include the distribution of 1,342 cows and 1,822 rams to women and youths.

Governor Yusuf emphasized that beneficiaries should utilize the livestock responsibly, urging accountability to ensure the program achieves its objectives.

“This is more than just a livestock distribution; it’s about empowering communities and building a sustainable economic model that uplifts people and reduces reliance on government support,” the governor stated.

The initiative underscores the administration’s commitment to grassroots development, empowering women and youths while integrating them into the agricultural value chain to enhance household income and drive sustainable growth.

By Bin Isah

it has been a long week of debates, discussions, rejoinders and exchanges between and among the fans of three important personalities from Northern Nigeria: Emir Muhammadu Sunusi (popularly known as SLS), Prof Farooq Kperogi and Prof Ibrahim Bello Kano (IBK).

The truth is that, the wordplay of the writers provokes the fancy of readers, and entices the sense of the intellectual minds. However, the real deal rests upon the substance of the game and the appeal of the persuasions. IBK has truly got it right in the wrong way, while Kperogi still holds the ball in his court.

In fact, Kperogi didn’t simply wake up to set a fire upon the super-luminous star of the nation, SLS. He was called to the pen. SLS made a reel of remarks that smelt of all personal proclivities to self-importance, interest and power. Kperogi read the remark in its pompous tones, which cumulatively ran down the bad road of nonchalance to national concern.

Kperogi was on fire because SLS seemed to have put the national concern lower than his personal interest. Not only that, the remark also showed that SLS had forgotten that the precarious dance of the national economy which he found uninteresting was the product of his biblical belief in neo-liberal economic theory that he has preached to the government for a while. Remove subsidies, privatize, and add more tax!

Actually, the battle of words would not make SLS safe from the wildfire, because the matter is beyond words and vocabularies and lexicons of English frenzy. It’s deeper to be reduced into a rejoinder that boils down to rhetorical bigotry, jokes and indifference to real issues. The matter reveals what SLS represents as a national treasure, a facade. This is man who considers himself to be a gift to Nigeria, who has a magic wand to solve its problems, yet a self-centred saint.

To be fair to Kperogi, he is not worse than SLS in deployment of abusive arsenals when engaging a person. SLS is expert at dropping bombs on the personality of his worthy critics, ripping them apart, with words so vile of his royal roots. But, this is what a pen power induced into a person with a sense of superior opinions. Remember his unprintable phrases on Sheikh Jafar Mahmud Adam in his “Engagement with Jafar Mahmud Adam”. In this line, Kperogi can even be holier than SLS.

The case that awaits SLS is that of his undiluted support for policies that proved difficult to yield any results to the nation. I don’t know to what school of economics theorists he belongs, but they are not the best. At least, when a solution is given, and the solution put people into the mud of another worse problem, you propose for another solution not to insist on the first solution which had failed to work.

Because, any economic solution that would lead to economic depression, losing jobs, closing of businesses, high cost of living, poor standard of life, and plunging millions of people into abject poverty, that solution has become a terrible problem. A problem which requires a revision, a change in thoughts, in ideas, and in actions. However, SLS as a lover of IMF recommendations and brutal capitalism, he sees no problem with that line of trial, and no any other solution can be given but an embrace of patience and hardship.

I’m not an economics expert but we have been taught that economics is for the creation and management of wealth and resources in a way that a nation and its people get better, do better and produce better. It’s about the betterment of people, not deprivation and exploitation for the benefit of the few. We know SLS is an economist, at the same time, a business man, and thus, a profiteering hustler around the national wealth. What do you expect?

A support to Tinubu’s economic policies over which the nation is weeping is a sin. It’s more of a moral abuse than an intellectual view. In fact, SLS as an intellectual, is a betrayal to public intellectualism. The basic work of a public intellectual is to help the poor people against the powerful, not the powerful against the poor. Only that we know SLS has been a friend to the people in power, which may actually be a reason why he cannot but help them to succeed in their poor management of the nation. A friend in need is a friend indeed.

