Opinion

By Ibraheem A. Waziri

On March 20, 2025, I shared my essay A Reflection on Dimensions, Death, and the Eternal Four: Ramadan 2025 with Dr. Abdullahi Dahiru, exploring the Qur’an’s seven heavens, the cosmic role of death, and the possibility of 19 dimensions in Allah’s creation. Perhaps inspired by those reflections, Dr. Dahiru shared a post, via his Facebook page, from Mechanical Engineering World, noting the observable universe’s vastness: 2 trillion galaxies, with the Milky Way containing 200 billion stars, and Earth as one of 3.2 trillion planets. This sparked a thought-provoking thread. I commented, suggesting this universe might be one of “7 universes (heavens) in Allah’s dominion.” Dr. Dahiru responded, questioning the “7 universes” idea, citing Prof. Maurice Bucaille’s view that the Qur’anic “7” often means “uncountable,” a convention in ancient cultures.

Hammad Abubakar Puma joined, thanking Dr. Dahiru and suggesting he watch the YouTube documentary, Allah and the Cosmos, if he hasn’t seen it. I replied, arguing that the observable universe lacks the layered demarcations for the Qur’anic seven heavens. I propose a multiverse model—seven distinct universes—that better aligns with the Qur’an’s boundaries, jinns’ exclusion, and the gated ascent of Isra wal Mi’raj. 

Hashem Al-Ghaili’s recent posts about scientific findings, including multiverse evidence in the Cosmic Microwave Background (CMB) and the possibility of our universe residing within a black hole, bolster this perspective. This exchange and my earlier reflections lead me to propose that the seven heavens may be seven separate universes, bridging divine revelation with modern cosmology.

The Qur’anic Foundation: Seven Heavens and Cosmic Barriers

The Qur’an describes “seven heavens in layers” (67:3, 41:12), often interpreted as hierarchical realms—atmospheric layers, celestial spheres, or spiritual planes. Yet, the “nearest heaven” is adorned with stars (37:6) and guarded against rebellious jinns by “burning flames” (72:8-9, 67:5). Jinns, beings of smokeless fire (55:15), lament, “We have sought [to reach] the heaven but found it filled with powerful guards and burning flames” (72:8).

This suggests a cosmic boundary separating the nearest heaven from what lies beyond. If this nearest heaven is our observable universe—spanning 93 billion light-years with 2 trillion galaxies, as Dr. Dahiru’s post notes—then the other six heavens could be separate universes beyond our cosmic horizon. Qur’an 55:33 reinforces this: “O company of jinn and mankind, if you are able to pass beyond the regions of the heavens and the earth, then pass. You will not pass except by authority [from Allah].” This implies the heavens are inaccessible without divine permission. Science, limited to the observable universe, cannot breach the cosmic light horizon, and jinns’ failure to penetrate the heavens suggests the higher heavens may be parallel universes in a multiverse framework.

Isra wal Mi’raj: Gated Realms Beyond the Observable

The ahadith of Isra wal Mi’raj, the Prophet Muhammad’s (peace be upon him) Night Journey and Ascension, support this view. In Sahih Bukhari (Book 54, Hadith 429), the Prophet, guided by Angel Jibril, ascended through the seven heavens, knocking at each gate for entry. At the first heaven, Jibril requested access: “It was asked, ‘Who is it?’ Jibril answered, ‘Jibril.’ It was asked, ‘Who is with you?’ Jibril replied, ‘Muhammad.’… The gate was opened.” This repeated for each heaven, showing these are distinct, guarded domains, inaccessible even to an angel and the Prophet without divine approval. 

If the first heaven is our observable universe—where stars and meteors (the “flames” of 67:5) reside—its gate may symbolize the cosmic horizon, science’s limit. The higher heavens, requiring divine permission, lie beyond this horizon, potentially as separate universes with interdimensional thresholds, aligning with multiverse theories where universes are separated by barriers like inflationary boundaries or higher-dimensional branes.

A Multiverse Perspective: Seven Universes Under Divine Command

Modern cosmology supports this reimagining. The inflationary multiverse theory by Alan Guth suggests that rapid expansion after the Big Bang created “bubble universes” with different physical laws. String theory posits up to 10^500 possible universes, or “branes,” in higher dimensions. 

Hashem Al-Ghaili’s post from the Royal Astronomical Society notes a breakthrough: since 2004, scientists studying the Cosmic Microwave Background (CMB) have identified the “Cold Spot,” a region challenging standard cosmology. Initially considered a supervoid, the Cold Spot is now seen by some, like Ruari Mackenzie from Durham University, as evidence of a collision with another bubble universe—a hint of the multiverse.

The European Space Agency’s Planck mission confirmed its existence in 2014, fueling the multiverse debate. Could the Qur’an’s seven heavens be a divine simplification of such a multiverse, each heaven a distinct universe? The Qur’an’s emphasis on divine unity (41:12) ensures these universes remain under Allah’s command. 

The “nearest heaven” (our universe) is the first, where jinns are repelled by meteors (72:8-9). The higher heavens—universes 2 through 7—lie beyond, their gates symbolizing barriers science cannot cross. Each heaven’s “command” (41:12) may imply unique laws, like inflationary bubbles with varying constants, aligning with the jinns’ exclusion and the gated ascent of Isra wal Mi’raj.

