Opinion

By Musa Kalim Gambo

ND Shehu Kanam, a political scientist and son of the soil, offered a searing insight into Governor Caleb Mutfwang’s recent statewide broadcast in a Facebook post following the blood-soaked tragedy that befell some communities in Plateau. In dissecting the speech, he made a remark that has lingered in my conscience like smoke from an unquenched fire:

“The governor made reference to previous attacks including Dogo Nahauwa and completely ignored the attack in Garga District of Kanam LGA in 2022 where over 100 lives were killed. At all times, Kanam LGA is being treated as third-class citizens in Plateau State.”

And how true that is—how bitter, how brazen. One would expect that in the arithmetic of grief, every loss would count, that memory would not play favourites. But alas, even in mourning, there is politics. Even in death, there are those deemed more worthy of remembrance than others.

Let’s be clear: every act of violence against any group of people is an abomination. It should be met with absolute condemnation. Those who carry out such horrors—burning homes, hacking down the old and the young, silencing lives with the crack of a rifle—are not just criminals. They are monsters in human form, agents of chaos and cruelty, and they must be made to face the full wrath of justice, if justice still has a name.

But then we turn to the governor’s address. Perhaps the speechwriter, weary and burdened, meant no harm. Maybe it was all too much—the urgency, the pressure, the tears behind closed doors. Perhaps grief blurred the pen, and memory failed. But selective memory tells a deeper story, whether by accident or design. It speaks of a hierarchy of pain where some cries echo louder in the chambers of power while others are muffled into silence.

The omission of the Kanam massacre, where bullets and blades buried over a hundred souls in 2022, is not just an editorial oversight. It is a symbolic erasure. It is a painful reminder that suffering is not always seen in some communities in Plateau. The state does not always mourn their dead. Their pain is not always acknowledged. In the cold theatre of political memory, Kanam seems to occupy the balcony—watching, grieving, unheard.

But why? Why must Kanam and others like it constantly beg to be seen?

Maybe the intention of the governor’s speech wasn’t to compile a historical record of tragedies. Perhaps it was just a passing mention meant to stir the ghosts and frame the urgency. But even a passing mention must carry the weight of justice. When invoking past massacres, we must strive for balance, breadth, and truth. We cannot cherry-pick grief.

This is not mere sentimentality—it’s about shaping policy from a place of inclusion. When the memory of a people is consistently erased or ignored, how can they believe in the solutions presented to them?

Interestingly, embedded in the governor’s speech was a subtle but telling reference to the nature of the attacks. The subsequent ban on open grazing and cattle movement at night across the state implies that the perpetrators may be connected to patterns of pastoral violence. Whether these connections are definitive or speculative is for the intelligence community to clarify. Yet, in that policy, one senses that the governor has a working theory of the violence–it is, therefore, expected that this act of violence will be brought to a definite end very soon.

Still, even the most astute policies will fall flat if people feel excluded from the conversation—if they feel like third-class citizens in their own land.

A state cannot heal when its government speaks selectively, and a people cannot move forward when some of their dead are left behind in the narrative. To move forward, we must gather all the names, all the villages, all the cries, and lay them bare—without hierarchy or hesitation.

Governor Mutfwang must do better. Plateau deserves better. Kanam demands no pity—only remembrance, and justice.

Let this not be another footnote in the long, bitter history of the Middle Belt. Let this be a turning point—where silence gives way to truth, and truth gives rise to healing.

Musa Kalim Gambo writes from Barkinladi, Plateau State.

By Maimuna Katuka Aliyu

Pollution poses one of the greatest threats to human existence, yet it remains highly underestimated. All over the world, air, water, and land are being contaminated by industrial waste, plastic, toxic emissions, and deforestation. 

The impact is devastating—rising diseases, extreme climate shifts, and dwindling biodiversity. Yet, many people treat it as a distant problem, failing to see that the air we breathe, the water we drink, and the soil that grows our food are already contaminated.

With rapid industrialisation, urban expansion, and population growth, pollution has reached critical levels, threatening ecosystems and human survival. The consequences are already here—millions of lives are lost to pollution-related diseases annually, while climate change escalates natural disasters. 

Without urgent action, the world may be heading toward irreversible environmental collapse.

