Opinion

By Salisu Uba Kofar-Wambai

Though conflicts, for the most part, originate in the social world beyond the media, it is through the different media of journalism and circulation of news that many of them become publicly known and, often, pursued. Moreover, it is through many media lenses that the conflicts are variously defined, framed and visualized. Hence, media must always be socially responsible in its reportage not to stir up violence through its operations.

Journalism is a serious business in a multi-ethnic country like Nigeria, a country with over 400 ethnic groups, two major religious groups belonging to several sects, among other diversities. The media, especially the online newspapers, which serve as a watchdog and mirror of the society, cannot afford to be biased, lopsided and insensitive in the way they report such ethno-religious issues in the country.

Nigeria is a unique country on earth. You can hardly get a country that’s almost equally divided along two religious lines as Nigeria. Unfortunately, many studies conducted have shown the dirty hands of media in fanning the embers of hatred, animosity and conflicts they ought to have resolved among the followers of the two faiths.

The demonization of Fulani, the reportage of Sharia issues in the early 2000s, Boko Haram coverage, Niger Delta militancy reports, recent secessionists uprisings were all given oxygen by the media to survive, which seriously poses a threat to the unity and integration of the country.

However, irresponsible newspapers and so-called professionals working in the industry are to blame. The recent derogatory reportage of the unguarded utterances of the Afenifere, a Yoruba social-cultural organization, by Sahara Reporters is a textbook example of media complicity in causing violence in the country.

It looks like the Sahara Reporters had underrated and underestimated the profession’s ethics regarding such a sensitive and slippery issue. The editors haven’t done their onus professionally. Editing is a process of preparing language, images, or sound for presentation through correction, condensation, organization and other modifications. So, given the complex configuration of Nigerian society, an editor ought to be versatile and very knowledgeable of religious sensitivities. Newsroom desks must be given their cause to do their works. For instance, should the editor-in-chief be busy, the subeditors in the religious desk should handle it.

An editor is a gatekeeper who controls and sifts what will be disseminated to the enormous and varied readers, who have emanated from different social backgrounds, religious beliefs, and ethnic nuances. Therefore, an editor in a Nigerian newspaper ought to be someone with deep comparative religious knowledge who knows the sensitivities of every belief and faith. 

In a heterogeneous society like Nigeria, an editor must be Mr Know-All to escape falling into a ditch and trap of such violence invocation.

He should be aware that If Christians can compare every dimwit, imbecile character with Jesus (PBUH), Muslims don’t do it this way. In Islam, Prophet Muhammad (SAW) is sacrosanct, inviolate. Thus, no one should compare the Prophet with any being, let alone Sunday Igboho, a run-away character the Nigerian government sees as a criminal and murderer.

I thought these so-called editors would take a lesson from what Isioma Daniel did, who tried to align Prophet Muhammad SAW with the dirty beauty pageants in the early 2000s. It turned out to be the worst professional blunder by Thisday newspapers. That single act that could be corrected by almighty editing led to gigantic violence that claimed more than 200 innocent souls in Kaduna.

 I also wonder that Afenifere apologists have more Muslims than Christians in their membership; they ought to know this. Therefore, that’s why many were suspecting that what transpired was deliberately done to instigate war.

Sahara Reporters is the only newspaper that reported such an incident as such. Most media outfits have abandoned the reports for their editors knew the consequences. They look at the news items and the society at large.

No matter what, the professional interest must not be mortgaged to religious and ethnic ties. We must allow competence and expertise to overshadow those personal interests.

Salisu Uba Kofar-Wambai is a PhD student at the Department of Mass Communication, Bayero University, Kano. He can be reached via salisunews@gmail.com.

By Sanusi Lafiagi

The blasphemous and sacrilegious statement credited to Afenifere, a Yoruba socio-cultural group, (and published by Sahara Reporters) comparing the plight of Sunday Igboho to that suffered by the Prophet Muhammad ﷺ is a great insult to Islām and Muslims all over the world. It behoves every Muslim, especially of Yoruba extraction to publicly condemn this blatant disrespect to our religion and demand an unreserved apology from them. The ignorance exhibited by the group about the Prophet ﷺ shows how lowly the so-called Yoruba nation agitators think of Muslims. Why did the group deem it fit to travel far into the 7th century to find a comparison for a thug when I could have simply compared him to Afonja?

Sunday Igboho is NOTHING compared to Prophet Muhammad ﷺ for the following reasons:

1. Muhammad ﷺ was a Prophet and Messenger of Allāh. He was divinely anointed and heavenly guided. Sunday Igboho, by his own admission, is a political thug and hire-for-pay warlord whose conscience is sold to the highest bidder.