Engaging the Thread: Addressing Traditional Interpretations

Dr. Dahiru cited Prof. Maurice Bucaille’s The Bible, the Qur’an, and Modern Science, noting the Qur’anic “7” often means “uncountable,” a convention in ancient cultures. While this aligns with traditional tafsir—viewing the seven heavens as symbolic—it doesn’t preclude a literal reading. The Qur’an’s specificity in naming “seven” heavens and Isra wal Mi’raj’s accounts suggest a structured cosmology. Bucaille’s point may highlight the Qur’an’s accessibility to its 7th-century audience, while its deeper truth—seven distinct universes—emerges through modern reflection.

Traditional tafsir, like Ibn Kathir’s, sees the heavens as layers within one creation, possibly atmospheric or spiritual. Yet, the observable universe lacks clear “layers” for 7, 70, or 70,000 demarcations. Planets don’t fit the gated structure of the heavens. A multiverse interpretation—seven universes—better accommodates the strict demarcations, jinns’ exclusion, and gated ascent, implying science’s reach is limited to the first heaven (Sama ta d’aya).

Dimensions, Death, and the Cosmic Graveyard

In my March 20 reflection, I proposed the seven heavens might enfold 19 dimensions, with black holes—mak’abartar taurari (the graveyard of stars)—as portals to these realms, tied to the Qur’anic number 19 (74:30, “Over it are nineteen”). Hashem Al-Ghaili’s post, citing the James Webb Space Telescope’s JADES survey, notes the rotation of 263 distant galaxies shows asymmetry—two-thirds spinning the same way, defying expected randomness. This supports black hole cosmology, suggesting our universe exists within a larger black hole, aligning with my concept of _mak’abartar taurari_ as a liminal space bridging dimensions or universes.

If each heaven is a universe, it might have a dimensional structure. Our universe is 4D, but higher heavens could harbor more dimensions, as string theory suggests (10 or 11 dimensions). The “gates” of Isra wal Mi’raj might be dimensional thresholds. Death could be the key to crossing them, carrying the soul through mak’abartar taurari into these universes, where nineteen angels of Jahannam (74:30) oversee dimensions, their number echoing the nineteen letters of Bismillahir Rahmanir Rahim—a cosmic symmetry of divine order.

Conclusion: A Unified Vision of Allah’s Creation

With 2 trillion galaxies, the observable universe becomes the first heaven, a single bubble in Allah’s dominion—potentially within a larger black hole, as the JADES survey suggests. The higher six heavens, as separate universes, align with the Qur’anic narrative of inaccessibility (55:33), jinns’ repulsion (72:8-9), and the gated ascent of Isra wal Mi’raj, resonating with multiverse theories supported by evidence like the CMB Cold Spot and galactic rotational asymmetry.

As I break my fast this 27th day of Ramadan, I marvel at this possibility, inspired by Dr. Dahiru’s thread, the contributions of Hammad Abubakar Puma, and the scientific insights shared by Hashem Al-Ghaili. I also remember Qur’an 18:109, which speaks of the vastness of Allah’s words: “Say, ‘If the sea were ink for [writing] the words of my Lord, the sea would be exhausted before the words of my Lord were exhausted, even if We brought the like of it as a supplement.’” 

As I ponder the vastness of Allah’s words: read, His creations—the seven heavens, each a testament to His boundless power; Science, jinns, and humans are confined to the first heaven, but death—through divine mercy—might carry us beyond, through the _mak’abartar taurari,_ into realms where nineteen angels stand guard, and Allah’s Kursi spans all (2:255). Yet in this sacred month, the Qur’an bids us ponder, and the seven universes offer a vision of creation as vast as Allah’s mercy itself.

By Zayyad I. Muhammad

Nigeria’s National Security Adviser (NSA), Mallam Nuhu Ribadu, recently claimed that the country has recorded over 90% improvement in security under President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s administration. He made this assertion in Jos, Plateau State, during a press briefing following a strategic meeting with the Commander of Operation Safe Haven, Major General Folusho Oyinlola. The meeting was convened after a deadly gunmen attack on the Bokkos community, which tragically claimed the lives of hundreds of residents.

Given the context of recent violence, Ribadu’s statement sparked mixed reactions from across the political spectrum. Critics argue that the NSA’s comments are aimed at shaping public perception as politicking for the 2027 general elections approaches. They view the remarks as part of a broader political narrative to build confidence in the administration. On the other hand, supporters commend Ribadu for leading an effective national security strategy, asserting that the improvements are tangible and worth acknowledging.

However, beyond partisan sentiments and political interests, it is essential to examine Ribadu’s claim from an objective standpoint grounded in verifiable data and realistic context. Security issues are too critical to be reduced to rhetoric, hey must be measured by real outcomes that affect the lives of everyday Nigerians.

Regardless of our political leanings, there have been undeniable improvements in some of Nigeria’s most dangerous zones. For example, the Birnin Gwari–Lagos highway in Kaduna State, which was shut for nearly a decade due to the menace of armed bandits, has now reopened to motorists, especially heavy-duty vehicles that previously avoided the route. The once-abandoned Birnin Gwari cattle market, inactive for over ten years, is now gradually returning to life with commercial activity.

