Opinion

By Oladoja M.O

The Bola Ahmed Tinubu administration has unarguably embarked on a bold and unapologetic mission to retool Nigeria’s economy. From the abrupt removal of petrol subsidies to the floating of the naira, the unification of multiple FX windows, and most recently, the signing of the landmark Tax Reform and Fiscal Policy Bill, there is no denying that the government has chosen a macro-to-micro economic approach. That is, fix the big picture first, then let the gains gradually filter to the people.

And indeed, the “green lights” are beginning to blink. Global credit rating agencies such as Fitch and Moody’s have upgraded Nigeria’s outlook. Foreign investors are expressing renewed interest. Oil production is improving, FX liquidity is easing, and fiscal buffers are being rebuilt. From a purely macroeconomic standpoint, Nigeria appears to be reclaiming its place as a serious economy with a reform-minded leadership.

But there’s a contradiction that cannot be ignored: on the streets of Agege, Aba, Makurdi, and beyond, the economy is still red; red markets, red household budgets, red transport fares, and red faces of frustration. Prices have tripled in some cases. Wages have barely moved. Many can no longer afford their children’s school fees. Traders are losing capital to inflation. Food is fast becoming a luxury. Amid this hardship, Nigerians are asking the most honest, piercing question of the moment:

“If the economy is growing, why am I still shrinking?” “If the economy is growing, where is the growth in my pocket?”

This is not a question born out of ignorance. It is a legitimate cry that speaks to the disconnect between macroeconomic progress and microeconomic relief. Yes, the big numbers are looking better, but the lived realities of the majority are deteriorating. To understand this discrepancy, we must first understand the difference between macroeconomics and microeconomics. 

Macroeconomics concerns itself with the national economy, including factors such as GDP growth, inflation rates, budget deficits, and foreign exchange reserves. These are the indicators investors, multilateral organisations, and economic analysts watch. Microeconomics, on the other hand, deals with everyday realities: how much you earn, what you can buy with that income, whether your small business can survive, and whether prices of food, fuel, and medicine are manageable. In theory, macroeconomic stability should, over time, trickle down and improve microeconomic conditions. But in practice, especially in a country like Nigeria, that process is rarely smooth or automatic.

The truth is that reforms, especially big, structural reforms create what economists call a “lag effect.” That is, the pain comes first; the relief comes much later. Floating the naira made the exchange rate more transparent and investor-friendly, but it also instantly raised the price of imported goods. Removing fuel subsidy fixed a long-standing fiscal leak, but it also sent transport and food prices soaring. And because Nigeria imports a significant share of its consumption, inflation spiked, with devastating effects on the poor. Salaries have not caught up. Social safety nets are thin. Informal workers who make up over 60% of Nigeria’s labour force are primarily left to fend for themselves.

Yet, this is the path the government has chosen. And it is important to say this clearly: choosing a macro-first approach is not inherently wrong. In fact, for a country like Nigeria, plagued by decades of financial mismanagement, it is even necessary. Fixing subsidies, unifying the exchange rate, and rebuilding fiscal credibility are long overdue. Every administration must work with the strategy it believes in, and this government has opted to “stabilise the roof before fixing the foundation.” That, in itself, is a policy choice one with clear upsides.

However, macroeconomic success without a visible microeconomic impact is a hard sell to a hungry population. People don’t live in GDP. They live on garri, transport fares, and electricity bills. While international investors applaud the courage of reforms, local citizens are asking: Where is the evidence that my own life is getting better?

The administration is not blind to this concern. The recently signed Tax Reform and Fiscal Policy Bill is part of a broader effort to expand the tax net and capture the informal sector, both to raise revenue and bring more economic players into visibility. But again, for the everyday Nigerian, these reforms are abstract. What matters is how they translate into food on the table, money in the pocket, and hope in the future.

So, how do we build a bridge between this macro-level retooling and the micro-level reality of the people?

First, we must move beyond tokenistic interventions like cash transfers and instead design innovative relief tools that tie micro-support to long-term productivity. For example, introducing community-based digital vouchers that support food or fuel purchases but are redeemable only when tied to school attendance, digital payments, or participation in a training program would ease the current pressure while also boosting the country’s long-term human capital.