The Invisible Killer in the Air

Air pollution remains one of the deadliest forms of contamination, responsible for nearly 7 million preventable deaths yearly. Toxic substances such as carbon monoxide, sulfur dioxide, and nitrogen oxides fill the atmosphere due to vehicle emissions, industrial activities, and deforestation. 

Respiratory illnesses, cardiovascular diseases, and lung cancer are rising sharply, even in developing nations where pollution regulations are weak.

A recent World Health Organisation (WHO) campaign has garnered support from nearly 50 million individuals, highlighting the growing global concern over pollution’s impact on health. 

Advocates call for cleaner energy, stricter environmental policies, and large-scale sustainable infrastructure. Without such efforts, air pollution will continue to rob millions of their health and shorten lifespans worldwide.

Poisoned Waters and a Dying Ecosystem

Water pollution is another crisis unfolding before our eyes. Industrial waste, plastic pollution, and chemical runoffs have turned once-thriving rivers and oceans into toxic dumps. 

Marine life is being suffocated by plastic debris, while communities reliant on rivers and lakes for drinking water are facing increasing cases of waterborne diseases. The situation is especially severe in developing countries, where clean water is still viewed as a luxury rather than a basic right.

Land pollution is also eroding our ability to produce safe food. Improper waste disposal, deforestation, and unregulated pesticide use are depleting the soil, making it more difficult to grow crops. This issue coincides with the rise of global hunger, further exacerbating the suffering of millions.

Nigeria’s Battle Against Pollution and Disease

While the world grapples with pollution, Nigeria confronts a dual crisis—environmental contamination and disease outbreaks. The country is currently facing an alarming rise in Lassa fever cases, with the Nigeria Centre for Disease Control and Prevention (NCDC) implementing emergency measures to contain its spread. 

This outbreak, linked to poor sanitation and rodent infestation, is a stark reminder of how environmental degradation fuels public health disasters.

The parallel concerns of pollution and infectious diseases demand urgent intervention. Nearly 50 million individuals worldwide have signed petitions demanding stronger policies to combat pollution, but actions on the ground remain insufficient. 

If nations like Nigeria fail to address these twin threats, millions more could be at risk.

The Fight to Save Our Planet

The crisis may seem overwhelming, but solutions exist. Governments must enforce stricter environmental laws, encourage the adoption of clean energy, and invest in waste management systems. Individuals also have a role to play—reducing plastic use, supporting eco-friendly products, and advocating for policy changes.

Nigeria, in particular, must strengthen its disease surveillance systems and healthcare access, especially in rural areas where pollution-related illnesses are rampant. Public health campaigns must be intensified, educating citizens about preventive measures against pollution-induced diseases and outbreaks like Lassa fever.

There is no more time for complacency. The battle for a cleaner planet is also a fight for human survival. Every moment wasted brings us closer to a world where clean air, safe water, and healthy food become privileges rather than rights. The time to act is now.

Maimuna Katuka Aliyu is a correspondent of PR Nigeria in Abuja.

By Musa Idris Panshekara 

Everyone who cares about the future of our society must be terribly worried about some social media users’ behaviours in the name of trendsetting. One of the most trending topics these days is a video clip of a young boy pouring ashes and filthy charcoal over his head.

The youngster vividly states his motive and goal without considering the negative impact of the dust on his health. Earlier this week, another woman appeared, adopting the same style as the young boy. Who copies the other’s style is unbeknownst to me; however, they share the same approach.

Moreover, another young man comes out of the blue – licking a goat’s vagina and uttering his goal of doing the animalistic behaviour. He briskly and shamelessly urged his followers to share it for him to trend. Unfortunately, many people have been sharing and reacting to the post, forgetting that they are indirectly helping to popularise the malicious and extra-moral behaviour contained in the clip.

Nevertheless, setting a goal and working to achieve it is never a sin; rather, the nature of the goal is what matters. Nowadays, youth are desperately seeking popularity blindly, regardless of the means they employ.

Whoever lived in the two or three decades back will undoubtedly know how discipline and moral training are diminishing in our society. By reflecting on the current situation of our youth and the trajectory of their future, if deep thought is given to the scenario, there will be a great challenge in the near future. Our youth lose direction, and they are the so-called leaders of tomorrow. No concrete foundation has been made, yet they are eager for overnight success and popularity.

However, almost no one is safe – as long as there is a smartphone in your house, the moral discipline of your family is at stake of demoralisation. Most children have more interest in comical videos, and many comedians are now pornographising their videos to gain more viewers and followers, which is becoming normal. Thus, everyone can be victimised unknowingly and unintentionally.