Similarly, the Abuja–Kaduna highway, previously infamous for rampant kidnappings and ambushes, is now operational 24 hrs under constant military and police surveillance. Other major highways, such as the Kaduna–Kano expressway and the Jos–Akwanga–Lafia–Abuja corridor, now also witness 24-hour vehicular movement, marking a sharp contrast to the fear and hesitation that characterized travel in these areas just a few years ago.

Still, it’s important to remember that security is both delicate and dynamic. A full year of relative peace can be overshadowed by a single horrific incident. Groups like Boko Haram, ISWAP, and various bandit factions, such as the Lakurawa and Ansaru cells, still carry out attacks on soft targets in rural and semi-urban areas. While the overall frequency and scale of these attacks may be decreasing, their sporadic nature continues to pose serious challenges.

Between 2022 and 2024, several Nigerian security and intelligence agencies have reported significant gains. The Defence Intelligence Agency (DIA) indicated a 65% reduction in overall crime and criminality nationwide since May 2023. This figure is based on cumulative data from military operations, police reports, and inter-agency assessments.

The Department of State Services (DSS), particularly in the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), recorded a significant decline in high-profile crimes, including kidnappings, armed robberies, and terrorist threats, through 2023 and into early 2024.

The Nigeria Police Force also published extensive data on its security efforts: between 2023 and early 2024, police operations led to the arrest of 30,313 suspects linked to serious crimes such as kidnapping, armed robbery, cultism, and banditry. In the same period, 1,984 illegal firearms were recovered, along with 23,250 rounds of ammunition. Additionally, 1,581 kidnapped victims were successfully rescued across various states.

The proliferation of small arms and light weapons has long fueled Nigeria’s insecurity. However, between 2022 and 2024, the National Centre for the Control of Small Arms and Light Weapons (NCCSALW) recorded historic achievements. In February 2023, the Centre announced that it had recovered more than 10,000 small arms and light weapons from non-state actors during nationwide disarmament operations. By February 2024, the total number of retrieved weapons had increased to 20,000 firearms and over 60,000 units of ammunition.

Furthermore, in September 2024, the NCCSALW undertook the destruction of 30,132 recovered weapons, ranging from decommissioned and unserviceable arms to illicitly owned firearms.

The Nigerian Armed Forces, particularly the Army, have achieved notable success over the past three years. Between 2022 and 2025, military operations resulted in the neutralization of more than 8,034 terrorists across various theatres of operation, including the North-East, North-West, and North-Central regions. In February 2024 alone, 105 terrorists were eliminated during targeted counterterrorism operations. and 140 capture

A total of 6,376 kidnapped victims were rescued from insurgent enclaves and bandit hideouts in 2024 alone, thanks to joint operations involving the Army, Air Force, and local vigilante groups. These successes have contributed significantly to restoring public confidence in the state’s ability to respond to threats.

Additionally, by December 2024, the Nigerian military had dismantled numerous terrorist camps and degraded the operational capabilities of insurgent groups in several flashpoints. More than 20 high-profile bandit leaders and commanders were eliminated in precision operations, including:

 1. Ali Kachalla (Ƙawaje)

 2. Kachallah Dogo Kwaddi

 3. Lawali Dodo

 4. Ɓoderi

 5. Sani Wala-birki

 6. Kachallah Hana-Zuwa

 7. Damina

 8. Kachalla Sani Dangote

 9. Kachalla Adamu

 10. Halilu Sububu

 11. Baleri

 12. Modi Modi

 13. Kachalla Mai Shayi

 14. Kachalla Tsoho Lulu

 15. Ibrahim Nagure

 16. Kachalla Makore

 17. Bulak

 18. Tukur Sharme

 19. Hassan Ɗantawaye

 20.Ɗan-Isuhu

These names had long terrorised communities, operated illegal taxation systems, and masterminded large-scale abductions. Their deaths signal a turning point in Nigeria’s war against insecurity—at least in the short to medium term.

Critics, supporters, and objective observers alike hold valid perspectives on Ribadu’s claim. Security cannot be judged solely by statistics or isolated incidents—it must be assessed holistically, with a view to sustainability. While it would be inaccurate to declare total victory over insecurity, the data and field reports suggest that Nigeria is making measurable, strategic progress.

As Nigeria continues to grapple with complex internal threats, public expectations remain high. Citizens want not just temporary relief but long-term stability. Ribadu’s statement may be politically timed, but the figures back up his assertion, at least in terms of trend and direction. Whether or not one agrees with the 90% figure, one thing is clear: the tide appears to be gradually turning in favour of the state.

The challenge now is to sustain these gains, institutionalise reforms, and ensure that security is perceived and lived by every Nigerian in every part of the country.

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja via zaymohd@yahoo.com.

By Abdulhakeem Yetu Zakari

Police officers are sworn to protect, yet too often they become the very predators that citizens fear. The recent case of police extortion at Murtala Muhammed International Airport, highlighted by an editorial in the Nigerian Tribune on Friday, March 14, 2025, is just one of many disturbing examples.

A traveler, on his way out of the country, found himself at the mercy of uniformed officers who accused him of internet fraud merely because they discovered a love letter on his phone. What should have been a routine encounter quickly escalated into an ordeal—one that concluded with him being extorted of ₦260,000 through a POS transaction. 