Second, the government must decentralise economic adaptation. Nigeria is too diverse for a one-size-fits-all economic playbook. Establishing “Local Reform Chambers” committees made up of state governments, market leaders, and community associations can help interpret macro policies at a local level and propose area-specific interventions. If subsidy removal causes a shock in Zaria or Owerri, let those communities co-design their response, be it cooperative transport schemes or communal food banks, funded partially by the government and partially by local actors.

Thirdly, data must become a feedback tool, not just a planning tool. The government should publish a monthly Macro-to-Micro Progress Report that clearly shows how reforms are improving incomes, lowering costs, or reaching underserved communities. Let people see the path of change, even if it’s still under construction.

Finally, the government must actively invest in skills, tools, and local infrastructure. Don’t just train youths to code; train them to fix machines, install solar panels, manage cooperatives, and build homes. Make markets more productive with solar lighting, shared storage, and access to water. These are the enablers that convert national growth into grassroots empowerment.

Conclusively, it is fair to acknowledge that the current administration is taking steps that previous governments only danced around. The reforms are not without merit and frankly, not without courage. But reforms are not complete until they reach the people.

The Nigerian people are not impatient; they are simply in pain. And when they ask, “If the economy is growing, why is my pocket not?” they are not being unreasonable. They are asking for what every citizen deserves: a place in the progress. Now is the time to move beyond balancing spreadsheets and begin balancing lives because growth is only real when it is felt.

And no reform is complete until the people rise with the numbers.

Oladoja M.O writes from Abuja and can be reached at: mayokunmark@gmail.com

By Zayyad I. Muhammad 

Bauchi is one of the few states, perhaps the only one, in northern Nigeria that has consistently upheld a politics rooted in independence. The people of Bauchi are known for their distinct political culture: no candidate, political party, or ideology can be imposed on them. Incumbency holds little sway, and public or political office holders often fail to win elections.

From the days of the Northern Elements Progressive Union (NEPU) in the First Republic, to the politics of the Second Republic, and even the cult-like support for Muhammadu Buhari in more recent times, Bauchi has carved out a political identity that is both unique and enduring.

A review of Bauchi’s electoral history, particularly in gubernatorial contests, reveals a striking pattern of political independence that many analysts regard as unmatched in Nigeria. 

For instance:

In 1979, they elected Tatari Ali as Governor under the National Party of Nigeria (NPN) against their kinsman within the North East, in the person of Alhaji Ibrahim Waziri of the GNPP.

In 1992, they elected Alhaji Dahiru Mohammed Deba as Governor, alongside Alh Ibrahim Tofa of NRC, against the popular candidature of MKO Abiola 

Somehow in 1999, after a rerun election, PDP managed to win, and Adamu Mu’azu got elected as Governor, but later lost the bid to win senatorial elections after serving for 8 years as Governor. 

In 2007, Mal. Isa Yuguda won as Governor under ANPP against the incumbent PDP when Yar’Adua was president. 

In 2011, the state aligned with the opposition APC to produce Mohammed Abdullahi Abubakar as Governor, but lost his re-election bid despite being the sitting governor to the Present Governor Bala Mohammed of the PDP.

This pattern speaks volumes:

Abuja or any ‘interest’ cannot and has never dictated the governor’s emergence in Bauchi state. Imposing candidates rarely work. Incumbency does not guarantee re-election. High-profile public and political office holders have little impact. Governors have lost re-election, senatorial bids, and attempts to anoint successors in several Cases. The swinging nature of Bauchi politics is one of its most intriguing features

Equally remarkable is the background of those elected. Since 1999, Bauchi governors have consistently emerged from modest or unexpected circumstances- ‘Zero level, so to speak. Governors Adamu Mu’azu, Isa Yuguda, Mohammed Abubakar, and the present Bala Mohammed all came from zero disposition, meaning they did not hold a position or office for at least two years during the election period. This trend illustrates the state’s openness to merit and its resistance to political imposition.

