Opinion

By Bilyamin Abdulmumin

In the first part of this article, Ponzi alias pyramid schemes were discussed in detail, including their cunning modus operandi. If you come to these schemes with suspicion and scepticism, the chance is that you would notice some funny or dubious traits associated with them. The second part wishes to discuss these traits.

An obsession to prove originality

When someone is not truthful, he knows. So, he will assume the suspect mode consciously or unconsciously. He will always show the urge to convince others that he is a saint. This phenomenon is a funny trademark of Ponzi schemes.

These vague platforms float all kinds of certificates at any given opportunity to prove they are real. The more one becomes obsessed, the easier it becomes to detect his flaws. For instance, how could a firm claiming to be a global investment but floating a CAC with business name registration (which even a market woman can get) as evidence of originality? Many Ponzi agents woo potential subscribers with certificates as evidence of legitimacy, “mai kaza a aljihu ba ya jimirin” as” loosely means “he who has a skeleton in the cupboard live in fear.”

Unprofessional communication

 In this 21st century, communication has become a fundamental part and parcel of any firm, especially the one claiming to be a global player. Any renowned firms there will seek to prove to be professionals in their platforms and customer service delivery. For instance, if you visit any Nigerian telecommunications or bank platforms or engage their customer service agency, you will find them very professional. Likewise, their command of the English language is standard. But that is not the case with many Ponzi schemes. One will find their platform full of average written English, their responses sometimes as good as any street English user.  I have observed one costly mistake from these platforms; they kept replying “transaction successced (sic)” instead of “transaction succeeded” This is an embarrassing mistake no firm would afford. 

Definite and stable gains

Market forces dictate that there is always a level of uncertainty for the return of any investment, but not in the world of seemingly Ponzi schemes. Most legitimate investments are based on “gain and loss”. Sometimes the investment return will be much, small, or even deficit depending on the market forces. Still, as mysterious as it is, this basis of ‘gain and loss’ does not exist in the realm of Ponzi schemes. The song is always the same in these fraudulent platforms: gain and gain, invest x naira and recoup 2x naira.

 Some market forces not long ago that caught the global economy unaware were Covid-19 and Ukraine inversion by Russia. The only market immune from the shocks was the Ponzi scheme. So, dear investors looking for easy money, wake up and smell the coffee.

Camouflage 

Of course, anyone who wants to play a shady game will woo others into believing him by camouflaging a well-known establishment. The Ponzi schemers are masters of camouflage. They float a famous brand as their own. But a simple way to discern this trait is by noting the difference in name between the platform and its website address; let me emphasize this point by riding on the back of the white paper issued on Sunpower.

Sunpower is an acclaimed online investment but was found untrustworthy by “nogofallmaga”, an NGO dealing with scam practices.  The pseudo-Ponzi scheme is known everywhere as Sunpower, but their website name is www.sunsolar.one. This appears to be camouflage because there is a genuine global brand with the name Sunpower and has www.sunpower.com as its website address. So, dear Sunpower, why is the vagueness (brand name different from the website address)?

The dubious and funny traits of fraudulent platforms are many. Control your desire for windfalls, and it becomes difficult to sell you a dummy.

Bilyamin Abdulmumin wrote via bilal4riid13@gmail.com.

By Aliyu Nuhu

Rishi Sunak should have been British prime minister, arguably seen as most qualified candidate to Liz Truss. Born in Southampton to parents of Indian descent who migrated to Britain from East Africa in the 1960s,he would have been British version of Barack Obama. But then Obama himself once said” my story is only possible in the United States of America”.

Subtle British racism played a role to deny Sunak the office of prime minister. No matter your struggles the system has a cap to your dream. There is nothing like the British dream.

But then the British even tried. At least the system allowed him to be Chancellor of the Exchequer, Chief Secretary to the Treasury, member of the Conservative Party, and Member of Parliament (MP) for Richmond (Yorks). The only important position he missed is the prime minister.

In Arab world the system will not even allow a non citizen into the mainstream politics in those that practise democracy. The monarchies deny non citizens university education even if they are born and raised there. Nigerians in Saudi Arabia decried being denied university enrollment except if they are going to read Islamic studies.

Malam Aliyu is a renowned social analyst. He writes from Abuja, Nigeria.

By Fatihu Ibrahim Salis

It is with a great sense of depression I am writing this on behalf of thousands of “inconclusive graduates” yes, I am referring to the class of 2020 of Kano University of Science and Technology (KUST), Wudil. We are inconclusive because we are yet to collect our statement of result. We sat for our final exam in October 2021. To date, we have not collected our certificates, thanks to the industrial action of the Academic Staff Union of the Universities (ASUU). However, we have seen our final year examination results.

The strike started in February 2022, four months after our final paper, which is more than enough time to compute our result and mobilise us for the mandatory one-year service to our motherland, which is the dream of any patriotic and faithful son of the soil.