2. Muhammad ﷺ spent 13 years in the hostile plains of Makkah preaching Unity of Allāh and devotion to His worship. In spite of the persecution (including summary execution) that he and his followers faced, it is NOT on record that he instigated them against the system or called for secession. Sunday Igboho on the other hand resorted to self-help and terrorised innocent northerners (remember that only a court of competent jurisdiction can declare anyone guilty of crimes brought against them), leading to deaths and destruction of invaluable properties. He instigated a violent insurrection against the system.

3. Muhammad ﷺ advanced the cause of humanity and was vehemently opposed to tribal bigotry and jingoism. He abolished the class system and preached the equality of mankind before Allāh. Sunday Igboho on the other hand is a tribal bigot who advanced ethnic cause and preached the superiority of Yoruba to the Hausa and Fulani ethnic groups. He described the latter as parasites and cancer, who are feeding fat on the fortunes of the Yorubas.

4. Muhammad ﷺ belonged to all who professed faith in Allāh and submitted to His worship. Despite that, he treated even his worst enemies with fairness and justice. He never at any time supported the corrupt system that operated in Makkah.

Sunday Igboho on the other hand (by his own admission) is a bonafide member of PDP who participated actively in election malpractices that foisted insecurity and corruption in society. His last political outing with the current governor of Oyo State, Engineer Seyi Makinde, was in Kogi state, during the election that earned governor Yahya Bello for the second term in office. This, it is not far-fetched to say that Igboho’s agitation, just like his counterpart’s, Nnamdi Kanu of IPOB is LARGELY (to put it mildly) political!

5. Muhammad ﷺ migrated to Madīnah to establish an Islamic state where members will be able to live freely and practise Islām without fear of torture and persecution. As a precursor to this flight, he had earlier sent his followers in groups first to Abyssinia, and later to Madīnah to take refuge while he stayed back. Neither did he leave his followers behind, nor fly to hide from the powers that be. Muhammad ﷺ wasn’t a coward. Sunday Igboho, like Ojukwu and his mentee, Nnamdi Kanu, fled the scene after causing trouble (leading to the death and arrest of some of his followers) to enjoy the warmth of his wife and kids. He’s a coward and rabble-rouser who has no balls!

6. Muhammad ﷺ fought the Makkans ONLY after he had settled in Madīnah and established an Islamic state with all its political and administrative apparatuses. The first battle, Badr, came about a year after his settlement in Madīnah. At the time, the majority of his followers had fled Makkah. Thus, he was able to provide maximum protection and support for them in the friendly and serene terrains of Madīnah. Sunday Igboho on the other hand wants to cause an uprising that will not only destroy the lives of millions of Yorubas living across the country but will also ground the nation’s fragile economy and heap more difficulty on innocent people.

7. Muhammad ﷺ was severally persecuted and harassed on the street of Makkah, yet he remained undeterred in his mission. He didn’t run away or stockpile arms to force liberation. There were days that he was attached even while observing Salāt. Sunday Igboho on the other hand is an oppressor and lout who publicly harassed first class Obas of Yorubaland and threatened violence. He’s on tape to have threatened to kill the Ooni of Ife and Bola Ahmed Tinubu, attack the palaces of some prominent Obas, mocked pastor Adeboye over the death of his son, and traded insults with Gani Adams.

8. Muhammad ﷺ was NOT a magician. He didn’t practice magic or boast of diabolical powers. Sunday Igboho, as it turns out is a jester, a lousy idiot, a comic actor and an empty shell of nothingness. One would expect that by now, given his incessant JuJu braggadocio, the security forces that invaded his house would have turned into fowls or that he wouldn’t need to go through an airport to disappear into thin air. Alas! The acclaimed warrior of Ife-Modakeke communal clash disappointed his cheerleaders and fans by not living up to expectations!!!

Therefore, comparing the noble Prophet of Islām to a nuisance like Igboho is a great disservice to humanity and an insult to the sensibilities of Muslims all over the world. It should be retracted immediately and an apology tendered.

Sanusi Lafiagi is a lecturer of Islamic Studies at the Al-Hikmah University, Ilorin, Kwara State.

By Junaidu Danladi

I am writing this piece with too much pain, tears and sadness. The year 2020 will forever be remembered for the multiple calamities which have befallen humanity and the entire world. Ranging from the global Covid-19 pandemic to the economic meltdown and the mass deaths or the mysterious death as it was popularly called here in Kano. To people like me, though it affected many as well, the last was the most miserable. Mine was an unquantifiable and immeasurable sadness.