Looking ahead to the 2027 elections, it appears to be the state with the highest number of contestants so far. 

1. Mohammed Auwal Jatau – the current Deputy Governor of Bauchi State

2. Muhammad Ali Pate – the current Minister of Health

3. Dr. Nura Manu Soro – Ex-Finance Commissioner and President Tinubu campaign Coordinator. 

4. Ambassador Yusuf Tuggar, current minister of foreign affairs. 

5. ⁠Senator Shehu Buba, a serving senator from the APC 

6. ⁠Alhaji Bala Wunti, former MD of NAPIMS

7. ⁠RTD Air Marshal Sadiq, former APC gubernatorial candidate 

8. ⁠Senator Halliru Jika, former senator 

9. ⁠Dr. MUSA Babayo, former chairman of TETFUND 

10. ⁠Senator Dahuwa Kaila, a serving senator, among numerous others. 

With such a lineup and Bauchi’s long history of voter independence, the 2027 elections promise to be as competitive and unpredictable as ever.

Bauchi’s politics remain firmly anchored in progressive and populist traditions. Candidates without a clear vision or strong grassroots connection are regularly rejected at the polls, and 2027 is likely to uphold that tradition.

Only time will tell.

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja via zaymohd@yahoo.com.

By Muazu Malami Mabera

In the realm of development communication, we have learned that successful project implementation hinges on a thorough understanding of a community’s norms and values. Engaging stakeholders is paramount to ensure that objectives align with the genuine needs of the people, rather than assumptions made by outsiders.

Many, including the Sokoto State Government have mistakenly narrowed the challenges facing Mabera to the mere lack of roads and gutters. While the dilapidated road infrastructure is indeed a pressing issue, it is far from the only one. Our community grapples with multiple, interrelated challenges that require urgent attention.

One of the most critical issues is access to potable drinking water. Residents often find themselves purchasing water from barrow pushers, paying between ₦150 and ₦200 per jerrycan. For medium-class families, this can amount to over ₦2,000 daily, as they may consume an entire barrow of water. Despite the recent commissioning of a new water project in the Tamaje/Dambuwa area, Mabera has yet to benefit from these developments.

Another significant concern is the imbalance in political representation at the state level. Mabera constitutes nearly 50% of the population in Sokoto South Local Government, yet we have never produced a single commissioner. This disparity is not due to a lack of qualified individuals; rather, it stems from systemic issues related to power-sharing and equity at the state level. Other areas have managed to produce two or three commissioners simultaneously, highlighting the inequity faced by our community.

Moreover, Mabera has long been overdue for an elevation in its traditional leadership structure. For decades, we have been governed by a ward head, despite the fact that Mabera has now been divided into nearly seven distinct areas:Mabera Fulani,Mabera Gidan Dahala, Mabera Iddi,Mabera Gidan Jariri,Mabera Tsohon Gida,Mabera Kantin Sani and Mabera Jelani.

Currently, all these areas fall under the jurisdiction of a single head known as Magajin Mabera. We urge the relevant authorities to consider this matter seriously and take necessary actions to establish a district head for fair and effective traditional governance.

Ultimately, it is essential to recognize that while infrastructure improvements such as roads and gutters are important, they do not address the full spectrum of issues facing Mabera. A holistic approach that considers our community’s diverse needs is crucial for sustainable development.

Muazu Malami Mabera
Email: muazumabera@gmail.com

By Khairat Suleiman

Physical attractiveness is recognised as one of the strongest societal currencies, with research suggesting it fosters confidence and can translate into personal and professional success for many women. 

A 2023 study from the Journal of Social Psychology found that attractive individuals are perceived as more competent in initial social interactions, particularly in image-driven industries, which can be especially relevant in contexts like that of the Hausa/Fulani parts of Northern Nigeria, where cultural norms often emphasise appearance in social and marital roles. However, this focus can overshadow the importance of education, skills, and intellectual growth.

Consider the 2022 case of 5-year-old Hanifa from Kano State, who was tragically murdered by her head teacher tragically murdered. Her death sparked temporary outrage on social media, with behavioural psychologists attributing much of the reaction to her good looks, as noted in various analyses. This example, while digressive, highlights how attractiveness influences societal perceptions, even in tragic contexts.