How can these bad attitudes be stopped from spreading? Who is responsible for doing so? These two questions can occupy the minds of every good individual who seeks the betterment of society. Thus, if these two important questions were asked, people might have different opinions. But, to me, it is a collective responsibility, while providing individual responsibility remains constant.

We use our phones for personal reasons and have complete control over whom we follow and unfollow on social media. We have the power to decide which posts to like or share. No one besides ourselves has total control over these actions. Therefore, I urge everyone to take immediate action on this issue to shape, clarify, and prepare the future for our born and unborn children.

May Allah guide us to the straight path.

Musa Idris, HND. (Laboratory science technology microbiology), CERT. (Animal production technology), CERT.(Cybersecurity and Digital Forensics investigation), wrote from Panshekara, Kumbotso LGA, Kano.

By Teco Benson, MFR

One of the most intellectually dishonest and damaging narratives in recent years is the partitioning of Nollywood into “Old” and “New.” It’s a simplistic label that started as a casual argument among a few younger practitioners but has unfortunately crept into academic discourse and mainstream industry conversations. This idea is not only divisive, but deeply offensive to the legacy of the industry and to those who built it from the ground up.

There is no such thing as Old Nollywood or New Nollywood. There is only Nollywood—a continuous, evolving industry built on layers of sweat, sacrifice, creativity, and resilience. What some choose to call “New” is not a replacement of the “Old”; it is a progression made possible because of the foundational work of the pioneers.

What many fail to understand is that our storytelling essence has not changed. The values, themes, cultural textures, and emotional core of Nollywood have remained consistent through the years. What has changed—and continues to change—is technology, and that is not unique to Nollywood; it’s a global phenomenon across all creative industries.

Even during the analogue years of Nollywood’s emergence, there were constant technological shifts. The iconic 1992 film Living in Bondage, which benchmarked the Nollywood movement, was shot on Super VHS. To improve quality, filmmakers soon transitioned to U-matic cameras and their full post-production systems. After that came Betacam, which was adopted for both shooting and editing. Then came MiniDV, followed by DVCAM—a digital video format that coincided with the arrival of non-linear editing.

This shift from linear to non-linear editing was revolutionary. It allowed filmmakers to use computers to seamlessly edit and manipulate captured footage—something unthinkable during the earlier years when it was strictly garbage in, garbage out. In those days, whatever was captured in-camera was exactly what the audience would see. There was no room for error. This forced cinematographers, sound recordists, and directors to train rigorously, work with precision, and strive for excellence at every stage of production.

From DVCAM, the industry moved to HDV (High Definition Video)—the final tape-based format—before embracing tapeless high-definition systems using memory cards. That ushered in a digital revolution, and Nollywood embraced it with open arms. Suddenly, filmmakers had tools to correct errors, grade visuals, enhance sound, and polish rough footage. As a result, even inexperienced filmmakers could produce glossy-looking films. But what this also meant was that those trained in the era of analogue discipline had a stronger professional foundation—having learned to get it right at the point of capture, rather than fixing it in post.

Today, technology continues to evolve—from 2K to 4K, 6K, 8K, 12K, and beyond. Tomorrow will bring even more shifts. But through it all, filmmaking has remained constant. The values, the voice, and the cultural richness of Nollywood have endured.

Another major transformation lies in distribution and audience reach. In the early days, Nollywood was feeding the Nigerian nation alone. Films were sold as physical cassettes and distributed within the country. Ironically, it was pirates—not formal distributors—who duplicated these tapes and spread Nollywood films across Africa, the Caribbean, and among global diaspora communities. This unintended export planted the seeds of the industry’s global influence.

Today, with the internet and streaming platforms, national borders no longer exist in the virtual world. Once a film is uploaded online, it instantly becomes global content. The filmmaker’s audience is no longer a town, a state, or a country—it is the world. And with that expanded reach comes intentionality. Scripts are now written with global standards in mind, stories are told with international audiences considered, and production decisions are made to meet the expectations of a diverse, global viewer base.

These changes are natural. They are part of the organic evolution of any thriving creative ecosystem. It doesn’t make the early days “old” or “outdated.” It doesn’t elevate the present generation above those who came before. If anything, it emphasises the need for continuity, respect, and intergenerational collaboration.

