In Nigeria, an election period is like watching a classic Series for the umpteenth time. You know how it’s going to play out, but it doesn’t make it any less fascinating. The most entertaining episode, of this Series, after the presidential election, of course, is the debate leading up to the Lagos gubernatorial election.
Firstly, the Yorubas must perform a ritual of agonisingly re-iterating the exact same thing: that Lagos is not a “no man’s land.” This is quickly followed by an outcry from the non-Yoruba, Lagos-based (mostly southern) Nigerians. They argue that, as Nigerians, every inch of land in the country, belongs to all Nigerians. That any attempt to deprive them of this right is ethnic bigotry. But how true is this? And do they practise what they preach? Let’s go down memory lane.
A few years ago, when the federal government suggested to some (southern) state governors to provide grazing lands to cattle farmers (who’re predominantly Fulanis) to grow their herds; to control herder-farmer clashes in parts of the country, many of the governors rejected this proposal. (Mostly) Southern Nigerians also took to social media to applaud the governors for refusing fellow Nigerians access to Nigerian lands.
Dangerous words like “invaders” and “take over” were recklessly deployed to stoke ethnic tension. No one cared to remember that these people, too, were Nigerians and therefore were entitled to own land and do business anywhere in Nigeria.
Now, in 2023, it’s election time again, and this same divisive rhetoric is being deployed, albeit in different circumstances. The same people who once championed an anti-Fulani campaign that ensured their fellow countrymen from the north couldn’t get lands in their own country are now complaining of being othered by Yorubas in Lagos. So, I’m asking: why is it ok for them to own lands and freely do businesses, have some influence on who becomes governor in “another man’s land,” but at the same time, see no contradiction in telling northern Muslim cattle farmers to return to the north, to look for land, because “the south does not belong to them?” Why are you concerned that the Fulanis “will take over your land” but are now getting triggered because the Yoruba people feel the same way towards you?
They wanted the land for free
When I first shared my thoughts on this topic on my Facebook Page, some interlocutors argued that the reason for the southern governor’s pushback was that the federal government wanted the land free of charge.
“Free,” in this context, is debatable. When an industry such as cattle farming wants the land for its activities, it’s not usually a mere hectare or two. A reasonable size would be hundreds to thousands of hectares. The size and complexity of such a project is not something private individuals can execute without support from the government.
Therefore, it was not out of order for the federal government to step in to help with things like making the land available and then building the infrastructure needed for the place to function properly. After which interested parties can be invited to come in and rent/buy spaces to set up shop. These farmers were clearly going to pay taxes to local authorities and generally operate the same way market stall owners do in places like Kano, Lagos or Aba.
Having said that, let’s say, for the sake of argument, I agree that the federal government wanted the state government to give “free” land to the cattle farmers; why was the response not: “bring more money!” Or “let’s have a better financial agreement?” We didn’t hear of any such request — of a better (financial) offer, from the southern governors. Instead, what we got from them, and many southern Nigerians, were: “the Fulanis should go back to the north and ask for land there,” “this is a plan by the Fulani government to take over our land and hand it over to their people,” and many other unpleasant, divisive comments. The protest from the south was a clear message to those cattle farmers from the north. It was made known, loud and clear, that their land was in the north and not in the south. What happened to being a Nigerian citizen with full rights anywhere in Nigeria?
We can’t be comfortable with othering and divisive languages when it involves the Fulanis and then suddenly become appalled when they’re deployed against a different group of people. It doesn’t work that way. We cannot, on the one hand, say things like Idoma land, Ijaw land, Tiv land, Igbo land, or Niger Delta land (or Niger Delta oil) and then throw tantrums when Yoruba people say Lagos is Yoruba land. You’re clearly not appalled at any injustice. You’re only now concerned because you are at the receiving end of it. What you’re practising is Selective Outrage (apologies to Chris Rock), and it is hypocritical.
Suleiman Ahmed is a writer and the author of the socio-political novel, Trouble in Valhalla. He tweets from @sule365.