In 2020, I lost my beloved parents, relatives, friends, and teachers, including Baffa Malam Lawan, Malam Mamuda S/Fulani, Malam Ayuba, Maryama and Professor Haruna Wakili. My father, Abdulmutallib or Abdulmuɗallabi, as a native Hausa, prefers to pronounce it. Since birth, most people called him Danladi because he was born on Sunday, and this is traditionally known among the Hausa people.

As we called him, Baffa died on 9th August 2020 (19th Dhul Hijjah 1442 A.H.). His death did not come as a surprise to us due to his lingering health condition, which he dutifully managed for about a decade. I can still vividly remember how he died before me! It was around 7:00 pm when Dr Sa’adah of the emergency unit of Aminu Kano Teaching Hospital, Kano, confirmed to us that he was dead. We could only recite Innalillahi wa inna ilaihiraji’un – to Allah we belong, and to Him we shall all return – amidst a pool of tears. I managed to drive the car but in a very horrible condition. We refused to inform other members of the family of the sad news of what had happened. But by the time we arrived home, it was only crying and prayers all over. They have already heard it somewhere.

It was indeed a tough moment, not only for the immediate family but for many people around us. Baffa was not just a father to us but also a father to many people in our community. To me, he was not only a father, but he was my best “friend”! we spent most of our time together. Although I am not the last born, I am the last to survive; thus, I occupied the exalted position of “last born” (Dan Auta) by default. This development made me very close and endeared to him, especially in the last two decades. Whenever at home, we mostly live together. 

As a child, he used to share with me his experiences as a lucky orphan. His father – my grandfather – Yusuf, died when he was a child. He inculcated in me a passion for history. Perhaps that could have been part of why I developed the interest to study History instead of my earlier favourite course, Mass Communication. My passion for knowing the past made me live and stay, in many cases, with elderly persons. I can still remember that during my National Youth Service (NYSC) at Potiskum in Yobe state, I mostly stayed with people above my age. Baffa also shared with me his experiences in farming and later as a junior staff of Kano State Water Resources and Engineering Construction Agency (WRECA). He was later transferred to Dawakin Tofa Local Government. He told me how they contributed to water supply, especially in the rural communities that were in dire need of it then. Interestingly, I later developed an interest in the history of water and electricity supply, which became my PhD research topic at Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria.

Despite my age and little experience, I became his chief adviser and treasurer. After he retired from civil service, he authorized me to be the signatory to his bank account.

As I was struggling to cope with the devastating situation of his demise, the sudden death of our mother occurred. She died on the 18th December 2020 (3rd Jumadal-Ula 1442 A.H.). It was around 1:25 am when my older brother Adamu (Danjuma) knocked at my door, informing me that she was in a critical condition that required prompt medical attention. We quickly rushed her to a hospital. However, she died a few minutes before reaching the hospital around 2:15 am. As usual, we could only recite Innalillahi wa inna ilaihiraji’un. You can imagine the situation. Returning home, it was just crying all over from family members and other people around that woke up at that time. Her death came with great surprise as she did not show any symptoms of illness.

After her death, it became clear that I have lost the dearest people in my life. However, I quickly consoled myself by remembering that even my father was an orphan. Above all, the greatest man in the history of this world, Prophet Muhammad (may the peace and blessings of Allah be with him), was an orphan.

Certainly, life will never be the same without them. But as a believer, I am very much sure that there is wisdom behind God’s decisions. And every soul must taste the pain of death.

I will not say much about their sterling qualities; it is a topic for another day. However, it is evident from the people’s testimony that they lived fulfilled lives worthy of emulation. My major worry is that I have lost their guidance, advice, support and constant prayers. The greatest responsibility before me now is how to uphold their good legacies.

May their souls rest in perfect peace, and may Aljannat al-Firdausi be their final home. May the Almighty Allah give us the fortitude to bear the irreparable losses, amen. And I wish to thank all for the condolences. May the Almighty God reward you richly.

Junaidu Danladi writes from the Department of History, Bayero University, Kano, Nigeria and can be reached at: jdanladi.his@buk.edu.ng.

By Tajudden Ahmad Tijjani

The Bauchi State government has indeed taken the bull by the horns by suspending the license of all private NCE awarding colleges. It’s a fact that any society that does not prioritise education will retrogress.

The state government’s decision is a welcome development. All private National Certificate of Education ( NCE) granting institutions have had their license revoked in the pearl of tourism because of their negative contribution to the state’s educational development. The standard of education in the state is persistently getting lower. 