To classify pioneers as “Old Nollywood” is to ignore their innovations and the fierce battles they fought to establish the industry in the first place. It is to forget that there was once a time when there was no Nollywood—only brave individuals daring to tell African stories using whatever tools they could afford. They didn’t wait for validation. They created a movement.

What exists today—the funding, the streaming platforms, the global attention—was made possible because a group of passionate dreamers picked up VHS cameras and believed their stories were worth telling.

This is why the “Old vs. New Nollywood” narrative must be retired. It is reductionist, divisive, and counterproductive. Every generation has its own tools, challenges, and breakthroughs. But the spirit of storytelling, the soul of our culture, and the purpose of our cinema remain the same.

Let’s stop building walls within the house we all call home. Nollywood is one—past, present, and future.

Teco Benson, MFR, is a veteran film director, industry pioneer and cultural commentator.

By Aisha Musa Auyo

I will begin my write-up with this Hadith: Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him) said, “Nothing is heavier on the believer’s scale on the Day of Judgment than good character.” (Sunan al-Tirmidh).

If we pay attention and are fair to ourselves, I bet you will realise that none of us is perfect. We all have areas in our lives where we excel, and we all have areas where we do not excel – or even fail. This will be true in your marital life as well. So, let us try to upgrade our character based on this fact.

Marriages collapse for many reasons. Some marriages and relationships go wrong because people fail to praise each other’s strengths and tend to criticise each other’s weaknesses. 

Let me tell you from experience. I love getting praise when I do something good, but if I totally blow something, I am already critical and upset enough with myself that I do not need my mate coming in and twisting the knife, so to speak. I am pretty sure everyone out there would agree with me on this. 

If you want to approach marriage the right way, you must generously praise each other, particularly when one excels at something, and use criticism sparingly when one flounders. Pray about the challenges and allow Allah, the Most High, to handle the work. 

Crushing your spouse’s soul will only push them away and never pull them toward you. When you see your spouse has messed something up, this is a time to draw them into your arms, hug them tight, and assure them everything will be okay. 

Marriage is teamwork, not competition, so learn to support and encourage each other. If you discover that you have strengths in areas where your spouse is weaker, take the lead in those aspects of the relationship and allow your partner to excel in what they do best. This synergy is achievable only in a healthy, selfless, progressive marriage.

If you both struggle in an area, agree to collaborate to address it. Learning to use this key effectively will create tremendous harmony in your relationship.

This formula can be applied beyond marital relationships. Any type of relationship can benefit from it, including those between parents and children, teachers and students, siblings, coworkers, or employers.

In a world where you can be anything…. choose positivity, compassion, empathy, and kindness. Remember, people may forget how you look, but they may never forget how you made them feel.

One more reason to be kind, encouraging, and compassionate is the hadith that the Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him) said: “The best among you are those who have the best manners and character” (Sahih al-Bukhari).

Aisha Musa Auyo is a Doctorate researcher in Educational Psychology. A wife, a mother, a homemaker, caterer, parenting, and relationship coach. She can be reached via aishamuauyo@live.co.uk.

By Muhammad Ahmad Iliasu

When Barr. Ammani recommended Hillary Clinton’s Autobiography ‘Living History’ to me back in 2018, I said to myself where could I find it? Because, among others, one thing was certain; books that are authored across the ocean are not easy to find. And if, in the rare case, they are available, a young student like me was most likely priced out of contention.

Then one day, during one of my trekking braggadocios between Kantin Kwari, Bata to Sabon Gari, I stumbled upon an intensely greying old man of modest stature, smiley and incredibly alert and mobile for a man of his age. What pulled my attention to his makeshift shop wasn’t him, but rather the large book carrying the face of Herbert Hoover – USA’s 31st President.

At that time, there were a lot of debates in our Macro class in BUK on Buhari’s Protectionist policy. And with Yanis Varoufakis’s dominance on my bookshelf, how protectionism backfired against Hoover as stated in his ‘Global Minotaur’ became of great interest to me. I didn’t only want to know all about protectionism in the 1930s but the whole lifetime of President Hoover and his administration.