As we all know, politicians in Kano have been claiming they are followers of the late Malam Aminu Kano to achieve their political interests. We all know and remember him as a leader of the masses, a reformist, educationist and revolutionist. Mallam had built the most substantial legacies. When he was minister, he joined protests against the federal government in Nigeria.
Honourable Kawu Sumaila is Malam’s ghost. As a strong opposition leader after resigning from his position as senior special assistant to the president on national assembly matters, Kawu defeated the incumbent senator that spent sixteen years in the seat last week.
He is ready to represent the good people of southern Kano. He contrasted and won the election three times. He represented Takai/Sumaila for 12 years in the Green Chamber.
Kawu’s action is louder than his voice. He knows the problems of his senatorial district. That’s why he aspired for the seat in 2019 and lost in a questionable primary election. He is ready to speak about his senatorial district, Kano state and northern Nigeria.
Kawu supports the less privileged within and outside his constituency. He founded Al-Istiqama University, the first private university in southern Kano.
Umar Ahmad Rufai wrote from Kano via umarahmadrufaijr@gmail.com.He is a student at Aminu Kano College of Education in Kano.
The Presidential elections have come to pass, and the outcome of the results will continue to be a watershed in the political terrain and a new definition of “Loyalty “ in Adamawa PDP politics. Atiku Abubakar of the People’s Democratic, PDP, got 417,611 votes, Bola Ahmed Tinubu of the APC got 182,881, Peter Obi of the Labour Party (LP) secured 105,648 votes, while Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso of the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP) got 8,006 votes
The performance of the Labour Party in the state though not surprising because of the open secret fraternity of the incumbent Governor with the Labour Party for some time.
It is now obvious that the allegations against the Governor of Adamawa state for anti-party activities have come to pass. Many prominent people of Adamawa State last month alleged and warned that Governor Rt. Hon. Ahmadu Umaru Fintiri had pitched his camp with the Labour Party’s Presidential candidate and crisscrossed the state campaigning for him in line with the arrangements of the G5 PDP Governors. It’s an open secret that he remained a member of the group covertly. The outcome of Saturday‘s Presidential election is a clear testimony to that effect.
The theatrics of the Governor’s pretentious loyalty and deception could only go that far, and today the die is cast, and the truth cannot be suppressed.
Atiku Abubakar though not unaware of Fintiri’s intrigues, according to sources, decided to ignore all the clear and overwhelming evidence shown to him in that regard and deluded himself in a suspension of belief, hoping that Governor Fintiri would continue to be loyal and supportive.
The Waziri Adamawa rightly or wrongly is said to be scared of the consequences of confronting the Governor in order not to jeopardise his political fortunes since all politics are local, and will need the governor on his side to succeed in this rather elusive Presidency, having attempted severally without success and believing this could be his last opportunity.
In February, when the Labour Party candidate, Peter Obi, visited Adamawa State for his campaign, he ignored the protocol of usual courtesies on the Paramount Ruler, the Lamido of Adamawa Emirate and Chairman of the Adamawa state Traditional Rulers Council but headed straight to Numan Federation to pay homage/Respect to Hamma Bachama of Numan Federation, which was a serious breach of protocol and a slight on the Lamido. It’s also on record that he was there to fraternise with the predominantly Christian community in the zone.
Obi’s action was attributed to Fintiri’s advice and in active collaboration of CAN leadership. This strategy is today consequential to Labour’s Political gains in that part of the State. Obi defeated Atiku in Numan LGA and secured substantial votes in the other areas in the zone.
The outcome of the elections results in Madagali, the Governor’s support base where the Labour Party won at the Governor’s polling unit, is, without doubt, a collusion in cohort with the Governor.
The ADC Gubernatorial Candidate, Malam Muhammadu Usman Shuwa, after officially endorsing the PDP presidential candidate, His Excellency Alhaji Atiku Abubakar and promising to work for him in the state, relocated to his home town Madagali 6 days before the election. He made serious contact and strategies to ensure Alhaji Atiku Abubakar’s victory and delivered his polling unit and even his ward for Atiku.
If Fintiri had Atiku’s interest, he could have ensured he delivered not only his unit or Madagali but the entire Northern Zone for Atiku, being his domain and as an incumbent Governor of Atiku’s Party, but behold, the outcome isn’t what we expected.