The money was sent to an account linked to a suspect, a method that has become all too common in these shakedown operations. This brazen misconduct is more than just a stain on the reputation of the Nigerian police; it is a cancer eating deep into the fabric of society. 

When those responsible for law enforcement become the enforcers of lawlessness, to whom do citizens turn? Police extortion in Nigeria has evolved from sporadic bribes into a well-organized criminal enterprise embedded within the force. Officers who should be defending the rights of the people now act like rogue agents, preying on innocent citizens. 

The danger of this menace extends beyond financial loss—it breeds fear and resentment and erodes trust in the justice system. For many Nigerians, the fear of encountering police officers has surpassed the fear of encountering criminals. When citizens approach a police checkpoint, they are not concerned about security but about how much money they might have to part with to evade harassment, intimidation, or even arbitrary detention. 

Those who resist are often brutalised, falsely accused of crimes, or threatened with trumped-up charges. Some do not make it out alive. Every incident of extortion further damages the already fragile relationship between the police and the public. Citizens who are supposed to rely on law enforcement for protection now view officers with suspicion and fear. 

This loss of trust has far-reaching consequences—not just for individuals but for national security. When the public distrusts the police, cooperation in fighting actual crime diminishes. People become reluctant to report crimes, knowing that the very officers they turn to may exploit or even implicate them falsely. 

This weakens overall law enforcement efforts and emboldens actual criminals. On the international stage, these acts of extortion paint Nigeria as a nation where corruption is deeply entrenched. Foreign travellers and investors hear stories of police preying on citizens, and it raises concerns about safety, governance, and the rule of law. 

Who would want to visit or invest in a country where law enforcement officers act like criminals? I do not speak as an outsider to this reality—I, too, have been a victim. In December 2024, in Ajaokuta, Kogi State, my friend and I stepped out to buy something from a nearby store. Suddenly, police officers appeared and singled out my friend, accusing him of an unspecified crime. 

They found nothing incriminating, yet they threatened him and demanded a “bail” fee—right there on the roadside. No station, no paperwork, just a blatant extortion scheme. Having heard too many similar stories, I knew better than to linger. I ran. Because in Nigeria, when the police grab you, guilt or innocence does not matter. What matters is how much money they can extract before letting you go.

This is the harsh reality that many Nigerians face daily. Whether traveling abroad or simply walking down the street, citizens are easy targets for extortion. The very people meant to ensure safety have transformed into predators, shaking down those they vowed to protect. This must stop. 

I urge the relevant authorities to impose strict penalties on officers who misuse their power. There should be an independent complaints system where victims of police extortion can safely report cases without fear of retaliation. Surveillance and monitoring systems must be implemented, especially at known extortion hotspots such as airports and major highways.

If decisive action is not taken, police extortion will continue to thrive, deepening the distrust between the people and law enforcement. The Nigerian police force still has an opportunity to redeem itself, but it must act swiftly and decisively to purge corrupt elements from its ranks. If the police are no longer our protectors, then who will save us from them?

Abdulhakeem Yetu Zakari is interning at PRNigeria and can be reached at: abdulhakeemzakari7@gmail.com.

By Kabir Musa Ringim

Two weeks ago, I visited a friend at the new state secretariat in Dutse and witnessed massive renovation work being undertaken by the state government. It warmed my heart, to say the least, because this same secretariat—built by Governor Sule Lamido—had been almost abandoned for eight years under the previous administration.

After leaving the secretariat, I passed through the G9 quarters en route to a private clinic for a medical checkup. There, I was amazed and utterly flabbergasted by the total overhaul of the nine mega houses. These beautiful structures, also constructed by Sule Lamido to serve as lodges for visiting dignitaries, had been transformed beyond recognition. I recalled spending a night in one of those houses four years ago and crying myself to sleep after witnessing its dilapidated state.

About two months prior to my secretariat visit, I went to check on a house I own in Dutse, which I had rented out to a tenant. To my shock, it was marked for demolition. I inquired with my brother, who oversees the property, and he informed me that a new road project—stretching from Raudah Clinic to Danmasara Junction—would pass through it. The government had scheduled proper compensation for affected properties. I wasn’t sure whether to feel sad or happy; it was the first house I ever owned, and I’m emotionally attached to my long-term possessions. Yet, I felt elated that our state government is delivering by building this road, alongside other projects in the capital, including the dualisation of the only access road to the ancient Garu neighbourhood.

As a resident of Skan Homes Estate in Galamawa, I woke up one day to see a new housing estate springing up in nearby Limawa. This is in addition to another estate in Fanisau and similar developments in Ringim, Hadejia, Kafin Hausa, Kazaure, Gumel, Babura, and Birnin Kudu. Notably, from 2015 to 2023, not a single housing estate was initiated, built, or completed across the state!

Moreover, a large building is under construction near us in Limawa, which I learned is a mega skills acquisition centre spearheaded by the state government. Meanwhile, the old skills acquisition centre—also built by Sule Lamido in Limawa—is being upgraded simultaneously. This is beyond impressive; it’s a clear sign that the state government is committed to creating jobs and empowering citizens.