For the operators of such mushroom NCEs, losing their license will be a tough pill to swallow. Notwithstanding, it’s the right call from the government’s side because allowing them to continue operating results in the graduation of incompetent, quack teachers who are the benchmark of our state’s underdevelopment.
Indeed, anywhere In the world, the importance of education can never be overemphasised; quality education is essential for long-term development.

Last September, the United Nations (UN) ratified 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) to serve as benchmarks for every nation to ensure global prosperity, protection of the planet, and poverty eradication.

All countries and stakeholders acting in collaborative partnerships will implement the plan Goal 4—Quality Education: Ensure inclusive and equitable quality education and promote lifelong learning.

The call for a Quality Education, not merely access to any education, by the UN is a great step in ensuring that all children and adults, not just those born with a silver spoon, have access to quality education.

Education is more than just a content delivery system; it is a system designed to help all children and adults reach their full potential and see themselves as contributing partners of society. The former UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon set the SDG process in motion in 2012 by declaring that every child must be in school. The quality of those schools must improve so that students are prepared to be productive citizens ready to lead the future. 

Indeed, supporters of our beloved state should applaud the Bauchi state government’s decision to not only renew the licenses of these schools but also to sanction any defaulting so-called institutions per existing laws.

 However, let the government ensure that standards are strictly followed, that rich content is provided, and graduates are produced who are assets and productive in the twenty-first century, rather than liabilities.

Tajuddeen Ahmad Tijjani writes from Galadima Mahmud street, Kasuwar-kaji Azare, Bauchi State.

By Salisu Yusuf

Since becoming the crown prince and de facto leader in 2017, Prince Mohammed bn Salman (known as MBS) is stirring controversies in Saudi Arabia and making the country a battleground between the conservative Sunni and trendy Western values.

Immediately after assuming power, MBS declared that the return of ‘moderate Islam’ was key to his plans. MBS’s declaration is an affront to Islam because his statement gives credit to Western media, which categorises Muslim adherents as either ‘moderate Muslim’ or ‘Islamic extremism.’ Such labels are derogatory and indictment; to label somebody as either moderate or extremist Muslim is to say that extremism is an extension of Islam. Moreover, MBS’s statement is a subtle backing to America retaining Guantanamo Bay Camp, where many innocent Muslims are being held without a trial and tortured. 

In 2018, MBS lifted a ban on women drivers. Saudi, being the last country in the world where such provision existed. Many, including Muslims, commanded the move as there’s no available Qur’anic injunction or Hadith that prohibits doing so. However, shortly before the ban was lifted, many women rights activists who campaigned against the ban were rounded up and imprisoned.

Bn Salman is seen by many as a power monger. For example, he was seen in 2017 shortly after becoming the crown prince with the former crown prince, Mohammed bn Nayef, the former pledging allegiance. Bn Nayef is King Salman’s nephew. He’s, therefore, MBS’s cousin. Bn Nayef was seen kneeling and kissing his older cousin’s hand, a gesture disapproved in Sunni Islam.

Saudi annual billion-dollar US arms deal is making Saudi Arabia a laughing stock. Former US President Trump supports Saudi because of the deal, and on the other hand, US moral and financial unconditional support to Israel is a source of concern.

The latest controversy is the mosque speaker restrictions. The Saudi government asks Imams and Muezzin to lower their speakers to a third of their maximum volumes during calls to prayer and during the prayer itself. 

Opponents criticise the restrictions, saying cafes and restaurants could be heard blaring loud music all over the country. Authorities had earlier said they placed the restrictions because parents complained that the speakers disrupt their children while asleep. Even though modern means of a call to prayer, the outrageous number of mosques and airing the prayer itself could be contestable if they’re brought under strict Islamic legal spotlight, some see MBS’s attempt to give some consolation measures to Western nationals living in the Kingdom.

Prince MBS has stepped up his opposition to freedom of expression, arresting and jailing many critics. Some have paid the heavy price with their lives, like the US-based journalist Jamal Khashoggi who was extrajudicially killed in the Saudi Consulate in Istanbul. Many members of the ruling family were also arrested and imprisoned. They could only be released after paying the state some huge amounts of money, which authorities claimed was payback for alleged corrupt practices. In the past, substantial freedom of expression was allowed, especially on issues of check and balance.

Brazenly, Saudi Arabia has recently signed a 10-year professional wrestling contest show with an American World Wrestling Entertainment Company (WWE). So today, you can go to a stadium in either Jeddah or Riyadh and watch wrestling contests; Royal Rumble, Super Showdown, etc., are a daily occurrence as is seen in Texas, New York, and other cities in America.