They say in war, political war inclusive, all is fair, and politics is like the contributions in “Adashe”. In other words, it’s turn-by-turn. Everyone will take his share, albeit at the tail end
Waziri Adamawa is well-schooled in political treachery and well-acquainted with its muddy terrain. Therefore needs not be incited into realigning his priorities and strategies. He surely feels where it pinches.
In stating the obvious, we can only wish Waziri Adamawa well in his future endeavours
Auwal Modire wrote from Yola, Adamawa state. He can be reached via modiree@aol.com.
It is a general psychological belief that individuals tend to keep repeating things that benefit them and help reduce their suffering. In politics, too, citizens believe that the essence of participating in the political life of their country is to maximise their benefits through attaining improved living conditions, say, for example, security of lives and properties, food, a better health care system, more employment opportunities, stable electricity and so on.
You don’t need statistical data to conclude that, since 1999, when Nigeria returned to a democratic system, the sufferings of Nigerians coming out to vote for a better life increased. As such, many citizens choose not to exercise their franchise as it does not benefit their lives.
Abraham Lincoln’s definition of Democracy as a government of the people by the people and for the people seems irrelevant in Nigeria because some of the leaders who served political offices in the past were suspected to be products of statistical inflation during elections, not by choice of the majority. Thus, they are not by the people; our leaders are considered to serve themselves rather than the general populace. That is why they strive to get into power by hook or crook.
The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) reported that during the 1999 general election, out of 58 Million Nigerians that registered to vote, only 30 million were able to vote, 42 out of 61 million registered voters voted in 2003, only 35 million out of 62 million in 2007, 39 million out of 74 million cast their votes in 2011, 29 million out of 67 million in 2015, 29 million out of 82 million in 2019 and, sadly, in the recent 2023 presidential election we have witnessed the lowest turnout whereby of all the 93.46 million eligible registered voters we have, only 24.97 million came out and cast votes.
Though many factors like; lack of voter education, electoral malpractices and vote buying during primary elections, which produce uninspiring candidates in the general elections, rigging during the general election, and the activities of political thugs are contributing factors to political absenteeism during elections, the major factor that converts responsible citizens into political absentees is bad governance resulted by poor- performing elected officials and political parties.
To respond to this signal of “not having feelings” citizens about the political affairs of our dear country, resulting from a lack of efforts from the side of our political leaders to improve people’s situation, I see it that the best way to lure people back to the polls is to promote people’s welfare. Campaigns and sensitisations are less effective these days—only action matters.
Take, for example, the issue of vote buying. You can’t convince someone who lives from hand to mouth, similarly being denied the opportunity of going to market on election day to get what to eat, not to collect a bag of grated maize for a vote—relief materials matter.
Zaharaddeen Muhammed wrote from Azare and could be reached via zahmuhaza@gmail.com.
His name was Sadik. Perhaps about 11 years old. He walked into my newly allocated office in the old Mass Communications building of Bayero University Kano (Nigeria) in 2013. I was startled. He was a tiny boy with deep dark skin, a beautiful face with intense eyes and a dolphin smile. He asked if I wanted to buy Fura (steamed millet balls blended in cow milk, often used as dessert, although it could stand on its own as a nutritious meal). He did not look like any of the usual urchins who thronged the corridors of the building look for odd jobs – run errands, empty trash, sweep office when those officially charged – and paid – to do so did not. Intrigued, I ordered one. He disappeared and returned some twenty minutes later with the Fura in a transparent plastic bag. I paid him, and that was that.
He returned the following day. When I declined to buy it because I didn’t feel like drinking the Fura, he insisted I buy it for others. When I asked why, he simply retorted that I appeared richer than other staff because, first, I was a professor, and second my office was larger. I was amused by his evaluation of my finances based on my position. And true, my office was the largest for staff, but I was a new bride in the Department – having been wedded to Mass Communication after an amicable transfer from the Department of Science and Technology (thus the ‘double’ professor tag), and all stops were pulled to make me welcome. Based on his logic of having a larger office, if not a deeper pocket, I bought about ten and asked him to distribute them to colleagues.