While beauty can open doors, overemphasising it often has consequences. A 2025 LinkedIn report highlighted that women with advanced skills in fields such as technology, finance, or leadership earn 20-30% more than those relying on appearance-based roles, which often have shorter career spans. Investing in intellectual and professional growth not only leads to personal fulfilment but also challenges societal expectations, with confidence from career milestones being just as enduring, if not more, than that from physical enhancements.

Social media plays a vital role in promoting beauty standards over career-focused content. A 2024 analysis of TikTok content revealed that posts about Brazilian Butt Lifts (BBLs), Botox, and skin bleaching receive millions of views, often outpacing career-focused content. Influencers promote these aesthetic procedures by sharing recovery tips and glowing results, which normalise and glamorise them. 

Meanwhile, women sharing career advice, skill-building tips, or educational opportunities are underrepresented, with a search for “career growth for women” on Instagram yielding fewer than 10% of the results compared to “beauty tips.” This imbalance creates a feedback loop, bombarding young women with messages prioritising looks over substance.

In the Hausa/Fulani parts of Northern Nigeria, career women face additional challenges due to stereotypes that suggest women’s value lies primarily in their appearance, undermining their professional and intellectual capabilities and hindering progress toward gender equality. An example is a female broadcaster from an international radio station who was ‘praised’ for her beauty while her professional qualities were ignored, with viewers even bullying and discrediting other broadcasters with equally laudable professional qualities for not meeting the ‘attractiveness’ standards. These stereotypes are rooted in cultural norms, thus often confining women to domestic roles and limiting their participation in many life-changing activities.

We need to amplify platforms and role models that celebrate diverse definitions of success. We need more women sharing skill-building resources, career tips, or educational opportunities, rather than BBLs, Botox, aphrodisiacs, and skin bleaching, which have surged in popularity. Self-care isn’t inherently harmful; the key is balance. Looking good should complement, not overshadow, a woman’s intelligence and abilities.

Khairat Suleiman can be reached via khairatsuleh@gmail.com.

By Jamilu M Magaji

On May 29, 2025, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, GCFR, marked his second anniversary as the President and Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. This milestone represents not just the passage of time, but a turning point in Nigeria’s modern political and economic history—a testament to bold reforms, strategic governance, and a relentless pursuit of national development. 

In just 24 months, President Tinubu’s administration has laid a firm foundation for economic revitalisation, security stabilisation, and human capital investment. The following is my attempt to appraise the two years of transformational strides of the presidency driven by purpose, progress, and the promise of a new Nigeria:

1. Empowering Nigerians through Strategic Financial Interventions

One of the hallmark initiatives of the Tinubu administration is the Presidential Loan and Grant Scheme, which has supported over 900,000 entrepreneurs and small business owners. This lifeline of financial empowerment is revitalising the informal sector and unlocking grassroots innovation. Complementing this effort, the Students’ Loan Scheme has already benefitted over 300,000 young Nigerians, giving them access to quality higher education without the financial burden that has held back generations. These programs signal a long-overdue democratisation of access to capital and education.

2. Restoring Fiscal Stability and Investor Confidence 

In a remarkable feat, Nigeria has cleared over $10 billion in FX debt, a move that has stabilised the naira and restored international confidence. This bold financial reengineering is matched by a surge in Foreign Direct Investment (FDI), with over $50 billion in new commitments, indicating trust in Nigeria’s economic direction. In addition, Nigeria’s net foreign exchange reserves have seen an unprecedented jump — from $3.99 billion in 2023 to $23.11 billion in 2024 — a result of stringent reforms, strategic investment policies, and renewed international engagement.

The oil and gas sector, once plagued by underinvestment, is also experiencing a renaissance. Over $8 billion in new investments have been unlocked, laying the groundwork for energy security and industrial expansion. Meanwhile, the solid minerals sector attracted over $800 million in processing investments in 2024 alone, positioning Nigeria for a post-oil economy.