Last week, while travelling from Dutse to Ringim to pay Sallah homage to my aged parents, I noticed a cleared space opposite the new housing estate in Fanisau. A signboard indicated that a new specialist hospital is underway there. Similarly, on a previous trip to Hadejia, I saw a new hospital being built in Kafin Hausa, and I learned another is under construction in my hometown, Ringim. I’m unsure if similar hospital projects are ongoing in other towns, but with these numerous significant initiatives, I’m thrilled to say that Governor Mallam is determined to surpass Lamido’s achievements. He’s building on them and entrenching a much-needed culture of continuity with his predecessors’ projects. I sincerely hope he succeeds in this regard.

Democracy is far from perfect, but its greatest merit, in my view, is the ability to change leadership—whether for better or worse. People like me, who have been unapologetically pro-Jigawa since childhood, were saddened and apprehensive when Sule Lamido left the Government House in 2015. Our dismay deepened when the subsequent administration proved anything but progressive. Now, Mallam is wiping away our tears and reviving our hope of making Jigawa the most developed and prosperous state in the North!

Another positive impact of this administration is its approach to debt settlement. As it stands, Jigawa is the least indebted state in the country. Clearly, Mallam is not taking new loans; instead, he’s settling the small debts inherited from past administrations while delivering remarkable projects and paying workers’ salaries promptly. I can say without fear of contradiction that Jigawa’s civil servants—including myself—enjoy the best salary package in the North.

I’ve been silent for a long time and hadn’t written a single article on politics or governance since this administration began. I was busy observing developments with keen interest. Perfection belongs to Allah alone, but so far, I have only two grievances with Mallam’s government. First, the Ramadan feeding program, which I see as a misplaced priority that benefits contractors more than the poor and hungry masses. Second, the multi-billion-naira contract awarded to a foreign consulting firm to transform the basic education sector—a move I may not fully understand as an outsider. I ask for pardon if I’ve misjudged the intended benefits or outcomes of this project.

Beyond these concerns, the state government has initiated numerous positive projects and programs—too many to fit into one article. The agricultural transformation, the creation of a new ministry and other key agencies, the IT revolution, the push for self-reliance through investments, and the appointment of capable individuals to sensitive, knowledge-driven positions are all topics I’ll reserve for another day, Insha Allah.

For those who know me well, the politician I supported most wholeheartedly in the past was Sule Lamido. This is why I once backed his son’s gubernatorial candidacy, hoping he would sustain and build on his father’s legacies. Now, Governor Umar Namadi is doing that and much more. He’s performing far beyond expectations, winning my heart and earning my full support as he relentlessly works to make Jigawa great.

This article is penned to celebrate the governor as a beacon of hope and the architect of the modern Jigawa of our dreams. Sir, as you turn 62, I wish you good health and wisdom to continue steering our dear state toward prosperity. I pray you leave lasting legacies that our children and grandchildren will be proud of. Happy Birthday!

Kabir Musa Ringim writes from Dutse.

By Kabiru Danladi Lawanti, PhD 

There is something about us, Arewa people. Whenever power shifts to the South, we start lamentations, accusing the leader, who is from the South, of nepotism or initiating policies that are deliberately aimed at destroying our region. 

We embrace this idea and write about it repeatedly. From 1999 to 2007, from 2010 to 2015, and now from 2023 to the present, we consistently reference our voting power in our writings. 

Recently, I read an article comparing our voting power and support for President Bola Ahmed Tinubu with other regions of the country. How long can we continue these lamentations? When will we stop lamenting and start acting?

We need to shift the conversation from an overemphasis on population-driven electoral power to a more strategic focus on economic productivity and revenue generation. The viability and strength of Arewa are not solely determined by the sheer size of our population, but by how effectively that population is harnessed for economic growth, innovation, and wealth creation.

Arewa’s fixation on securing political dominance through demographic advantage has frequently overshadowed the more critical question we need to be asking ourselves. 

How do we convert our vast human and natural resources into sustainable development outcomes?

While concerns about the inequities of political appointments and perceived nepotism under the current Tinubu administration are valid, ongoing lamentation over political spoils can be counterproductive if not paired with proactive strategies for economic transformation.

What has happened to Arewa after all these years of political power? What becomes of the “K” states after each election season? What has happened to Jigawa or Bauchi? Is it enough to have just a Badaru or Tuggar as compensation for the over 5 million we gave the President?

What is required is a change in strategy: a deliberate and coordinated effort to leverage our expansive landmass and youthful population to drive industrialization, technological innovation, and inclusive economic growth. Our governors need to be wiser. Have you ever checked the total amount of FAAC allocations coming to our states and local governments? What are we doing with this money?

In this regard, lessons abound from the developmental trajectories of nations such as China and India, both of which have shown how demographic advantages can be transformed into competitive edges through disciplined policies, strategic investments in education and infrastructure, and a clear vision for economic self-reliance.

The path to power lies not just in numbers – voting power – but in what those numbers yield after elections.

I have learnt my lessons. What we need is not political power at the centre but what we do with that power and what our Governors are doing with the huge resources coming to them from Abuja. 

The agitation for removing Tinubu in 2027 can be compared to the agitations of removing the military in 1999 or Jonathan in 2015. They are driven by elite interests, not necessarily by situations we find ourselves in, Arewa.