Sadik was to become a regular fixture in the corridor. Always after 2.00 p.m. One day he came with a blue checkered school uniform. Mentally, I thanked the boy who gave him the ‘hand me down’. The uniform was from Musa Iliyasu College, located along Gwarzo Road, a few kilometres from the New Campus of Bayero University Kano. This was a private and prestigious high school in Kano, attended by the children of the well-to-do.
I was told, however, that the uniform was his own and that he was indeed a student at the famous prestigious college. Curious about the human aspect of this development, I decided to delve further. What I found was what I want to share with you regarding the world of Hausa women.
Sadik did not come from an elite home. He was from a large Fulani family living in a ruga (a Fulani cattle encampment) near Janguza Army Barracks in Kano – itself a few kilometres from Bayero University Kano, New Campus, along Gwarzo freeway. The unit was a father, three wives and eighteen children. Sadik was the eldest in his mother’s room. They were herders. Indeed, Sadik was born near Tamburawa along Zaria Road in Kano when the family was on the move in 2002. They camped near Janguza Barracks, where they located their ‘hometree’.
The mother was the one selling the Fura at Bayero University Kano New Campus that Sadiq marketed. She had a ‘stand’ near the Faculty of Engineering. She had a lot of customers in all categories of the university community. After all, even professors love Fura. Her interaction with the university community enabled her to develop an interest in education, and she wanted to get Sadiq to attend a school and eventually a university. She did not want Sadik to follow the family herd. His father, however, wanted the child to join the family herding tradition. The mother then engaged one of her customers, a professor, to drive to the ruga and convince the father to allow the child to attend school, to which he reluctantly agreed. The mother then took over the process of educating the child.
She enrolled him in a local private primary school inside the Janguza Barracks. After he finished, she inquired which was the best high school around, and Musa Iliyasu came highly recommended. She enrolled him there. An exclusive private school. Paid for from the proceeds of her Fura business. She bought a bike for Sadik to make it easy for him to attend the school, some five kilometres from their tent. His legs could barely reach the pedals, but he was enthusiastic about learning. After school, he would go to her Fura stand, park the bike and then trample all over the BUK mega building advertising his mother’s Fura (even boldly entering the Vice-Chancellor’s office to market the Fura), all the way till 6.00 p.m. when they close ‘office’.
I interacted with Sadik for three years. He was so curious, bold, confident and always lifting books on my desk, trying to read them, asking endless questions, his eyes always darting and roving all other office. He was truly an inquisitive and intelligent child.
In 2016 I temporarily relocated my place of work to Abuja, and that was the last I saw of Sadiq. I did not fully return to Bayero University till 2022. In the intervening period, I had wistfully thought of Sadik and finally decided to find out what had happened to him when I returned. It was a massive success story of doggedness by a traditional woman.
When Sadik finished Musa Iliyasu College, he told his mother he wanted to be a pilot. She asked him to find out how much it would cost. Off he went to the Nigerian College of Aviation Technology (NCAT), Zaria, where he learned the fees could be as much as ₦7.5 million. He informed his mother, who immediately asked him to continue the process of getting admitted. She would pay the entire sum – after all, she was already a millionaire with the large herd she had. She earmarked the number of cows to sell to raise the pilot school fees. Sadik did the entrance exams but did not scale the final test. So, he was not admitted.
He then applied to BUK with his JAMB score of 201 for Computer Science but did not meet the Post-UTME requirements for the program. Again, he faced rejection. His mother initiated the process of getting him alternative university admission and was advised to take him to Al-Qalam University, a non-profit Islamic university in Katsina. He went there and inquired about the admission process and the fees. With his results, he was admitted. His mother sold two of her cows for ₦450,000 and gave him the money to pay for the school fees in Computer Science and his accommodation in Katsina. He enrolled and started his program.
When he relocated to Katsina, she sent him money every day. She eventually gave him ₦200,000, with which he started a Fura packaging business, employing his co-tenants in the house he was renting. Soon, he established a small business employing other students. Eventually, he vied for and succeeded in becoming the Vice-President of the Computer Science Students Association of the Al-Qalam branch.