Therefore I stepped to the old man, pointed at the book and asked ‘how much is that one, Baba?’ ‘It’s price is two-thousand five-hundred Naira, boy’ – he replied. I responded ‘what?’ – almost terrified by its incredible cheapness, even though I didn’t have that amount at the time. To which he incredibly remarked ‘if you are truly serious, I will leave it to you at one-thousand seven-hundred Naira’. I laughed and borrowed the money from my boss’s change to settle the payment. I asked him once again ‘do you by any chance have Living History?’ The old man smiled and said ‘That will be Hillary Clinton’s Autobiography. I sold it two days ago. But I have ‘Women in Charge’. He put my curiosity into perspective with that response. Because I didn’t think he would know that instantly. And from then my relationship with him became very close. I admired his familiarity with books, genres and authors. And he became fond of how much I was willing to spend on books.

Interestingly, we never exchanged contacts. I usually stopped by his place anytime my boss sent me to Sabon Gari. And whenever he had a book he knew I’d like, he would keep asking his customers if they knew one big lad from the core metropolis who is crazy about books – I knew that because he asked three people who knew me and passed the message.

Beyond the unbelievable cheapness of his books, what made Alaji Garba special wasn’t his eagerness to sell, but knowing what his customers wanted to buy. He had a way of profiling people’s interest perfectly. For example, anytime he had an autobiography of a famous leader or historical figure he would try his best to see me acquire it. I recall how he kept the biography of Joseph Stalin waiting for weeks even though many wanted to get it ahead of me. Funny enough, I didn’t know who Stalin was at that time. He just believed I would like it. And he was right.

From him I acquired more than 20 biographies of US presidents including those of Washington, Maddison, Jefferson, Lincoln, FDR and Reagan. I first heard about The Bourbons, House of Windsor and The Bolsheviks from him. Better yet, he supplied deep readings on them. I got classics authored by Rousseau, Locke, Homer, Byron, Marx, Calder, Orwell, Dante and Dumas from Alaji Garba.

He introduced me to the artistic savagery of Mario Puzo’s Mafia and the boiling horror of Stephen King. I know Jenni Calder and her father Angus Calder because of Alaji Garba, and thanks to that I know Thomas Carlyle and whoever he mentioned in his analysis of Heroes. I’ve forgotten to mention the book “Heroes” by Jenni which Alaji Garba gave me almost for free, the very book whose analytical dexterity formed the earliest foundation of my ability to conflate history with literature, personality with reality, and what an author seeks to achieve with every detail of his book.

On the afternoon I bought Eisenhower’s biography, Alaji Garba gave me ‘Thirty Centuries of Command’ for free. And beyond acquiring familiarity with the military-industrial complex, the misinformations in the Thirty Centuries of Command on Sultan Muhammad al-Fatih rattled me into reading the history of the Ottoman Empire since Sulayman Shah and Ertugrul up to Lawrence of Arabia and Mustafa Kemal Attaturk.

Indeed, I am nothing without my bookshelf, and my bookshelf would be nothing without Alaji Garba’s heavenly supply. There are five times more books on my shelf that were supplied by Alaji Garba than any other bookseller. And he’s probably only edged by Jakara City on the quantity of my readings supplied. The poor man, whom I truly loved, probably had no idea what he was doing jumping from one shadow to another under a bridge with those small sacks of old treatises. He was probably just trying to put food on his table, unsure of who next will buy, and whether that will be enough to pay the fare home. But he was more than that. And I wish he knew it. I wish he knew how many lives he changed with that materially unrewarding trade. I wish he can get recognition for the volume of knowledge he worked very hard to put into the hands of people who otherwise would never have gotten the chance to get.

I wish he knew how much I loved him and how much I understood his efforts and how much I admired him and his trade. I wish he knew how people like him inspire me to be great despite having no independent ambition to be so, just so that when I tell their story to the people who should’ve known them it will bear some weight. I write, partially, so I could tell the stories that may never be told. And Alaji Garba’s is truly one of a kind. May Allah rest him in His eternal peace. May ‘Iqra’a’ rescues him from the wrath on the day of judgement. For certainly very few have dedicated more to the love of reading.

Muhammad Ahmad Iliyasu is Strategic Communications Officer at the Center for Fiscal Transparency and Public Integrity. He can be reached via his email: Muhada102@gmail.com

By Murtala Sani

The challenge faced by Comrade Aminu Abdussalam Gwarzo during 2023 gubernatorial election was big.

The opponents that rose against him included the former Deputy Governor of Kano State who was also the first APC Chairman of the State, Eng. Abdullahi Tijjani Muhammad Gwarzo, the grassroot politician that adopted Jehovah Witness-like door to door political campaign in order to win against the Comrade during the election.