3. Infrastructure and Economic Growth on the Fast Lane

President Tinubu has significantly accelerated infrastructure development, with over 440 road projects currently underway, including more than 2,700 kilometres of new superhighways. These projects are not just roads — they are economic corridors, connecting communities, facilitating trade, and enhancing logistics nationwide. This infrastructure push has underpinned Nigeria’s 3.84% GDP growth in Q4 2024, the highest in three years, signalling a recovering and resilient economy under proactive leadership.

4. People-Centric Reforms and Regional Inclusion

The federal government approved and commenced payment of a N70,000 minimum wage, reinforcing its commitment to the welfare of Nigerian workers. This is a bold move by the government to address rising living costs and boost workers’morale. Moreover, the administration has introduced four new landmark Tax Bills, ensuring a more equitable, transparent, and growth-oriented tax system. These legislative milestones are simplifying compliance and boosting non-oil revenue streams.

Furthermore, new Regional Development Commissions have been established, decentralising development and giving states a stronger voice in the national growth agenda. This was a nod to Nigeria’s long-standing diverse regional aspirations.

5. Securing the Nation, Securing the Future

Perhaps one of the most critical achievements is in the area of national security. Under President Tinubu’s leadership, over 13,500 terrorists have been eliminated, significantly degrading insurgent capabilities and restoring relative peace to previously volatile regions. These gains are the result of strategic military coordination, improved equipment, and the unwavering resolve to secure every inch of Nigerian territory.

In conclusion, let me say that two years into his presidency, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has demonstrated that transformative leadership is possible when courage meets vision. As the nation looks ahead, Nigerians are increasingly hopeful that these gains will be deepened, institutionalised, and scaled for future generations.

Magaji, a Public Affairs Analyst based in Birnin Kebbi, Kebbi State, can be reached via: mjmagaji@gmail.com.

By Prof. Abdalla Uba Adamu 

Let me start with a context. It happened on June 27, 2024, Gabon’s Show on YouTube.

“Zarmalulu no work” was an expression uttered by TikTok influencer Sayyada Sadiya Haruna, describing the state of her marriage to another TikToker, Abubakar Ibrahim, a Hausa Rapper based in Kano, northern Nigeria, and known by the stage name G-Fresh Alamin. She used the expression during her interview with Hadiza Aliyu Gabon, a Kannywood (Hausa cinema of northern Nigeria) film actress, in an episode of Gabon’s YouTube Show, “Gabon,” on June 27, 2024. Haruna used the expression to inform Gabon and her viewers that G-Fresh was impotent on their wedding night, using ‘Zarmalulu’ as a social code for his non-performing reproductive organ.   

The expression, which quickly became a meme referring to the male sexual organ and its (dis)abilities, became a trending term in Hausaphone social media counterculture, and G-Fresh, usually full of swagger and macho posturing, was highly ridiculed and his swagger deflated, as it were. In this process, Haruna has provided males with an easy way of explaining their erectile dysfunction to either their partners or their healthcare provider in a less embarrassing and amusing way. The use of the term openly reveals a growing vocabulary of erotic neologisms in Hausa social media and reflects the emergence of what I refer to as Hausa digital counterculture.

This media incidence – which received massive views, significantly improving Gabon’s financial standing – reflects one of the fascinating aspects of language development within the context of media anthropology. I am pretty sure that Margaret Mead, the doyen of cultural anthropologists, would have welcomed social media and its potential in studying digital natives. Safer, too. With the increasing creation of conventional and alternative communities on social media, a new discipline has emerged to enable people to study others without the necessity of being in the same physical space and time with them. So, what exactly is “media anthropology”? 

Media anthropology is the ethnographic and critical study of how media—especially digital and social media—are embedded in the cultural, social, political, and economic lives of people. It is a subfield of anthropology that examines how people create, utilise, interpret, and are influenced by media in their daily lives. It blends the traditional ethnographic methods of anthropology—such as participant observation and in-depth interviews—with the analysis of media technologies and content.

My initial focus was on Hausa literature and its transformations – from physical print to online publishing, then to the film industry – encompassing feature films and distribution through tapes, CDs, DVDs, and YouTube series. I then moved on to music, from griot wordsmiths to rap and hip hop. It was all pretty exciting. Then, social media made its entrance and created multiple new entries into the field. 