Moreover, Hajj has been suspended since last year. The first time a Hajj was suspended since the creation of the Saudi Kingdom in 1932. Many Muslims criticise the move after watching the mammoth crowd that graced the 2020 Euro final played this month (July) at Wembley stadium. Over 60,000 spectators watched the final. Prior to kickup, thousands of Italian and English fans were shown walking en route to Wembley, overlooking the so-called Covid-19 protocols. If Europe, the epicentre of the coronavirus, could gather such huge crowds, they asked, why the international Muslim community could not be allowed to go to Hajj?

As Prince Mohammed bn Salman consolidates power and his father gets older, only time will tell for how long and which of the two contrasting values will win the battle in Saudi Arabia’s mainly Sunni, conservative community.

By MA Iliasu

In May 2021, a lecturer of Managerial Economics stood before his graduating students and raised a question: “What is the benefit of government intervention?” And as any man with as little as second-hand knowledge of the economic theory would expect, the response was dominated by arguments raised along market inefficiency corrections. However, the lecturer didn’t seem convinced. He asked once again: “What market inefficiency has the interference of the Nigerian government ever corrected?”. Similarly, the class went silent, a poverty of options so revealing for a graduating year that champions Keynes and government intervention. And for an endeavour so rich with controversy and a lecturer of investment-banking speciality known with open admiration towards a free market, the mood was that he was trying to discredit the whole notion of government intervention, as do many new classicals and monetarists at the encounter with Keynesianism. And who had sufficient reason to blame him?

Meanwhile, while the teacher had a point to discredit government intervention with evidence from Nigerian experience, the encounter also reminds us about the dilemma of the economic society in which unreasonable applied entities bring shame to reasonable economic principles. Indeed, learning the dynamics since the loop in 2008 warrants the argument of government intervening to stimulate the economy proving more viable and efficient than any policy prescription on the alternative, which exonerates the logic of intervention and asks what’s the Nigerian government doing? Yet, it equally seeks to discover what is wrong that’s demoralising the Keynesian tolerance and even the benefit of doubt borrowed by classroom experts?

Inflation in Nigeria is at an all-time high. Productivity is nearing an all-time low. Debt status is rising. The value of the domestic currency is depreciating. The exchange rate is unfavourable. Deficits are being recorded regularly in the balance of payment. At the same time, the impact of the unemployment rate is proving possibly the most threatening phenomenon seen in the country since the Civil War. Among many other disastrous economic signals last seen rallying together, they formed a coalition that devastated a whole economic society in Greece.

The economic culture in Nigeria proves childish at both national and individual levels. A beleaguered government that’s living beyond its means – expenses weigh more than incomes – taking loans from international institutions to cover its deficits with no respect for the weakening revenue base. The inspiration to sustain whose child play also comes from the expectation of bailout in the event the game can no longer be played – which is the likeliest outcome, which at this trend of the global economic crisis is also utterly ill-advised. And the cancerous logic is extending within the economic society.

The individual households whose position proves more difficult have been deliberately imitating the culture in their search for economic escapism. Records show when the Covid-19 loans were made available for employees and business owners to reduce the pain caused by the pandemic, the applicants rallied up to enjoy the incentives without thinking that someday they are expected to pay back. The popular belief is a satirical question that asks: “when the government comes looking for a payback from an insolvent beneficiary, of what grave would be the consequence?” – so much like an institution of government which lost the plot and economic agents who have resented to a carefree, self-destructive autopilot culture.

The fact is when a loan applicant predicts insolvency by the expected time of repayment before even securing the loan in the first place; questions need to be asked on the logic, responsibility and the economic motive behind it. Because it seems like a ploy to use the money on non-renewable and nonrefundable ventures – funding consumption deficits caused by inflation – which is an endemic culture so common among Nigerian economic households. One which was effortlessly taught and subconsciously propagated by the assembly of the states and federal governments that apply for foreign loans to service non-renewable and nonrefundable ventures, mainly covering deficits caused by a high recurrent expenditure that can’t be tamed by achievable income streams, which is also a consequence of the very actions both the government – that’s expecting repayment from people while in itself doesn’t know how to repay its own – and individuals who are swimming deeper into the norm. Such a devastating comedy of errors!