It’s not a hidden fact that he has no regrets for his romance with Tinubu’s iconoclastic antics of economic problematics. That’s not a problem! The remorse of SLS is that after all the sweetest sugars he added to their policies the government is still not taking him as a friend, is not treating him like a political-economic superman with paranormal powers to make things happen in a hush of the blink. This is the economic problem that disturbs the soul of SLS, not the national one. The government has used and dumped him like a homeless prostitute. Of course, it’s not fair. But, who cares? It’s a dinner with the devil.

It’s not about Kperogi, IBK, or the fans that worship the wonderful words around their altars. It’s about SLS and his public show of unpatriotism to the nation after he placed his back for the government to implement its illest ideas that inspire a brazen, merciless management of the country. Now, that the people he had provided a theoretical justification to their economic malevolence have abandoned him in his battle over the throne, and he now wants to throw them away along with the entire nation into a deep blue sea. What made Tinubu and his government better than the nation?

The man is for himself.

Bin Isah is a blogger who writes from Kano State.

By Abubakar Aminu Ibrahim

Language is a powerful tool. It shapes how we think, communicate, and understand our beliefs. In the Islamic faith, words carry immense weight, for they are tied to sacred meanings and spiritual truths. This is why using the term “Qur’anic festival” to describe any event associated with the Qur’an is both misplaced and misleading. While the word “festival” may seem innocuous, its implications are incompatible with the spiritual essence of the Qur’an and the traditions it upholds.

A festival is often marked by joy, festivities, and entertainment. While it can sometimes carry religious undertones, its modern usage is predominantly cultural or secular. On the other hand, the Qur’an is a divine revelation—a book of guidance, wisdom, and moral discipline. It is meant to elevate the soul, inspire reflection, and connect individuals to their Creator. Associating the Qur’an with a “festival” risks reducing its sacredness to something casual, even trivial.

Consider the Islamic celebrations of Eid al-Fitr and Eid al-Adha. These are joyous occasions deeply rooted in worship, gratitude, and submission to Allah. Their joy is spiritual and reflective, not superficial. To call these occasions “festivals” would diminish their profound meanings. Similarly, attaching the word “festival” to the Qur’an creates a disconnect between its sacred purpose and the secular image that the term often evokes.

Moreover, using the term “Qur’anic festival” opens the door to misinterpretation. To the uninformed, it might conjure images of parades, loud music, or revelry—activities that Islam often cautions against when taken to excess. For instance, a Qur’anic recitation event might aim to deepen one’s connection to Allah, but labelling it a “festival” could unintentionally attract a crowd expecting entertainment rather than spiritual enlightenment. Precision in language is vital in Islamic traditions, and terms like “gathering” or “symposium” better preserve the solemnity of such occasions.

The Qur’an is not just a book; it is Allah’s final message to humanity, and its recitation, study, and understanding are acts of worship. To frame these sacred practices as part of a “festival” undermines the dignity of the Qur’an and the reverence Muslims owe to it. Imagine referring to a gathering for tahajjud (night prayers) or a Qur’anic competition as a “festival.” Such terminology strips the event of its spiritual depth and misrepresents its purpose.

It is also important to, with all sense of humility, caution scholars and traditional leaders against carelessly inventing new terms or traditions on a whim. If some have historically criticised the celebration of Maulud (the Prophet’s birthday) as an innovation, why then should the term “Qur’anic festival” be any less scrutinised? This is not to argue the correctness or incorrectness of the concept of Maulud, Qur’anic events or similar practices but to highlight the inconsistency in applying principles of linguistic and theological precision. The issue is, first and foremost, with the choice of the word “festival” attached to the Qur’an.

The Qur’an deserves words that uplift its message, preserve its sanctity, and reflect its divine status. It is a guidance for humanity, a light for those in darkness, and a connection to Allah that transcends worldly pleasures. Let us honour its dignity by rejecting terms that fail to encapsulate its sacred purpose.

Abubakar Aminu Ibrahim (AbuMuhd) can be reached via matazu247@gmail.com.