As a media anthropologist, I immerse myself in communities—both online and offline—to understand how people engage with digital media. For this study, I focused primarily on Facebook as a social network. Hundreds of communities were created on Facebook—mainly by young people—that discuss a wide range of topics, providing a rich source of data concerning youth subcultures and how social networks offer a subversive template for creating new identities and expressions. 

As I swing from one community to another – using Robert Kozinet’s Netnographic methods – I began to notice a new pattern of language usage among young Hausa online digital natives. Then I started gathering new words and expressions that offer alternative meanings to their conventional ones. For the most part, they tended to be innocuous, while hiding a deeper, often darker meaning, and are essentially communicated to ingroup members of the communities. Quite rapidly enough, some of the words began to take on a new urban lexicon on their own. 

A typical example is “capacity,” an innocuous word that means exactly what it says: maximum production or containment. Yet, digital natives have turned it into “kafasiti” to indicate an urban cool, swagger, ability, capability, “arrived”, etc. The word is now used in multiple forms and contexts to refer to attainment of either distinction or class (“Alaji, wallahi an baza kafasiti a bikin nan”). 

But, then, old words have always had new meanings in Hausaphone urban language use. For instance, “shege” is literally a bastard in Hausa, but recontextualised to mean “an expert” or “outstanding.” “Mugu” (bad) became an adjective for extremities (“mugun kyau”, extreme beauty). “Arne” (pagan) transformed into contemporary “bro” (kai arne, yaya dai/yo, bro, wazzup?). “Kwaro” (insect) translates into a tenacious, usually studious person. For southern Nigerians, “Aboki” is an imagined insult referring to any northerner, whether Hausa or not, rather than “friend,” its actual meaning. 

Hausa digital natives utilise the unconventionality of the social media they inhabit to create neologisms that often reflect hidden, dark, or altered meanings, frequently dealing with in-group lexicons. After trawling through various sites and TikTok videos, I was able to gather approximately 35 neologisms and incorporate them into a paper I am still working on. 

Looking at these digital coinages and the transformation of words, I was struck by the fact that many of them refer to bawdy or sexually suggestive language along the entire sexual preference spectrum. They tend to be more common in social networks (e.g., Facebook, WhatsApp, Telegram, Signal), where interactions are mainly conversational, than in visual social media (e.g., TikTok, Instagram). The reason is that visuality often identifies the person easily, and in Kano, an Islamicate state in northern Nigeria, this could lead to prosecution on moral grounds. On social networking sites, users often use aliases instead of their real names. Such anonymity gives them the freedom to express their thoughts and use these neologisms in their correct grammatical sense. The sentences are meaningful only to in-group members, within or outside the online communities. 

Examples include “Malam Zakari da almajirai biyu”, referring to the male reproductive organs. “Kaya” (load, baggage) referring to trophy (girl, money, etc), “tarkon alƙali” (judge’s trap/jailbait) for pedophilic behaviour, royal rumble (orgy) and murfi (cover) referring to lesbian activity.

As I noted, over 70% of the neologisms in my collection were bawdy and sexually slanted. Their creators chose the anonymity of online communities not only to create new coinages but also to perpetuate them, without any fear of social labelling or prosecution. Some of these words will gradually become part of conventional social usage, along with their attendant meanings. There is no stopping them. Their very existence highlights another way social media is influencing our culture, language, and traditions. 

But, what do you think – good, bad, indifferent? Whatever your feeling, what can we do about it? Hausa is not the only language facing this, though. A recent book by Adam Aleksic, Algospeak: How Social Media Is Transforming the Future of Language” (July 15, 2025), reveals the international nature of this phenomenon through “algorithmic speech”. As the blurb indicates:

“From ‘brainrot’ memes and incel slang to the trend of adding ‘-core’ to different influencer aesthetics, the internet has ushered in an unprecedented linguistic upheaval. We’re entering an entirely new era of etymology, marked by the invisible forces that drive social media algorithms. Thankfully, Algospeak is here to explain. As a professional linguist, Adam Aleksic understands the gravity of language and its use: he knows how it has evolved and changed, how it reflects society, and how, in its everyday usage, we carry centuries of human history on our tongues…New slang phrases emerge and go viral overnight. Accents are shaped or erased on YouTube. Grammatical rules, loopholes, and patterns surface and transform language as we know it. Our interactions, social norms, and habits—both online and in person—shift into something completely different.”