By Bilyamin Abdulmumin, PhD

Buhari was largely viewed as reluctant, whereas Tinubu engaged in tit-for-tat responses. Tinubu has demonstrated decisiveness on many occasions. For instance, when there was a public outcry over his Kano ministerial nominee, Maryam Shettima, he swiftly replaced her with Dr. Mariya Mahmoud, who enjoyed greater public approval. Buhari likely would have retained Shettima.

A few months after the ministers assumed office, the Minister of Humanitarian Affairs, a ministry infamous for waywardness—was caught in multiple scandals. In a swift response to public outrage, Tinubu suspended Betta Edu, and from all likelihood, she has gone for good.

No situation highlights the difference between Tinubu and Buhari more than the ongoing political crisis in Rivers State involving Governor Fubara and his former benefactor, Nyesom Wike. While Buhari would have turned a deaf ear to the situation, Tinubu reacted decisively. Those who once criticised Buhari for his passive leadership should now give a standing ovation to Tinubu’s stern control and decisiveness.

Nevertheless, Tinubu’s speech during the emergency declaration was notably one-sided. He sided with his FCT Minister, Nyesom Wike, heaping blame on Fubara for demolishing national assembly structures and failing to address pipeline bombings—while completely ignoring Wike’s role in the crisis. These reinforced accusations of federal government highhandedness in Nigeria’s most populous states.

Some argue that the federal government is involved in the debacles affecting Rivers, Lagos, and Kano due to its fear of losing these key states to the opposition. However, as the APC states, the allegations of internal conflicts in the Lagos government do not hold up. Since the state is governed by the ruling party, it seems to be just another political facade from the federal government.

A major issue for Tinubu’s camp is their position on Fubara and Uba Sani. If they oppose Fubara, they should also oppose Uba Sani. You cannot support Wike in Rivers while opposing El-Rufai in Kaduna. The two scenarios bear a striking resemblance.

Reflecting on how Nigerians criticized Buhari for lacking swiftness and displaying full control as the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of Nigeria, it is fair to say that Tinubu has now met that expectation.

Bilyamin Abdulmumin, PhD wrote via bilal4riid13@gmail.com.

By Zayyad I. Muhammad

I strongly disapprove of Governor Siminalayi Fubara’s betrayal of his political godfather. Fubara entered the political arena without established structures, financial resources, or widespread recognition; he was relatively unknown. 

Former Governor Nyesom Wike provided him with the platform, support, and influence that ultimately led to his rise as governor. Yet, despite this, Fubara has turned against the very person who paved the way for his political ascent. 

Both sides should share the blame for not shifting grounds. The declaration of a state of emergency in Rivers State came at a critical time to address rising insecurity and unrest that threatened to spiral out of control. Left unchecked, the situation could have led to a resurgence of militancy and severely disrupted oil exploration activities, which are vital to both the state and national economy. 

Beyond the economic implications, the deteriorating security situation also risks derailing governance and has somehow ‘assisted’ Governor Fubara in escaping impeachment. President Tinubu may justify his decision—he has access to security intelligence and reports that the general public does not.

However, although addressing security concerns is essential, suspending an elected governor and members of the state assembly is not only unconstitutional but also sets a dangerous precedent for Nigeria’s democracy. This issue goes beyond the 2027 elections; it strikes at the heart of democratic governance and the principle of electoral legitimacy. 

Our democracy has matured to a point where a sitting governor can be removed only through due process, as outlined in Section 188 of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (as amended). If we are not careful, one day—God forbid—a president or his allies could create chaos in a state simply to justify declaring a state of emergency and unseating an elected governor for political gain. Such actions would undermine democracy and erode public trust in the electoral process. They pose a danger to our future. 

The Rivers state or any political conflicts should be resolved within the framework of the law, not through forceful interventions that threaten democratic stability.

The key actors in Rivers State must set aside their personal and political grievances to prioritize reconciliation. Prolonged instability is unacceptable, as it harms the people, governance, and economic progress. A peaceful resolution is the only path forward.

An elected Governor’s mandate is sacrosanct and must be respected. He is the top citizen in the subnational.

 Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja via zaymohd@yahoo.com.

By Sa’id Sa’ad

“Silence is really golden. For many years, I have respected you as a great actress, but after listening to you speak for once, I lost all respect for you. Silence is, indeed, golden.” 

These were the exact words shared by a fan after watching one of the popular Kannywood actresses’ podcasts.

Recently, a podcast went viral in which four Kannywood actresses sat, warming their chairs, sharing opinions about relationships. While many criticise the podcast, I find myself wondering just how ‘golden silence really is.’

From Talk with Feezy by northern Nigerian artist Feezy to the highly criticised The Social Spotlight by Kannywood actress Nafisa Abdullahi, podcasts are slowly becoming the North’s new thing. Famous faces with thousands of followers are tapping into this audio-visual world and, irrespective of the content, are reaching a wide audience thanks to their massive followings.

Podcasting is the new cool in the North. Content creators, entertainers, film producers, actors, actresses and wannabe influencers are all jumping on this new wave. Everyone’s got something to say. But the unifying factor is they are all saying it in Hausa. This not only makes it content by creators from northern Nigeria but also for northern Nigeria and the broader Hausa-speaking population.

Now, let’s not be mistaken. Podcasting isn’t exactly new. Like most things, it just arrived in the North late. Young audiences are now tuning in, eager to consume original opinions from faces they admire beneath the thousands of Instagram followers. 