Today marks almost a year of completing our studies without knowing our fate. We have tried our best to fight together and show solidarity to ASUU, but it seems it is not worth it since they cannot feel the trauma we are facing.

As a state-owned university, KUST is not related to IPPIS or UTAS battles because the staff’s salary comes directly from the state government treasury (I stand to be corrected). Hundreds of opportunities have slipped from our hands because of this action. Many of us have been confronted with life-changing shots, but unfortunately, we have no certificates to offer, although we have the required knowledge.

We have faced many tribulations during the long journey from our first year to our final year the annual strikes, the unrest saga, the one-year Covid-19-imposed lockdown, and the current strike, among others. What an irony; a five-year course has turned seven years with no hope in sight.

If I may understand them right, ASUU’s fight is for the protection of the educational sector from collapsing and emancipation of the University students from studying in challenging environments, and at the same time fighting for the well-being of their members. But now, with the continuation of the strikes, they are doing the government’s dirty work for them.  ASUU, your fights to liberate our lives as university students (pardon me if I sound rude) have changed direction to deter us from attending classes. It seems you are helping the government pro bono by continuing the industrial action.

Education is not a privilege but a fundamental right. Yet, as Nigerians, that basic right has been snatched from us. As a result, our futures are deterred, and our progress is choked. We are not holding only the federal government responsible but ASUU as well. 

With all due respect, ASUU’s timing for the strike is wrong. On the brink of the 2023 general election, the government’s focus is on the election, not education. ASUU should realise the bitter truth and suspend the strike. Withdrawing from a battle is another battle strategy to fight for another day. The association and the federal government should compromise for the sake of the Nigerian students who are hurt the most as the saying goes, “when two elephants are fighting, it’s the grass that suffers the most”.

The guiding philosophy of KUST is the provision of community-based education that will facilitate the production of graduates who shall fulfil the stipulated requirements in learning and character to graduate in their various fields of specialisation. The graduates shall also be groomed in such a manner that they will be able to function effectively in the community.  The students have been groomed so well that we spend seven years in a five-year course, but we have been denied our certificates. We have been told that we only receive them after the ASUU strike, which has no hope of resumption. 

As a state university student, I am very much aware of the contribution of the TETFund to our schools, which is ASUU’s brainchild. But this blind loyalty and solidarity to an association that not only consider you as second-class citizens but “quacks” should be halted. We are talking of our future, so remember the psychological and emotional effect the strike has on our lives.

Most of the graduates for the next batch of NYSC will be private university graduates. So indirectly, the masses have been kicked out of the struggle while the elites enjoyed a great monopoly, typical aristocracy restored. ASUU’s battle has denied many of us the opportunity to serve our nations. Most of us have reached the exemption age of 30, and a considerable amount is on the rim of the exemption age.

Finally, I want to call on the attention of all stakeholders to intercede on our behalf and call upon the school management to show us empathy. We are their children. They are our parents. We appreciate their fatherly support in our careers. Please, consider our future.

God Bless Nigeria 

Fatihu Ibrahim Salis wrote via fisabbankudi123@gmail.com.

By Mubarak Shu’aib

It has been far from a smooth ride for Nigerian university students and their academic staff for months now due to the marathon strike by the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU). The strike has been a ridiculous one ever happening to our universities (6 months old). And this week has put forward the semblance of this current administration to the famous Don Jazzy’s song, SHAKITI BOBO, as it failed to come to terms with the union.

Whisper it quietly, but the union was right all along. At least when it came to one of their striking reason; revitalization of the universities. An inorganic chemistry professor dragged a colleague of mine for more than 10 minutes during our SIWES presentation. Reason? He said that a spectrophotometer detects the colour of the water. “There is no such spectrophotometer”, argued the professor. This is because he has probably never seen one in the university lab. The argument was later settled. By who? Lab technician (!) who came across one in a particular company during an IT supervision. Talking about the NMR machine, we have only one in the country (in ABU Zaria). This, and a wealth of other reasons, has exposed the uselessness of our universities and the need to recalibrate them.

Meanwhile, the tongue-lashing of some state universities and the jarring reply to FG on the backlogs by the chairman of ASUU have outlined the fault lines in the union’s struggle and the glaring need for pertinent media and resourceful PR.

The union is showing no signs of cracking under the FG tactic of ‘no work, no pay’, and that’s commendable. But that’s enough to signal that this current crop of leaders and retrogression are five and six. They exploit every avenue to render our institutions valueless.

The stalemates in the meetings have exposed mainly the lack of political from the education and labour ministers, who were somewhat culpable in the concession of the marathon strike.

If ASUU were to call off the strike today without coming to terms with the FG, it would be like holding up their hands to the FG and the emotion-driven students saying, ‘you were right’.

At some point, the blame game between the two parties stops being admirable and starts to look reckless. May God comes our way.

Mubarak Shu’aib writes from Hardawa Misau LGA, Bauchi State. He can be reached via naisabur83@gmail.com.