Three powerful incumbent commissioners from different powerful wards waged war against the Comrade. Commissioner of Environment who is also a good friend of Ganduje’s daughter, Dr.Kabiru Ibrahim Getso, used his power to ensure the downfall of the Comrade during the election. Commissioner of Youths and Sports, Kabiru Ado Lakwaya, who was also the President of NYCN Kano State Chapter, mobilized his aluta boys to articulate APC agenda before the election just to bring down the Comrade. Commissioner of Budget and Planning, Alhaji Ibrahim Dan’azumi Gwarzo, a master strategist, used his old political wisdom and wits in fighting the Comrade during the election.

Three Managing Directors were not left behind in hacking the Comrade with their political axes:

1) MD. REMASSAB, Abdullahi Mu’azu (Babangandu) who is now the member representing Gwarzo/Kabo at the Federal House of Representatives, the APC moniepoint, made sure that money was circulating all over Gwarzo local government to pin down the Comrade during the election.

2) MD. WRECA, Mallam Munir Ahmad, decided to persuade voters with his Ibrahim Shekarau’s type of style of politics by using spiritual quotations to persuade voters to turn down the Comrade during the election.

3) MD. Zoo, Alhaji Sa’idu Gwadabe, used his political connections to smash down the Comrade during the election.

Former member Kano State House of Assembly representing Gwarzo Constituency, Hon. Sa’idu Kutama was conspiring against the Comrade during the election. Former as well as current member representing Gwarzo Constituency at Kano State House of Assembly, Hon. Haruna Kayyu, was busy castigating the Comrade during the election.

The Chairman of Gwarzo Local Government, Eng.Bashir Kutama, engineered all the ten elected councillors and the surpervisory councillors along with his appointed special advisers from various wards of Gwarzo Local Government to tear apart the Comrade during the election.

On the other hand, the four times Senator representing Kano North Constituency in the Senates, Senator Bello Hayatu Gwarzo who manned the seat of Chief of Whip in the Senate,was mercilessly whipping the Comrade with his PDP-APC laced political party to bend down the Comrade during the election.

From the outside, Murtala Sule Garo, the influencial Commissioner of Local Government Affairs and Deputy Gubernatorial candidate of Kano State was throwing political bombs on the Comrade through his political soldiers during the election in order to crush down the Comrade during the election.

Again, the two times Senator representing Kano North Constituency as well as the present Deputy Senate President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, Senator Barau Jibril, was pouring palliatives to the electorates in order to dig a political grave for the Comrade during the election.

Still, his opponents had to add with tearing votes and smashing polling boxes to see his end during the election. At that moment, the highest political figure behind the Comrade was two times former member representing Gwarzo Constituency at Kano State House of Assembly, Hon.Rabi’u Saleh.

Yet, like a legendary Dramendra of the Bollywood, the Comrade dispersed all of them to become legally elected Deputy Governor of Kano State along with Eng.Abba Kabir Yusuf as the elected Governor of Kano State.

Comrade Gwarzo is really Gwarzo.

Murtala Sani writes from Gwarzo, Kano State.

Innā li-Llāhi wa-innā ilayhi rājiʿūn.

The passing of Prof. Khurshīd Aḥmad marks the end of an era in the intellectual development of contemporary Islamic thought, particularly in the fields of al-Iqtiṣād al-Islāmī (Islamic economics) and al-Mālīyyah al-Islāmiyyah (Islamic finance). 

A polymath, visionary, and tireless reformer, Prof. Khurshīd Aḥmad was one of the most distinguished Muslim thinkers of the 20th and 21st centuries. His scholarship, activism, and public service bridged the worlds of theory and practice, faith and governance, tradition and modernity.

Born in Delhi in 1932 and later migrating to Pakistan following the partition, he pursued higher education in economics and law. He eventually earned a Master’s in Islamic Studies and a PhD in Economics from the University of Leicester, United Kingdom. He was not merely an academic in the conventional sense; he was an intellectual activist whose writings and public engagements profoundly shaped the global discourse on Islam and economic justice.

His Legacy in Islamic Finance

Among his many contributions, Prof. Khurshī Aḥmad’s most outstanding intellectual work in the field of Islamic finance is arguably his foundational role in articulating and systematising the theoretical framework of an Islamic economic order, particularly through his seminal work: Islam: Its Meaning and Message (edited by Khurshīd Aḥmad, first published 1976).