But here comes the twist. While popular faces trend with podcasts that often miss the mark, there’s a whole storm of lesser-known creators. Just as hungry. Just as passionate. Diving into podcasting, hoping to go viral. Few get it right. Many get it wrong, and most are just aiming to create controversy. 

It’s great that young creators are speaking up. It’s refreshing to see new northern voices adding their two cents to conversations about relationships, religion, family, entertainment, and society. But even at that, when done poorly, this new podcast culture is more dangerous than beneficial. 

I’m an avid fan of vodcasts, particularly those produced by Nigerians. I also strongly support consuming content from Northern Nigeria. However, just because it’s from the North doesn’t mean our standards should be low. We owe it to ourselves to demand quality.

Upon close observation, it’s clear that many of these podcasts bring ‘more face’ and ‘less value.’ In the first few minutes of an episode, you can already tell the host isn’t fully prepared. They ramble. They say empty phrases. And you’re left wondering: What am I supposed to take away from this? These podcasts often fail to provide value, and let me remind you, that’s the very foundation of podcasting: Value.

It’s a strange thing. Really. The lights are bright, the makeup is on point, and the guests are ready. The studio setup is perfect. Yet, after all that effort, the conversation feels empty. It leaves you craving more, but in a bad way.

This reflects the current trend in both public and private Hausa-speaking media, where a designated show for Kannywood stars is often featured. These shows rarely extend beyond inviting the stars for views and likes, failing to address the critical questions of why these shows exist in the first place.

But this isn’t just happening among famous creators. A new wave of young creators has emerged; unfortunately, many of them, without doing their homework, are merely copying the same format used by the stars, eager to replicate the same model: 

Create podcast → Talk carelessly → Create controversy → Get views and likes.

While this model keeps some people in the limelight, it doesn’t do the North any favours. It’s as if we’re holding a mirror to the region’s weaknesses and saying, ‘Here, look at us, this is what we’ve got.’ It’s reinforcing the negative stereotype that we can’t produce quality. 

Whether we like it or not, the digital presence of these creators who act as our representatives shapes how the world perceives us.

But let’s not ignore the few non-popular creators producing quality content in Hausa for the region. Many of these are tech-driven podcasts that, although still growing, offer substantial value. Unfortunately, these high-quality contributions are often overshadowed by the more glamorous but shallow content produced by popular stars or emergent ones desperate to trend. 

The question we must ask ourselves is: Which popular Hausa-speaking podcast from northern Nigeria truly offers real value to its audience? How much of the value is visible? Is the content truly for the audience or just for the producers? What narratives are being sold, and can we, in terms of quality, truly compete with podcasts from other regions in the country?

Until we get it right and have the right people behind the mics, with the right knowledge and intentions, these creators will continue to podcast about northern Nigeria’s weaknesses for likes. The unfortunate truth is that this will only serve to bury our efforts to challenge negative stereotypes six feet under. 

Ultimately, every creator has the right to produce what they want. In this case, the power is in the hands of the audience. 

You and I decide what should be popular.

Sa’id Sa’ad is a Nigerian writer and journalist currently residing in Germany. He is the author of the podcast-play “Gangare”. He won the Peace Panel Short Story Prize in 2018 and the NFC Essay Prize that same year. He presently works with the German broadcaster Deutsche Welle. 

By Senator Shehu Sani

We live in a society where men of conscience and honour are better understood and appreciated when they are long gone or lost. Dr Idris Abdul-Aziz Dutsen Tanshi was a restless soul who spoke the inconvenient truth and walked alone in his paths and trenches. He cast the light of knowledge on the grey and dark spaces of our political and spiritual clime.

Dr Idris was a courageous man who lived an accomplished life of service to the human spirit. His voice was discomforting to the powers and the establishment. He audaciously spared no one in his sermons for equity and justice.

He was a one-man battalion and an exceptional commander of the faithful. His words were as sharp as a blade, piercing like a spear. He challenged a society complacent with injustice, keeping the leaders alert and his fellow Imams on their toes.

He was a man whose spirit was strengthened by his incarceration. He remained unbowed in the face of persecution. He could thank those who came to identify with him during his moments of trial, but he warned them against pleading for his freedom. He raised the torch and became the compass for objection and resistance. He was a non-conformist in the pursuit of the truth enshrined in his faith.

He was a dogged and distinguished spiritual combatant who used the powers of religious knowledge to question and challenge authority. He fought chains of battles within and without the realm of his mission and never surrendered. In life,he was largely misunderstood, and in death, he is well appreciated.

Dr Idris bowed out with dignity and grace. The nation has lost an irrepressible soul and indomitable spirit.

May his soul rest in Aljanna Firdausi, amin.

By Zayyad I. Muhammad

Traditionally, in northern Nigeria, Ulamas have been expected to remain reserved, focusing solely on Da’awa while relying on handouts, Sadaqa, Zakat, and gifts for sustenance. However, this should not be the case.

Islam teaches that success comes through effort and striving while trusting Allah. A believer should work hard, avoid laziness, and seek lawful earnings, as this is part of being a responsible Muslim and an exemplary scholar. The Qur’an and Hadith of the Prophet Muhammad (SWA) emphasise the importance of self-reliance, hard work, and lawful livelihood. Islam teaches hard work and self-reliance.