By Aliyu Nuhu

Already party stalwarts are beating their chest to celebrate the achievements of the party. They called it Africa’s biggest party (not greatest).

One of the major achievements they continued to hammer was the introduction of GSM communication technology.

The big for nothing party is only talking of GSM as if Nigerians are getting the service for free! The truth is we had GSM because the technology caught up with us. When digital satellite TV came to us, the government of the day didn’t see it as an achievement. PDP and its leaders don’t have an iota of shame.

For the 16 unbroken years they succeeded in turning Nigeria into a one party state. Infact they underdeveloped Nigeria.

Security has never been worse in their time and today’s insecurity was planted by PDP.

Power generation even at peak of rainfalls was a dismal 4400mw after billions of dollars investments.

During their terrible reing there was endemic poverty, unemployment and diseases.

Meanwhile even as the party held on to power for 16 unbroken years there were 6000 abandoned projects that will need N1.5trn to complete. Billions were spent on such projects without result.

Just take a calculator and sum up our capital budgets for 16 years and compare with what PDP left on ground to give you an idea of the crimes of PDP.

Each government jettisoned the projects of the previous government to re-award or start another, forgetting that development must be anchored on continuity and consistency.

The worst of PDP has not yet been seen yet with industrial scale looting that took place in the last government still under investigation. Nigeria was never so brazenly raped like those inglorious years of Jonathan. The man simply opened the treasury vaults and allowed hyenas to feast on it. At times they didn’t even wait for oil proceeds to make it to the treasury. They stole the oil from source and hocked it to international black market.

Between the past presidents and their families, the leadership of National Assembly and their members, Ministers and governors, PDP was able to steal well over 60 Billion dollars from Nigeria and still counting.

PDP made us the most corrupt nation on earth, forget the Transparency International ranking us better figures these years we are the number one most corrupt country in the world no thanks to PDP. Nigeria is the indisputable champion of corruption and graft in the world.

And PDP slogan has been “things shall always get better”.

Better for them as from all counts they are the sworn undertakers of Nigeria and it’s poor citizens.

When they told us to tighten our belts they loosened theirs.

We have seen it before, somebody in the size of Boni Haruna went to government house to emerge with the tommy of James Ibori.

And they said we should be patient, that results of their ingenious hard work will materialise in the year 2020. We are in 2021 now and APC that is made up of PDP members is even becoming our heartless undertaker, nailing our coffin finally.

When we thought APC has come to set things right we realize we are just dealing with the same brand of oppressors. Today APC chairman Abdullahi Adamu was a former PDP chairman, an endorsement that both parties are just different sides of the same coin.

By Prof. Abdelghaffar Abdelmalik Amoka

The parents are angry over the strike. I can understand their frustration. Nobody can be happy seeing their kids at home while they are supposed to be in school studying. Some of the affected students are supposed to have graduated but can’t because of the strike. So, who should the parents vent their anger on? The government or the union of lecturers?

It is called a public university, funded with public funds, and we are all stakeholders. We are all meant to be concerned about the state of our universities. But they have been closed for the last six and a half months. Meanwhile, there are questions we are not asking as we take the side of the government or the lecturers.

Why is ASUU on strike? Where is a fund for other things but education? Why will the government set up committees, invest resources in them for weeks to work, and reject the report after the conclusion of their work? Why is FG not bothered about students spending months at home instead of being in school? ASUU is on strike. Why will it take FG 6 months to make an offer? What is the content of the Nimi-Briggs committee report that they are hiding? Why are they not ready to make our universities attractive to international students and scholars like they used to be in the 80s? The VP recently told people below him that “we” need to do something about the ASUU strike and the only person (the president) that he should be talking to was not there. So, who is the “we”? Are we in a hopeless situation?

Why are we not asking these questions? Let me review the situation.

There was a  strike in 2020 just before the COVID-19 lockdown. The government refused to and did not solve the issues that led to the strike till after the lockdown. After a  series of negotiations, ASUU and FG had a signed agreement they both called the Memorandum of Action (MoA). One of the items on the signed MoA was the renegotiation of the 2009 ASUU-FGN Agreement. Then, the Emeritus Prof Munzali’s renegotiation committee was inaugurated in December 2020. The committee concluded the renegotiation and submitted the report around June 2021.

There was no action after the committee submitted the draft agreement. ASUU lobbied for the implementation of the 2020 MoA and to take action on the submitted report by the FG renegotiation committee without result. ASUU reached out to NASS leadership. They promised to intervene without any result. ASUU members in December 2021 wanted the strike to be declared, but the executives pacified the members to exercise patients as religious leaders (NIREC) were intervening and a meeting scheduled. The intervention did not yield any results in January 2022.

Since all the lobbying failed, ASUU re-activated its last option. “Strike”! Then, ASUU declared the four weeks warning strike on the 14th of February. The government did not take it seriously. On its expiration, it was extended by 8 weeks. That was when they picked up the Munzali’s committee report to have a look at it and later said it is not implementable. They inaugurated the Nimi-Briggs’s renegotiation committee for another round of negotiation.