No, I don’t have “eCopy” to Acibilistically share. You gotta buy the original print copy if you are interested in the way in which social media usage transforms contemporary language. I can give you the cover of the book for free, though!

Street begging is often wrongly associated with disability. When someone loses a leg, an arm, their sight, or any part of their body, many assume that the next step is to become a street beggar — as though it’s prescribed. This harmful stereotype is one of the reasons PWDs are widely known for begging.

I have personally experienced this bias before. It happened when I got out of a tricycle that had pulled up at Kabuga Underway. I was unfamiliar with the area and trying to find my way to Bayero University, Kano (New Site). I approached a passerby and handed him a scrap of paper on which I had written:

“Assalamu Alaykum. Please, where can I get a tricycle to the BUK New Site?”

The man was around thirty to thirty-three years old. He had a neatly trimmed beard, wore a stylish sky-blue shirt paired with dark jeans, and black shoes.

To my surprise, he refused to collect the paper. Instead, he reached into his pocket and brought out a one-hundred-naira note and offered it to me. I was stunned and disappointed.

I declined the money and insisted that he read the paper. Reluctantly, he took it, read it, and then immediately apologised. He directed me to the place where I could find a tricycle to BUK.

I didn’t hold it against him. I understood. He had likely encountered deaf individuals who were begging with a solicitation note on the streets and had generalised.

But this is precisely why I strongly condemn street begging. Disability should never be an excuse for begging. PWDs should not be reduced to beggars simply because of their condition. We must challenge this narrative.

Instead, society should actively support PWDs. Disabilities can indeed limit one’s ability to perform certain tasks. But that doesn’t mean we are incapable. Those who are uneducated should be empowered with vocational skills to start small businesses. Those who are educated should be given equal opportunities for employment.

The real problem is not disability. It is the lack of support, education, and inclusion. Street begging is not a destiny for PWDs. With the proper support, we can live independently, contribute meaningfully to society, and break this damaging stereotype.

Ibrahim Tukur is a Disability Rights and Inclusion Advocate. He can be reached via email at: inventorngw@gmail.com.

By Muhammad Umar Shehu

Nigeria, as a nation, has always struggled with the idea of unity. From the country’s very foundation, deception has played a central role in shaping the narrative we’ve been led to believe. The idea that we are “one people” is more of a slogan than a reality. The truth is, there has never been genuine unity in the way the state was formed or in how it is currently run.

The political class has done more to divide us than to unite us. Instead of promoting national interest, they manipulate ethnic, religious, and regional sentiments to serve their selfish goals. Over the years, these tactics have created deep hatred and mistrust among citizens. What should have been a diverse but united people has become a society fragmented by deliberate division.

Our leaders talk about unity during campaigns or national crises, but their actions show otherwise. Appointments, projects, and policies are often distributed along lines of loyalty, tribe, or religion rather than merit or national need. This is not only unfair, but also dangerous. It feeds resentment and makes many Nigerians feel like outsiders in their own country.

In almost every region, people feel marginalised. From the South East crying out over exclusion, to the North East lamenting underdevelopment, to the Niger Delta’s struggle over resources, the sense of belonging is weak. When some groups feel like second-class citizens, it becomes nearly impossible to build a strong national identity.

The younger generation is growing increasingly aware of these divisions. Many of them are no longer buying into the false narrative of unity. They see through the hypocrisy and want a country that treats everyone fairly, regardless of background. But without sincere leadership and bold reforms, their hope for a united Nigeria may remain a dream.

Unity cannot be built on lies. It cannot exist where injustice is the norm, where corruption thrives, and where the average citizen feels neglected. We cannot continue to pretend that all is well when millions feel disconnected from the system that claims to represent them.