The Qur’an: Surah Al-Jumu’ah (62:10) says, “Then when the prayer has ended, disperse in the land and seek the bounty of Allah, and remember Allah often so you may succeed.” — This verse encourages people to work hard after fulfilling their religious duties.

Quran: Surah An-Najm (53:39) also says, “And that man will have nothing except what he strives for.” — This verse highlights that people will only benefit from their own efforts.

The Prophet Muhammad (SAW) said, “No one has ever eaten a better meal than that which he has earned with his own hands. The Prophet of Allah, Dawud (David), used to eat from what he earned with his own hands.” (Bukhari, 2072) — This Hadith encourages individuals to earn through their own efforts rather than relying on others.

The prophet (SAW) also said:

“The upper hand (the one that gives) is better than the lower hand (the one that receives).” (Bukhari & Muslim)— This Hadith discourages dependence and promotes financial independence and generosity.

Recently, there has been a debate about some Nigerian Ulamas, their associates, or companies receiving government contracts. However, this is neither a crime nor contrary to Nigerian law or Islamic teachings. Ulamas are human like everyone else and can make mistakes, but their participation in business benefits society, themselves, and Islam. It provides them with financial independence and the ability to speak the truth, no matter how difficult it may be.

The involvement of Ulamas in business is neither a new phenomenon in Nigeria nor globally. The late Sheikh Mahmud Gumi consistently encouraged his students and Ulamas to avoid relying on others and instead pursue careers in business or the public sector. 

A shining example is the late Khalifa Isyaku Rabi’u, a billionaire businessman and renowned Islamic scholar. He established Isyaku Rabi’u & Sons in 1952, initially trading in sewing machines, bicycles, and religious books before becoming a major distributor for Kaduna Textiles in 1958. By the 1970s, his company had diversified into real estate, manufacturing, insurance, and banking. His children, including Abdulsamad Rabi’u, Chairman of BUA Group, and Rabi’u Rabi’u, owner of IRS Airlines, continued his entrepreneurial legacy.

Similarly, the late Muhammad Auwal Adam, also known as Albani Zaria, was not only a respected scholar but also a businessman and IT expert. He established the Albani Science Academy and Safwa Technologies Limited. Professor Isa Ali Ibrahim, an Islamic scholar, is also a businessman, international consultant, and technocrat who served as the Director General of NITDA and Minister of Communications and Digital Economy. Sheikh Dahiru Usman Bauchi is a globally recognised scholar, businessman, and entrepreneur .

A younger example is Abu Jabir Abdallah (Pen Abdul), a successful architect, entrepreneur, and Islamic preacher. He is also the CEO of SPW Limited and the Principal Partner at Diamond4 Architect. Dr. Idris Dutsen Tanshi in Bauchi State is a scholar, farmer, and entrepreneur. Sheikh Sani Yahaya Jingir,National Chairman of the Council of Ulama Jama’atu Izalatul Bid’ah Wa’Ikamatis Sunnah (JIBWIS) National Headquarters in Jos, is also a scholar , farmer, and entrepreneur. 

Before and after assuming the role of Imam at the Doubeli  Juma’at mosque in Jimeta-Yola, Adamawa State, many remember Sheikh Bala Lau as a dedicated farmer, entrepreneur, and businessman. His security company, AL-AHLI SECURITY GUARDS LIMITED, has been operational for over 20 years. Today, he engages in large-scale mechanized farming, international trade, as well as scholarship and Dawa’a, serving as the leader of Jama’atu Izalatil Bid’ah Wa Iqamatis Sunnah (JIBWIS) in Nigeria and Africa.

Islamic scholars around the world have historically balanced religious scholarship with business, demonstrating that economic success and religious devotion can coexist.

Dr Zakir Naik of India – An Islamic scholar and entrepreneur, he founded the Islamic Research Foundation (IRF) and owns media networks like Peace TV.

Caliph Uthman Ibn Affan (RA) – The third Caliph of Islam and one of the wealthiest companions of the Prophet (SAW). A major trader, he was known for his generosity and famously purchased a well in Madinah, making it free for public use.

Abdur-Rahman Ibn Awf (RA), one of the ten companions promised Paradise, a leading businessman in Makkah and Madinah, and a generous philanthropist who funded many Islamic causes.

Imam Abu Hanifa (Rahimahullah), the founder of the Hanafi school of thought and a wealthy textile merchant, was known for his honesty and fairness in trade.

Sheikh Muhammad Ibn Uthaymeen (Rahimahullah) – A renowned 20th-century scholar from Saudi Arabia who invested in businesses and financially supported Islamic education.

Sheikh Saleh Al-Fawzan is a contemporary Saudi scholar who has investments in various sectors while continuing his role as an Islamic scholar.

Islam has a strong tradition of combining scholarship, knowledge, and business. While Ulamas should avoid unlawful practices and corruption, they should actively participate in business—both in private ventures and government contracts. This will grant them financial independence and the freedom to speak the truth without fear.

By engaging in lawful business, Ulamas set an example for the Muslim community, demonstrating that economic empowerment and religious integrity are not mutually exclusive.

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja via zaymohd@yahoo.com.