ASUU agreed. By then, the guys in the government were more concerned about the APC internal crisis and the primary elections. The 8 weeks elapsed without anything serious, and it was rolled over for 12 weeks. By the end of the 12 weeks, the Nimi-Briggs report was ready with the Minister of Education.

Shortly after then, Ngige and Keyamo were everywhere, blackmailing ASUU of some N1.3trn that nobody knows the source of the information. They were even blackmailing the committee that the FG set up. It was so embarrassing that the renegotiation team had to respond. I am sure you read the paid advertorials on national dailies.

Then, the Nimi-Briggs committee report was also set aside. And the minister came up with an “awarded” of N30k to N60k salary increase on gross for the lowest to the highest level, respectively, on a take-it-or-leave-it basis. It was an arrogant presentation, like he was talking to small boys. The ASUU team politely said they would present the offer to members for deliberation and revert even though it was obvious that it would be rejected outright by all the branches. The withheld salary was not discussed as it was not seen as an issue. You can only discuss that after the members accept the offer.

Adamu Adamu was a fan of ASUU and had written several articles justifying the previous strike actions by the union. He is very familiar with how ASUU operates. ASUU usually doesn’t disclose any discussion with the government to the Press till the offer is presented to members at the branches for deliberation. The minister took advantage of that principle and attempted to blackmail ASUU to the public. You are aware of his misinformation during the press briefing. He surprised everyone.

Meanwhile, for these last 6 months, the public was supposedly with ASUU on the struggle, support they said ASUU is losing. So, the public supported ASUU but watched FG drag the strike for 6 months before making an offer. There was no outcry from the public. So, what is the impact of public support then? If that public support is withdrawn, what will be the effect? It is not very likely to have an impact. ASUU seems to be in the fight alone.

In March 2022, after the strike was declared, a member of the House of Reps raised a motion to make it compulsory for public servants to patronize public schools for their kids. His reason was that if that happens, attention will be given to public schools. The motion was rejected by the House instantly. There was no outrage from the public. Unlike the rejected bill on women that attracted protest from women for weeks in the NASS complex, there was no protest from the public or the students to sustain that motion on education. It appears we are enjoying the slave-master relationship that is between the public and the supposed public servants.

But then, has the public ever been on the side of ASUU during any strike? What steps did they take for a quick resolution? The public never really supported ASUU’s struggles for the universities, and I feel their pain. They want their kids to go and get a degree. They are unconsciously not bothered about the quality of teaching in the university. The state of their lecture rooms, lecture facilities, available learning resources, and hostels; are not all important. They are expected to MILT. After all, as long as they know somebody or have the cash to buy a job, the kids don’t need to know anything to get a job. They just want a graduate to be celebrated. You can’t be happy seeing that your child at home due to the ASUU strike. Since you can’t afford a private university and those emperors in the government are too big for all of us to fight against, it’s natural to transfer the anger to the oppressed side, the lecturers!

Dear parents, ASUU did not keep your kids at home but FG. If FG is sincere and does the needful instead of threats, ASUU members are willing to return to classes tomorrow. The whole crisis is shrouded with insincerity. If the government is sincere, the strike would not have lasted a month. They know the minimum to offer that will be acceptable if they want the strike to end. As Dele Ashiru, the Chairman of ASUU Unilag, rightly stated, the Federal Government declared war on ASUU, and lecturers in the public varsities are only responding to the unacceptable treatment with the indefinite strike.

To my colleagues, there is an invitation for a meeting in Abuja on Tuesday. Expect anything. But whatever happens in Abuja, you have 2 choices: to give up, get nothing after the 7 months of hardship, lost your withheld salaries, or endure and get what you are on strike for and get your withheld salary released.

Dear Malam Adamu Adamu, please remind Mr. President that Nigeria is still a developing nation and education is key to our development pace and must be placed on the priority list. No serious government will keep their universities inactive for 6 months and still counting. That displayed ego that shocked everyone must be set aside for a serious discussion to end this crisis. The declared war against ASUU won’t end it but dialogue.

Education must be properly funded, sir!

By Hassan Ahmad Usman

Recently, I read a post on Facebook cautioning ASUU not to ignite the government into following the path of the former UK prime minister, Margaret Thatcher, in her famous face-off with unionists. Before then, I only knew of her being called the  “The Iron Lady”, and that’s all. It prompted me to find out more about her struggle with them. I got a book, Margaret Thatcher: A portrait of the Iron Lady by John Blundell. 

After winning the war of about eleven weeks against Argentina over the Falkland island, she made a famous statement in 1983: “We had to fight the enemy without in the Falklands, and now we have to fight the enemy within, which is much more difficult but just as dangerous. These few men are the wreckers in our midst.”