This edited volume contains his essay  “The Islamic Way of Life”, which not only presents the ethical foundations of Islam but also outlines the spiritual, social, and economic dimensions of Islamic governance.

More specifically related to economics is his earlier and pioneering treatise: Islamic Economic System: A Socio-Economic and Political Analysis (1970). This work laid down the theoretical underpinnings of al-Niẓām al-Iqtiṣādī al-Islāmī and served as a cornerstone for the subsequent emergence of Islamic banking and financial institutions.

In Islamic Economic System, Prof. Khurshīd Aḥmad delineates a clear moral and functional distinction between the capitalist, socialist, and Islamic paradigms, advocating a system well entrenched in tawḥīd, ʿadl, and mashwarah.

He was also instrumental in the formation of the International Institute of Islamic Economics (IIIE) at the International Islamic University, Islamabad. He advised several governments and Islamic financial institutions in conceptualising and implementing Sharīʿah-compliant economic policies. His influence continues to shape policies in countries like Pakistan, Malaysia, and Sudan, and in global institutions such as the Islamic Development Bank (IsDB).

Prof. Khurshī Aḥmad’s intellectual legacy transcends geographical and disciplinary boundaries. He championed a vision of Islamic economics and finance not merely as an alternative system but as a holistic worldview embedded in divine guidance and aimed at achieving justice, equity, and human dignity.

May Allāh (Subḥānahu wa Taʿālā) forgive his shortcomings, reward him with Jannah al-Firdaws, and accept his works as ṣadaqah jāriyah. His writings will continue enlightening scholars, guiding policymakers, and inspiring future generations.

Dr. Oyekolade Sodiq OYESANYA wrote from the Department of Religious Studies, Tai Solarin University of Education, Ijagun, Ogun State, Nigeria.

By Zayyad I. Muhammad

As politicking for the 2027 elections gradually gains momentum, both new and familiar scenarios will inevitably emerge. Nigeria’s political landscape is dynamic and often shaped by geopolitical factors, and 2027 will be no exception.

The truth is, despite its internal wranglings and historical baggage, any coalition that does not have the PDP as its central pillar is unlikely to achieve the kind of national spread required to win a presidential election in Nigeria. The PDP, with its extensive grassroots network and long-standing presence across all six geopolitical zones, remains the only opposition party with a truly nationwide structure, even if its influence has somewhat waned in recent years.

Peter Obi and Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, notable third-force figures from the 2023 elections, lack enthusiasm for any clearly defined coalition. Obi appears ready to pursue the presidency again, but the conditions that fueled his surprising 2023 performance- particularly the support from urban youth and disenchanted Christian voters— have significantly waned. This support was initially driven by fear over Tinubu’s Muslim-Muslim ticket, which caused concerns among Christians. Today, that fear has faded, and ironically, the Muslim-Muslim arrangement includes more Christian participation in government than anticipated.

Kwankwaso, on the other hand, appears to have adopted a more pragmatic, localised approach- ‘ state capture. Kwankwaso’s posture suggests a strategy of quiet autonomy: “I have Kano; let me control it. I won’t interfere with you, and don’t interfere with me.” This ‘state capture’ mentality may give him relevance at the regional level but severely limits his national appeal.

President Tinubu, meanwhile, has carelessly  or perhaps inadvertently squandered the political capital that the APC enjoyed in the North from 2015 to 2023. During that period, the APC could count on overwhelming support from northern voters , often to the extent that votes from a single state could nearly cancel out those from entire geopolitical zones elsewhere. That dominance was largely tied to a geopolitical strongholds strategy . Tinubu’s failure to maintain and galvanize this strategy will eat up the APC’s traditional votes in the North, which are very key for the APC’s return to a second term.

Furthermore, Tinubu has, whether knowingly or not, revitalised the dormant CPC bloc — a faction of the APC that once represented the ideological and political base of Buhari’s loyalists. Now, with the central leadership perceived as disconnected from northern interests, the CPC bloc sees an opportunity to reassert itself. In regions like the Northwest, particularly, this could lead to a realignment of loyalties, with Tinubu’s influence weakening in favor of those viewed as more authentically representing northern interests. 