The circle eventually ends up like the Greece economy, where the government was cuffed by debt with no viable formula for repayment. Half of the populace was insolvent and unable to repay loans. The other half came together to endure the torture of the ever-rising inflation, causing more unemployment and a significant reduction in productivity. The unreasonable printing of money in the name of the so-called quantitative easing also destroying the effectiveness of monetary policies by causing the velocity of money to outweigh the productivity. The consequence is more inflation and even lesser productivity.

Meanwhile, such wasn’t the initial logic of government intervention. Securing loans to cover deficits was meant to fund renewable expenditures that shall bring back profitable economic value capable of boosting the repayment process and the fluidity of market efficiency. Rather than amputating the currency and foreign exchange values to secure loans that’ll not only be misused in servicing pensions and luxuries but paradoxically damage the work rate and the effectiveness of hardworking economic enterprise in Nigeria.

An intermediate macroeconomics lecturer once asked in a test: “would Keynes agree with [the] Nigerian government if he was to come back?” during my third year in college. As the lecturer taught, the correct answer was yes because the government embarked upon the Keynesian prescription of the budget deficit and fiscal intervention as unmistakably stated in the annual budget. But I trusted the application of the policy to be so wrong as learnt in the vivid results of the quarters that I couldn’t betray my conscience as to answer yes. No, in my results-backing opinion, Keynes wouldn’t agree with Buhari or any brain in the economic cabinet for that matter. The attempt, whether deliberate or not, is a mockery of the policy. Which instead of stimulating the economy, it’s ending up destroying the engine beyond an easy repair. The Greeks can attest by experience, as shall any Nigerian who’ll live beyond now. So if yes was the correct answer, then no was even a more accurate answer. If all were to be judged from it, Nigeria is the deepest loophole that happens to the logic of intervention. The economy just couldn’t have done any worse in total free-market mode.

Intervention means intervention anywhere in the world. But some interventions are closer in reason to the actual rationale behind intervention than others. To which Nigerian experience is immune. The comedy of errors witnessed in the country is no more than an institution of government subjecting the economy like a nomad does a cow to get milk. How sympathetic of a nomad to feed the cow and ensure its health before milking? Nigerian government can’t say the same with our economy with the direct negligence and the alarming-albeit-avoidable debt culture. A tragedy to the principles! A field day to the policy alternatives! And an absolute joke of applied departments! Lord have mercy!

MA Iliasu is an economist who writes from the ancient metropolis of Kano. He can be reached through his email: muhada102@gmail.com.

By Dr. Aliyu Isa Aliyu and Abdullahi Dogon-Nama (PRO KSA)

Former senator of Kano Central and governor of the state, Engr Dr Rabi’u Musa Kwankwaso, decried how the current government destroys the state’s existing socio-political and geographical landscapes. He described the government’s leadership style as “amateur”, adding that its people “are always oblivious of the realities”. He disclosed this during a Sallah visit paid to him by the state leadership of Kwankwasiyya Scholars Assembly (KSA), at his Miller Road residence, in Kano State. The Assembly was led by its president, Dr Yusuf Ibrahim Kofar Mata.

Many important Kwankwasiyya dignitaries were in attendance during the visit. They include Engr. Abba Kabir Yusuf (Abba Gida-Gida), the popular PDP Kano State governorship candidate; Comrade Aminu Abdussalam, Dr Yunusa Adamu Dangwani, Alhaji Rufa’i Sani Hanga, Barrister Aminu Dala, Prof. Umar Faruq, Alhaji Yusuf Bello Dambatta, Hajiya Ladidi Garko, Hajiya A’in Jafaru, Hajiya Amina HOD, Alhaji Alhassan Doguwa, among many others.

The main aim of the visit is to extend the association’s appreciation, Sallah message and warm greetings to the grand commander of Kwankwasiyya ideology. Dr Kofar Mata added that they were there to update Sen. Kwankwaso on another vital milestone Kwankwasiyya Scholars achieved. This includes showcasing the Assembly members who recently completed their PhDs at various fields of studies from different countries worldwide.

The new-minted PhD holders are Dr Najaf Auwal from Fagge LG (PhD in Business Administration), Dr Mustapha Balarabe Idris (Chemistry), Dr Bashir Ibrahim Linguistic (English), Dr Nura Shanono (Agricultural and Environmental Engineering), Dr Zahradeen Getso (Chemistry), Dr Jibrin Yusuf Habib (Zoology), Dr Abdurrahman Abubakar Dambatta and Dr Zahraddeen Kademi.

Recall that during the leadership of Kwankwaso as the governor of Kano, he sent thousands of the state indigenes with good results in their bachelor’s degrees to further their studies abroad. The programme has been applauded by many people in Nigeria and other important dignitaries around the world.