The miners, led by Arthur Scargill under the NUM, started a strike action after learning of the National Coal Board’s chairman’s plan to close uneconomical pits. The NUM held a special place in the political landscape.

They were somewhat invincible. In fact, the unionists brought down a government a decade earlier before Thatcher’s. But as the book’s author opined: “I think it possible that her defeat of General Galtieri (in the war)  emboldened her to take on the mineworkers with robustness she may otherwise not have shown”.

She welcomed the fight against the miners, defeated them and reformed the unions. 

Now, let us relate the defeat of the NUM and ASUU’s likely end if they thread the same path. One of the early actions that Thatcher’s government took when the strike heightened was to promise a big Christmas bonus to whoever resumed work. It yielded positive results, and a war started between the striking and non-striking workers. Imagine the federal government promising to pay the unpaid salaries for six months to only lecturers that resumed. What do you think? There is already a push for a rival union.

Nigerian government can actualize the new union, which would automatically birth the beginning and end of ASUU. ASUU chairman’s recent labelling of universities not on strike as quacks is a big blunder. Other state universities felt insulted too. If the union keep on this trend, its end looms. A divided house is a recipe for a fallen one. 

Another area is politicizing ASUU strikes. One mistake the union should not make is making the politicians understand that they can win elections with or without an ASUU strike. It’ll ultimately show that the public is not sympathetic to the union. Parents are already tired of seeing the unhappy faces of their wards. Like the NUM, their resolve would eventually wane after the election litmus test.

The NUM leader Scargill was embarrassed when the press revealed that President Gaddafi and Soviet President Gorbachev were sending large sums of money to the NUM. Indeed treason was in the air. In the case of Nigeria, it is nothing close to treason, but acting as an opposition party by the ASUU chairman while calling on Nigerians not to vote for the government that made their universities to be closed is an apparent derailment from the status quo. It gives the government reason to cling. 

I’ve long wondered if ASUU listens to its ordinary members’ cries. Do they even have a voice? Yes, solidarity and loyalty are good, but how long can they be sustained with a hungry stomach? They are passing through a lot, and words of the mouth alone cannot keep them going. Just like NUM members that couldn’t hold on for long without cheques, ASUU members, too, are humans and any given opportunity thrown at them to abandon their war gear, they’ll heed without hesitation.

Prime minister Thatcher weakened the old arrangements that made membership in the union mandatory by giving more power and rights to individual workers. She went to the British public and the ordinary members of the unions. She explained that strikes affected union members just as much as the rest of the public. And she used simple examples to show how the kind of economic thinking represented by the TUC would keep Britain on the road to ruin.

Thatcher’s strategy was to break down the closed shop and bring real democracy to these institutions so ordinary members could regain control. As a result, union membership dropped from 51% when she assumed power in 1979 to just 18% in 1997, seven years after leaving. 

Lastly, it is my utmost prayer to see ASUU get what they want from the government for the betterment of our education, for I believe they are doing it with good intentions and for the interest of all.   

Hassan Ahmad Usman writes from Lafia and can be reached via basree177@gmail.com.

By Umar Yahaya Dan-Inu

Governance, in simple terms, means ‘quality decision’ that affects the citizenry’s life. It encompasses accountability, openness and responsiveness in our institution. When Nigeria utilizes its resources, it can achieve progress and development in every aspect, especially when its men and women come together, respect their differences and views, and work together for the nation’s development.

Any society that lacks leaders who can stand up and look at the challenges and solve them is bound to fail. One of the finest Historians in the world, Francis Fukuyama, opined that Nigeria’s problem is a “lack of quality governance”. Since the beginning of the fourth republic, Nigerians have elected four successive presidents with an optimism that the country’s governance would be changed. Moreover, they hope that prudent accountability and transparency would be established in the polity; corruption would be minimal; the difference would be set from the military rule we experienced in the 80s and 90s; every sector of the economy would thrive.

We also expected that there would be equity, fairness and inclusion in governance and leadership where every region of the country and everyone would be carried along to change the nation’s narrative for good. But instead, the nation’s stories remained the same after 23 years of democracy.

Democracy is all about giving people the opportunity to participate in the leadership and decision-making of their country, to decide on their future, to have their voices on who should lead them and the type of policy choices government made, and how national resources should be channelled for the development of the country.

In our polity, the stories are not the same. The flaws in our democracy are very glaring. There is no prudent accountability. Even the civil society organizations (CSOs) and media houses who are to help in grilling government and demand accountability are part of the problem. Corruption has become deep in our system. We institutionalize it. Mathew Hassan Kukah’s opined that “it is part of the human system”.

Ahmed Idris, a former Accountant General of the Federation,  and his accomplices, fraudulently siphoned 109 billion naira. They took advantage of the system, betrayed the people’s trust and put the nation and its people in more miserable poverty.