Nepotism is nepotism. While Buhari’s nepotism was largely regional and driven by northern priorities, Tinubu’s appears more ethnic and focused on Lagos, which could prove politically costly if not urgently recalibrated. That said, Tinubu still has time and political tools to course-correct before 2027, if he chooses to use them wisely.

The current coalition promoters, however, appear to be relying on an outdated strategy. The 2015-style bandwagon movement, built around the idea of ‘change,’ is unlikely to resonate with voters in 2027. Buhari’s eight-year presidency has left a mixed legacy, with many citizens feeling disillusioned by the unmet expectations. The old formula simply won’t work again.

In 2027, two key elements will determine electoral success, not only at the center but also in the states: substantial resources, both financial and structural , and science. The days when charisma and rhetoric alone could deliver victory are over. Any political group serious about winning must adopt a data-driven strategy. This entails conducting thorough research into voter behavior, turnout patterns, demographic shifts, and regional voting strengths. 

It also requires understanding the psychology of the electorate, particularly among young voters, who now constitute a decisive segment. Apolitical political scientists, data analysts, and behavioural experts will play a more vital role than ever before. Without this approach, even the best-funded campaign could fall flat.

Finally, it is important to accept that the coalition model of 2015 and the voting behavior of 2023 are not likely to repeat themselves. Nigeria’s political terrain has evolved, so to speak . As of today , although tomorrow is uncertain, the three major blocs heading into the 2027 elections appear to be Tinubu’s APC, the PDP, and the rest . It is shaping up to be a near-zero-sum game. 

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja via zaymohd@yahoo.com.

‎By Abdulhakeem Yetu Zakari

‎Despite growing awareness, sexual exploitation continues to cast a dark shadow over the entertainment industry in Nigeria and elsewhere. Behind the glitz and glamour, many aspiring talents face coercion, harassment, and abuse in their pursuit of success. Stronger policies, accountability, and systemic change are urgently needed to create a safer industry.

‎Sexual exploitation in entertainment is an open secret that has persisted for decades. It manifests in various forms, from coercion and harassment to outright trafficking. Vulnerable individuals, often young and inexperienced, are preyed upon by those in positions of power. The “sex-for-role” culture, in which opportunities are exchanged for sexual favors, remains alarmingly prevalent. Those who resist or speak out risk being blacklisted, experiencing retaliation, or even being driven out of the industry entirely.

‎The entertainment world thrives on connections, and unfortunately, this has allowed predators to operate with impunity. Victims, fearing career sabotage or public shaming, often remain silent. The imbalance of power between industry gatekeepers and struggling artists makes it even harder to challenge abusive behaviours.

‎The #MeToo movement, which gained global traction in 2017, was a watershed moment. Survivors courageously came forward, exposing influential figures like Harvey Weinstein and forcing the industry to confront its deep-seated issues. This sparked widespread discussions, policy changes, and an increased demand for accountability.‎

Despite the above strides, exploitation remains a pressing issue. While some perpetrators have been held accountable, many still evade justice. Survivors continue to face obstacles in their pursuit of legal recourse, with cases often dismissed or settlements used to silence victims.

‎Ending sexual exploitation in entertainment requires more than just conversations, it demands concrete action:

‎Stronger Legal Frameworks – Governments and industry regulators must enforce stricter policies against workplace harassment and sexual exploitation. Clear legal consequences should deter potential offenders.

‎Whistleblower Protection – Survivors and witnesses should be able to report abuse without fear of retaliation. Anonymous reporting systems and legal safeguards are crucial.

‎Industry Accountability – Entertainment companies must adopt zero-tolerance policies for misconduct, conduct thorough background checks, and establish independent oversight committees to investigate allegations.

‎Empowering Victims – Access to legal aid, mental health support, and career counselling can help survivors rebuild their lives. Platforms that amplify their voices must be encouraged.

‎Changing the Culture – Education on consent, power dynamics, and ethical professional relationships should be integrated into industry training programs. A shift in mindset is necessary to dismantle the normalisation of abuse.

‎ The fight against sexual exploitation in entertainment is far from over. Every stakeholder, from industry executives to audiences, plays a role in demanding transparency, justice, and respect for all talents. Only through sustained pressure and institutional reform can we ensure an industry where success is based on talent, not exploitation.

‎It is not just a matter of morality but of fundamental human rights. The time to act is now.

‎Abdulhakeem Yetu Zakari is an intern with PRNigeria. He can be reached via abdulhakeemzakari7@gmail.com.