However, some local champions, especially the opposition politicians, challenged the move, describing it as a waste of money and resources. Moreover, some argued that such degrees could be obtained even in Nigeria. However, Governor Kwankwaso insisted and took the hardest decision of sending the students. As a result, today, even the former governor’s opponents witness the massive success of the scholars who return from different countries with PhDs, some of whom graduated as the best students.

During his speech, Sen. Kwankwaso thanked the representatives of the scholars but lamented the destruction witnessed in the state by the current government. “I have never thought, even in my dreams, that the spacious Kano Eid ground would be defaced as such. But, unfortunately, some anti-Kano politicians have made it a habit to destroy all the spaces and peace of the state for their selfish reasons.”

“Look at the pediatric hospital near the Emir’s house. The governor and his evil cronies are surreptitiously bastardising even the monumental Badala of Kano. I was recently told that Kano State Government had accrued a debt both local and foreign to the tune of 185 billion!” he added.

By Abu Haneef 

It is true that the North and South have rotated the presidency from the inception of the Fourth Republic in 1999 until Jonathan truncated it in 2011 after the demise of Umaru Musa Yar’adua. Many have argued that it was practically challenging to stop an acting president from contesting just because of an unconstitutional gentleman agreement, which was put in place by not-so-gentle politicians to rotate the presidency between the North and the South. Although not a valid justification to scrap that agreement, the argument is not entirely incorrect; who could have stopped Jonathan if he wasn’t patriotic enough to put the country ahead of himself? No one.

All that is now history. But what isn’t history is how all the proponents of the rotational presidency during Jonathan are now speaking against rotation; in the very same manner, those that argued against the rotational presidency during Jonathan are now suddenly making a case for rotation. The way both sides exchanged arguments with the change of personalities proves that those arguments were never in favour of the reasons given in the first place. 

While there are some good arguments for and against the rotational presidency in Nigeria, there will never be a good argument for scrapping it when that benefits you, only to turn around and demand rotation when it does not. This double double-standard is against fair play. 

Now let us analyse the case. While the argument for the rotational presidency is valid on the grounds of national security and stability, there are many things wrong about how we are understanding and approaching the rotation—from its premises to our assumptions thereof and many things in between. 

Anyone who understands Nigeria’s politics knows that religion, rather than ethnogeography, is the biggest faultline, albeit with a bit of ethnogeographic connotations here and there. This explains why since 1999, almost all Northern Christians voted for Southern Christians (except where both contenders were Muslims, and even then, they preferred PDP simply for being “more Christian”), despite sharing the same geopolitical threats and opportunities with the Northern Muslims they rejected. Yet, notwithstanding this apparent reality, we chose to premise our rotation on ethnogeographical consideration rather than religion (I’m not making a case for religion here, I’m only analysing our presidential rotation). 

Now let us ask ourselves, what happens if we rotate the presidency to the South and a Muslim, backed by Northern voters, emerges as the president? He would have been a Southern president who would not give the South a sense of belonging. The same will have been the case if a Northern Christian emerges as president. So our current premise for rotation is faulty, and those responsible for it know this; they are only ashamed to premise our rotational presidency on religion because of the global stigma religion faces today. 

Another critical question we haven’t convincingly answered in Nigeria is population spread across Nigeria’s ethnogeographical constituents and religions. Doing this would have removed the heat generated on the polity by the many unrealistic demands currently put forward by all sections of the country. However, we have so many issues to solve, and the best way to start is to answer all the critical demographical questions we haven’t. Only then will every section understand its proper place in the scheme of things, as there are currently huge delusions by many country sections. 

Another problem with this rotation is our constitution, which does not recognise it. This is problematic because people at the opposite faultline can only surrender power based on trust. There is no guarantee that the other region will yield power according to agreed terms. We had seen that in 2011 when Jonathan contested against PDP’s zoning arrangement. Therefore, the question of constitutionality in rotating the presidency must be answered to address the current distrust in the polity. 

Another valid question to answer on presidential rotation is that of fairness, particularly with the way and manner we have seen many agitations for resource control, which led to the creation of 13% Derivation, Ministry of Niger Delta and Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC). Suppose we agree that they deserve more resources only because God planted those resources in their land. In that case, the North can also argue that they deserve to retain political power because the same God that chose to bless Niger Delta with hydrocarbon decided to bless the North with a larger population. Suppose it is fair for Niger Delta to demand resource control. In that case, it is certainly reasonable for the North to require strict adherence to the democratic principle of majority retaining power at all times. That is one consistency of truth we must not skip in our national discourse. 