There are thousands of his types and stories in this poverty. The measures put by the government to checkmate corrupt practices are not adequate. There is a need for more because corruption is in every sector and aspect of the country. Insecurity, banditry and kidnapping have taken menacing proportion. People are killed unjustifiably regularly, while the government doesn’t seem to care.

On the other hand, the academic staff union of universities (ASUU) has been on strike for several months. Students are doing nothing at home. As the government is showing a nonchalant and lackadaisical attitude toward the striking lecturers, there is no sign of ending it. This justifies the position that Nigeria needs prudent leadership and governance.

Good policy is key to achieving national development. Though public policy can be seen as an act of government carried out through the identification of societal needs and demands and acted upon by the executive and legitimized through the legislative process, it should be pro-people, participatory and devoid of elitism. When we look at the challenges posed by the lack of good policy design and implementation, one will realize Nigeria is in the wrong direction. Every past administration came into power with a vague plan that could not be achieved.

This has been the norm since Nigeria got Independence in the early 60s. The trends have always been to tell people what to do, even if it’s not feasible and realistic. When policymakers disregard the poor segment of their society, they are bound to fail. I genuinely believe that “change will not come to us easily”; it is the responsibility of scholars and experts in our country to stand up and demand change.

We need a change in the area of policy design. People should be carried along in the process of design and implementation. All their problems should be captured, and attention should be given to the solutions stated. The CSOs should track all the government expenditures to speak on the pros and cons of every policy initiated by the government and engage the government on development issues.

Nigeria needs strong leadership. It is a known fact that global leaders showed resilience and exhibited what leadership means during the worldwide pandemic. Covid-19 posed a bigger challenge to people around the world. It killed millions of people, destroyed families and hit the global economy like never before.

In Nigeria and around the world, schools were shut down. The leaders imposed a lockdown; there was no movement of people from state to state. It affects everyone. People are afraid to interact with their families and friends because they fear contaminating the virus.

We need leaders that can inspire hope in times of crisis, especially in the forthcoming 2023 election. Nigeria doesn’t deserve bad people and leaders. We need efficiency in our governance and focused leaders. A courageous and bold one. A leader who can galvanize support from the global community and command respect. A leader with capacity, empathy, foresight and deep knowledge that can translate policy goals into reality.

We must prioritize security, education, health, and employment opportunities. Our failure in effective identification, design and implementation has been the major setback of our public policy. We need expert intervention and input to get it right. We must establish good governance and uplift our people from the artificial poverty created by elite manipulation. Until and unless we stand and get it right, we will continue to suffer at the hand of bad leaders.

Umar Yahaya Dan-Inu wrote from Nguru, Yobe State via umarnguru2015@gmail.com.

By Lawan Bukar Maigana

“We are not coming into government to represent the Muslim or Christian faith. The Sultan of Sokoto and the CAN President are competent to represent their faiths. We are the Nigerian dream team that will catapult the country to a higher pedestal, and we will redefine the concept of modern governance. The Christians have nothing to fear, and there is no cause for alarm because we are one people with a common destiny.”

That was vintage Kashim Shettima, the Vice-Presidential candidate of the All Progressives Congress (APC), in one of his numerous efforts to push back the insinuation of a sinister motive behind the Muslim-Muslim arrangement of the party. In fact, based on his determination to deflect attention from the Muslim-Muslim ticket controversy, Shettima has been using every platform available to him to tell everyone who cares to listen that we should all focus on the issues – issues of governance and how to move the country forward.

But beyond the irritation that engulfs his face each time the issue of religion is brought up and his insistence that real issues, not inanities, should be discussed, Shettima also needs to come up with the issues he wants Nigerians to focus on and, most importantly he should lead the conversation.

Is Shettima himself or Ahmed Bola Tinubu discussing the issues? Beyond saying he and his running mate would tackle insecurity and fix the economy using their experience and the pedigree they have garnered over the years, what specifics has Shettima been discussing? What timelines?

What bold ideas are Tinubu and Shettima bringing to the table to tackle insecurity, fix the economy, power, etc.? What specific promises are they making that Nigerians can hold them accountable for?

APC is the ruling party. Tinubu/Shettima ticket is deemed to be the leading ticket in this election, and Shettima himself is believed to be the ‘Golden Boy’ of the ticket, and he deserves that accolade. So it is appropriate for Nigerians to expect a lot from him, knowing full well that he is a very sound, visionary, and modern-day leader.

Nigerians would like to know exactly what Tinubu and Shettima want to do to make their lives better and change the Nigerian condition. Nigerians want them to elevate the conversation beyond the media and public forum rhetorics.

For instance, public universities have been shut for the last six months, and the misery of our undergraduates knows no bounds. Any candidate that comes to say he would ensure they call off the strike is a lazy thinker and should not be taken seriously. That is like treating headaches and ignoring malaria, which is tantamount to leaving fundamental issues and doing window dressing for some temporary gains. ASUU crisis has been a recurring problem for decades, and Shettima and co need to tell Nigerians what they will do differently to fix the rot in the tertiary education sector and take lecturers back to classrooms and also ensure that our campuses stop producing half-baked graduates. I am talking about permanent solutions, not cosmetic measures that will last for a few months.