If Nigeria is ever going to move forward, we must stop repeating slogans and start dealing with the hard truths. The illusion of unity must give way to honest conversations, equitable governance, and deliberate efforts to bridge our divides. Only then can we begin to build a nation where unity is not just a word, but a lived experience.

Muhammad Umar Shehu, who wrote from Gombe, can be reached via umarmuhammadshehu2@gmail.com.

By Malam Aminu Wase 

Your Excellency,

I write with deep concern for the moral and cultural fabric of our nation. It is my humble request that you consider banning the operation of TikTok in Nigeria to restore and preserve the dignity of our country, our religious values, cultural heritage, and the moral upbringing of our youth.

While TikTok is used in many parts of the Western world as a platform for creativity, advertising, and business promotion, the situation in Nigeria is deeply troubling. Instead of being a tool for productivity and education, TikTok has become a channel where inappropriate content thrives, particularly content that undermines our moral values and exposes young people to harmful influences.

In Nigeria today, TikTok is alarmingly associated with immoral displays, including the exposure of private parts by married women, as well as the promotion of prostitution. It has sadly become a platform that contributes to the breakdown of marriages and family structures. Many relationships have been destroyed because of disagreements over the use of this platform, with some spouses refusing to delete their TikTok accounts despite repeated appeals from their partners.

This moral decline is not just a private matter; it affects our collective national conscience and identity. If left unchecked, it may have long-term consequences for future generations.

Therefore, I respectfully urge your administration to take decisive action to regulate or, if necessary, ban TikTok in Nigeria. Such a step would not only protect our societal values but also send a strong message about the importance of discipline, modesty, and responsible use of technology.

Thank you, Mr. President, for your continued commitment to the growth and integrity of our nation.

Malam Aminu Wase writes from Kaduna. He can be reached via aminusaniusman3@gmail.com.

By Zayyad I. Muhammad

The passing of former President Muhammadu Buhari marks not just the end of an era but also a significant political loss for two of the three key political parties in Nigeria, the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) and the rising coalition force, the African Democratic Congress (ADC).

For both parties, Buhari represented more than just a former head of state; he was a political symbol with immense influence. His mere presence at a campaign rally, no matter how brief, would have carried tremendous weight, particularly among his loyal base, which is estimated to be over 12 million strong. These supporters, often described as a “cult-like” following, have remained fiercely committed to him since his early political days under the Congress for Progressive Change (CPC) and the Buhari Organisation. However, the number may have decreased by now.

In recent times, many former CPC loyalists and Buhari-era political operatives have appeared to find a new home in the ADC, reshaping its structure and lending it a dose of national relevance. This quiet but strategic realignment has positioned the ADC as a potential beneficiary of some of the Buhari political legacy, especially in northern Nigeria, where his influence remains deeply rooted. However, a good number of the CPC bloc and the Buhari Organisation have remained in the APC.

Had Buhari lived to make even a symbolic appearance at an APC campaign event, it would have significantly dampened the ADC’s momentum and reinforced the APC’s claim to his enduring political capital. Conversely, had he chosen to lend his image, even silently, to the ADC, it would have sent shockwaves through the APC, raising questions about its hold over his base.

Now, with his passing, both parties are left in a competitive vacuum, each scrambling to appeal to the millions who revered Buhari for his perceived integrity, simple lifestyle, and northern populist appeal. The political battlefield is wide open, and neither the APC nor the ADC can confidently claim to be the rightful heir to Buhari’s legacy.

However, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu may have gained an early edge. His respectful and dignified handling of Buhari’s death, marked by prompt tributes, state honours, and symbolic gestures, may resonate with many of Buhari’s followers. In Nigerian politics, such symbolic acts are never underestimated. They signal alignment, loyalty, and shared values, all of which matter deeply to a base that is emotional, ideological, and still seeking a new political anchor.

As the 2027 election cycle approaches, the real question becomes: Who will inherit the Buhari political machinery? The answer may shape the future of both the APC and ADC, and by extension, Nigeria’s political landscape.

 Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja via zaymohd@yahoo.com.