Conclusively, I submit that the only thing correct about the rotational presidency we argue for or against is the idea of having or not having it, but everything else has either been misunderstood, refused to be understood or deliberately misrepresented. And in these tiny details and questions we repeatedly miss lies most of the solutions we seek elsewhere. 

Abu Haneef can be reached via imabuhaneef@gmail.com.

By Tajuddeen Ahmad Tijjani

It’s no longer news that Nigerians across the country are lamenting the exorbitant cost of food daily. Those with the president’s ears should tell him the truth or are frightened to inform him his agricultural plans are failing the country’s teeming inhabitants.

Floods have undoubtedly destroyed an unimaginable number of farmlands around the country, significantly hurting farm production across some states of the federation. 

In fact, food inflation has become the norm; sadly, most Nigerians were unable to feed their families. 

The federal government has taken a significant toll on the economy under this administration, with policies that have failed the people. To drive the economy through agriculture, policies that are just, affluent, favourable, and prosperous must be developed and embraced by the majority who chose farming as their source of livelihood.

The President recently blames “middlemen for taking advantage of the local rice production to exploit fellow Nigerians”. One might wonder, are these middlemen ghosts or are they above the law that can’t be brought to book? Saboteurs should indeed face the consequences of their actions. We can’t allow unscrupulous elements to undermine our quest to attend food security. We barely grow what we consume because fertiliser isn’t only unavailable but also prohibitively expensive for ordinary Nigerian farmers. However, the anchor borrowers scheme has not assisted Nigerians in obtaining relief; in fact, it may have resulted in more casualties, given that our borders are restricted, and we are not yet cultivating what is required in the country.

Indeed, new policies must be implemented to ensure that ordinary Nigerians can afford to purchase agricultural commodities. However, I’m pleading with the government to focus more on subsidising agricultural implements to encourage people to embrace farming and find ways to bridge shortages so that food is cheap for the growing population. A hungry man is believed to be an angry man. Nigerians would soundly sleep if food is not only abundant but also affordable, and the problem of malnutrition will undoubtedly be reduced to a manageable level.

Indeed, one of the basic principles of governance is that it must undertake programs that benefit its subjects.

Tajuddeen Ahmad Tijjani writes from Galadima Mahmud street Kasuwar-kaji Azare, Bauchi State.

I entered the market today to sample ram prices. The big one we bought for N70,000 last year is now N250,000 to N300,000. A medium ram is now N80,000 to N150,000. And a small one is around N60,000 to N70,000. These prices are all depending on the city and the market.

One interesting point that I want to make here is, I am presently in Kano and everything looks cheaper in Kano than in other states in the North and probably in Nigeria at large.

Therefore, what makes ram so expensive giving the fact that it has near 100% local content? First, it has to do with human greed and wickedness. Prices in Nigeria are influenced by approaching festive seasons not and not only the natural and conventional law of demand and supply. There was never a sallah with shortages of rams.

Second, it very clear that there has been food inflation in Nigeria. Rams feed on the by-products of local food staples like wheat, maize, rice, millet, Guinea corn and rice. If they are expensive, their by-products, the offal and chaps will definitely be expensive.

Third, is the devaluation of Naira. With the nation’s currency losing value and the government also officially devaluing it, the purchasing power of Naira will naturally drop, and it is drastically dropping everyday. Naira doesn’t hold much value today compared to last year. Take N20,000 to the market today and you will get 40% value of what it used to be last year.

Then last but not the least is the corruption components added to transportation of rams. The police, VIOs, state traffic agents and other security agencies are all out to make a kill by collecting bribes from all vehicles conveying livestock. There are also middlemen in all markets that impose tolls and illegal taxes on every head of ram.

So what to do?

The best way to go around it is either to buy an alternative to ram like sheep or goat that are cheaper or wait for the purchase a day after sallah when the market is becoming a buyer’s market. There are three days grace for layya. That way you can get ram 30% cheaper.

It is indeed obvious that life is generally not easy in Nigeria! If you are alive and healthy give glory to Allah and do what you can afford. Layya is only compulsory for those that have the means. If you can’t afford ram use your money and face other issues and pray for Allah’s blessings. Don’t overspend because after sallah you will still pay school fees. Those of us with children in universities should also brace up for increase in tuition fees. There is going to be increase in prices of petrol and electricity. The government is just bidding it’s time but mark my words, with crude oil price going up, the government will surely increase petrol price.

I wish all of us a very warm and wonderdul Barka da sallah.

Aliyu Nuhu

Abuja, Nigeria