Nigerians are desperate to know how much Shettima and his running mate are planning to invest in tertiary education over the next four years and how they intend to raise the money that will run them. Nigerians need to know Shettima’s plans to return the universities to the glorious old days when they were some of the best research institutions in the world and where human problems were solved. When the Covid-19 pandemic and other zoonotic diseases are rocking the world, what Nigerian universities and their research institutes are doing in terms of producing vaccines to cure them? Why the over-reliance on the West?

What is Shettima’s opinion on restructuring education, federal universities, legislature, fiscal federalism, state/regional policing, power generation, distribution, and transmission?

Security challenges have also become intractable in recent years. Nigerians would like to know the bold ideas Shettima and his running mate are bringing to the table. Nigeria is said to be under-policed and under-protected generally. What Shettima’s action plans would look like in terms of empowering the Nigerian army, police and other security agencies?

The 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (as amended), makes it mandatory for the Vice President, not the President, to chair the National Economic Council, the highest decision-making body (on the Economy) in the country that has all 36 states governors, the FCT Minister and a few other ministers as members. Aside from that, successive presidents since 1999 have made it a tradition to put their deputies in charge of the entire economy. That tradition has not changed, with Vice President Yemi Osinbajo playing that role at the moment. It may not change with Shettima, and the former Borno state governor will have his job cut out for him.

Shettima stole the show at the recent Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) conference in Lagos as he dwelt on some of the issues. But Nigerians would like to see the APC blueprint and know the policies Shettima and his running mate are proposing to tackle negative macroeconomic indices such as rising inflation, poor growth rate, unemployment, underemployment, etc. What about the exchange rate and CBN policies on the monetary side of the economy? How does the APC duo intend to ensure proper fiscal supervision of the monetary side of the economy, and how is the CBN handling it?

Core inflation, headline inflation, and food inflation are all in the excess of 20 per cent in the face of dwindling purchasing power and a national currency that is always in a free fall! It would be interesting to know what Shettima’s ideas are on how to fix these multifaceted problems. What does Shettima want to do to boost local manufacturing and make Nigeria export-competitive in the global market, which is the ultimate, final solution to the twin problems of the exchange rate crisis and high rate of unemployment?

What is Shettima’s opinion on the country’s debt crisis? Do they intend to take more foreign loans? If yes, why?

The current managers of the economy have for years been spending over 90 per cent of the country’s revenue on debt servicing while they keep taking more and more loans and claiming the country’s debt to GDP ratio is okay without paying attention to the revenue end of the argument. Now, the worst has just happened with the 2022 first quarter reports revealing that the government spent more on debt servicing than what it generated as revenue within the quarter, and the difference was in the region of 300 billion nairas! That means aside from the already known scandal of borrowing to pay salaries, they have been borrowing more to service previous debts, a terrible vicious cycle that is highly unsustainable!

This shows that the problem is more on revenue generation than the present government‘s obsession with foreign loans. Shettima must have a couple of ideas about how to boost the country’s revenue from both oil and non-oil sources.

Talking about oil and gas, what about oil theft? It is crystal clear that it is the reason why Nigeria cannot meet her OPEC quota of 2 million barrels per day, and that is the reason for the country’s revenue shortage. Nigeria is the only country in OPEC that is losing up to 400,000 barrels of crude oil per day to the organised, exotic, white-collar crime called oil theft! And this is the major reason the country’s revenue base is wobbling. Shettima should tell us if their administration would be able to summon the political will to confront the highly placed, untouchable monsters behind the evil of oil theft and save Nigeria from becoming another Sri Lanka or Venezuela!

Yet, this same broke country is spending trillions of naira on the corruption-prone, an opaque scam called fuel subsidy. While failing to fix ailing refineries and importing refined products, and killing the naira, the country is spending billions of naira on a monthly basis to sustain hundreds of redundant staff members of these refineries that are not producing up to a drop of refined petroleum!

While not attacking or seeming to be openly disagreeing with the sitting government since they are of the same political party, the duo of Tinubu and Shettima have a duty to let Nigerians know their proposed choices among the difficult options that will be available to the country from next year.

In a nutshell, the APC duo needs to come up with a robust policy or action plan that will answer a lot of questions in the minds of Nigerians. They need to tell Nigerians what they should expect from them within the first hundred days in office, the first six months, the first year, and so on. While marking their first hundred days, how many executive bills would they have sent to the National Assembly? Which of the troubled sectors will they declare a state of emergency? Is it security, power, aviation, education, oil, and gas, or all of the above? Nigerians need to know!

I am urging Shettima and his running mate to come clean on their implementable plans so that Nigerians can scrutinize them accordingly and fairly when they get into office. Doing so now will send a strong signal to the electorates that they will be transparent and accountable to the people when they occupy the highest offices in the land.

May Nigeria succeed!

Lawan Bukar Maigana writes from Wuye District Abuja. He can be reached via lawanbukarmaigana@gmail.com.

By Lawi Auwal Yusuf

Researchers in social policy now prefer to use the concept of social exclusion to explain multiple deprivations that prevent individuals from joining important community activities. This goes beyond commodities that can be directly purchased. For example, it’s difficult for the socially excluded to secure a job, engage in recreational activities or participate in politics beyond mere voting.

It moves beyond consumption to examine how resources affect the participation of worse-off members in society. Poverty impinges on participation in social activities that are essential to everyday life. For instance, visiting a hospitalised brother or friend. Individuals are deprived if they cannot afford even the cheapest activities.

In the same vein, controlling inequality is indispensable if poverty and social exclusion are to be combated. Any nation with a broader gap between the rich and the poor is bound to be stubbornly enmeshed in poverty. However, some scholars accept that it is not easy to uproot inequality completely. They suggest making a poverty benchmark: income below the average. Those individuals with scanty resources less than this dividing line are considered poor with an intolerable living standard. In this case, there might be inequality devoid of poverty. This idea is primarily concerned with dissipating poverty altogether and integrating people rather than making them more equal.

It is crucial to distinguish between poverty and social exclusion. Poverty refers to material fewness or the lack of means to live a happy life. While social exclusion consists of a broader range of ways whereby members of a society are disadvantaged, consequently predisposing them to poverty. It involves a lack of participation in decision-making and civil, social and cultural life. These deprivations hinder individuals from participating fully in social life. However, both portray the existence of injustice in society.

Tackling social exclusion must involve measures to deal with institutional ethnic stratification, tribalism, sex discrimination, and gender inequality and encourage stronger community cohesion. Nonetheless, institutional ethnic stratification of minority groups is more likely to cause poverty and exclusion among disadvantaged groups than all the other factors. This is because ethnic harassment does produce fear and a sense of isolation, thereby augmenting the social exclusion produced by other inequalities.

Furthermore, women and children are more vulnerable to extreme poverty than men, while lone mothers are at higher risk. This speaks to the high rate of unemployment which is also higher among women than men. This is a reason that helps to explain the high rate of women deprivation that is becoming more noticeable. To cut women’s poverty, it’s necessary to combat the underlying causes like girls’ educational disadvantage, idleness of women, gender discrimination/inequality, lack of promotion for women on low wages and deficient educational achievement for the children of impoverished households. However, a significant increase in welfare services and full employment of women would make a difference.

Disability is another relevant factor prone to poverty and exclusion. Rude attitudes of people towards disabled individuals remain a major cause of exclusion, whereas the need now is for inclusion. Stigmatisation is not only a barrier to participation in the community but also a deliberate move to distance them from the existing opportunities. Moreover, high rates of deprivation among disabled people are a result of marginalisation in the labour market.

Unfortunately, impaired persons tend to have higher living expenses than normal persons for commodities of their special needs. The extra costs for disability include healthcare, physical aid or transport. As a result, they suffer from poverty alongside exclusion, while participation in society is restricted by sensory defects or limited mobility. This results in overall deficient health, which impedes their employability and the ability to work, unlike the non-disabled.

However, poverty and social exclusion are not inevitable consequences of disability. Instead, they are due to discrimination and failure to provide the resources and facilities needed to reduce its effect. Thus, authorities must make strict laws against the harassment of persons with an impairment. Furthermore, public and private organisations must also take reasonable steps to accommodate the needs of disabled persons until the physical environment becomes completely user-friendly for them.

The major causes of poverty in Nigeria include dead-end jobs, low pay, lack of promotion of low-income workers, poor education for the children of the poor and high taxes. The government must understand that excessive taxes such as Value Added Tax and duties tend to take up a larger share of the income of average Nigerians.

Furthermore, a lack of sound education and training for the children of ordinary Nigerians is the leading force behind poverty and exclusion. Skills are increasingly becoming more valuable in the labour market, and without them, there is a high risk of redundancy.

Joblessness is a strong predisposing factor because participation in the labour market greatly reduces the risk of poverty and exclusion, while idleness is closely correlated with them. Provision of full employment with prospects is the gateway to ensuring a better and prosperous life. It also provides the poor with social networks that give a sense of inclusion. It also helps in coping with these acute situations.

Similarly, a high number of children in a family is another factor that increases the risk of poverty compared with smaller households because of the extra costs involved.

Finally, for Nigeria to win its war against poverty, good governance must be the leading force in this crusade. Stealing, embezzlement and turning public office into an instrument of creating wealth for acquaintances and tribal brethren must utterly vanish. Contrarily, transparency, providence, judicious redistribution of resources and equal treatment of all irrespective of closeness or ethnic background must prevail. 

Lawi Auwal Yusuf wrote from Kano, Nigeria