Sadik became a dedicated student with a consistently high CGPA, which could eventually lead to either a good second upper or a first in Computer Science. He was eventually elected the President of the Computer Science Students of his university chapter. One day, the officers of the Association came to Kano for a function during a school break and decided to see his house, especially after he told them he lived in a ruga. They were astonished to discover he was telling the truth – their respect for his modesty raised higher.
In January 2023, I was in my office at the Faculty of Communication BUK when someone walked in. I was bent on my laptop but did notice the guest removing his shoes and coming and standing in front of my desk, waiting for a pause in my typing.
I looked up at a tall well-built young man. I immediately knew it was Sadik. At 21 years, everything about him has changed, of course, but not his dolphin smile. He told me he learnt I was asking of him and decided to come and greet me. I was so happy to see him, and it was he who related to me what I had written so far. I immediately connected him to Sunusi Ahmad Baffa Dawakin Tofa, Chairman of the Kano State chapter of the Fulfulde Development Association of Nigeria (FULDAN), of which I was a patron. They promised to come together and see how Sadik could be part of community mobilisation awareness and a role model, especially for youth. Sadiq owes his success so far to his mother.
Professor Abdalla Uba Adamu and Sadik
***
Sadik’s mother, Hajiya Hauwa Suleiman Dikko, was not an educated, entitled, privileged woman. She did not go to school. Her class was the hard knock of life. As a young girl, she missed going to school with lunchboxes and rucksacks festooned with stickers from the Marvel Cinematic Universe – Spiderman, Hulk, X-Men, and Fantastic Four. She did not attend a privileged landscaped school with paintings of Micky Mouse and Donald Duck on their walls. She had no driver to chauffer her to school in an airconditioned SUV. No TV to return to after school hours in a nice airconditioned living room. No iPads to play with. No Netflix to relax her hard stressful day. No extra lesson teacher (Uncle John or Auntie Funmi) to ensure she passed those horrible subjects such as Mathematics.
Her contemporaries who lived such life finished successfully from their expensive private schools (of course, no private school would allow mass failure, especially from children of the privileged) and had gatekeepers to ensure they got admission into the juiciest disciplines in the university of their choice. If at all in Nigeria – otherwise, it would be off to Ukraine (before it became too hot), some obscure countries in Eastern Europe, India, Cyprus, the UK or preferably, Malaysia.
When such contemporaries returned, they had cushy jobs waiting for them and a relatively easy path to the top. Eventually, they are celebrated as women of substance – given awards (which they don’t need) and celebrated in academic papers and opinion pieces as role models of female achievement and doggedness in a patriarchal society. I don’t mind their high-profile visibility. I just believe the accolades are wrongly placed, or at the very least, the Point of View (POV) should sweep around.
My female heroes? Those I will be celebrating today, the 2023 International Women’s Day? Let’s start with Sadik’s mother. And hundreds of others like her. I am sure you know one or two in your locality. They are women, often widowed, left alone, with little or no inheritance, and who, with the little they have, were able to provide much-appreciated services in their communities and keep a tight hold on their families. They don’t engage in endless and fruitless debates about gender identity or reproductive rights nor women’s representation in political representation and their share of hegemony. Rhetoric. Talking loud and saying nothing. As my main Man sang, “Like a dull knife / Just ain’t cutting / Just talking loud / Then saying nothing”. (James Brown, 1970).
Mainly, restauranteurs, these local women build people and impact their communities. With their business – restaurant (ƙosai, koko, tuwo, ɗanwake, wake da shinkafa, alkubus, gurasa, ƙashin rago, etc.), public transport (Keke NAPEP, buses, Acaba/Okada, Ƙurƙura), estate (properties, rental apartments, plots of land) – they are the role models who should be celebrated. They don’t feel entitled and are privileged in the peace of mind they have and the mentoring they do in their communities. They have no PAs, SAs, fierce dogs at the gates of their solar-powered villas and mansions, no frowning ‘maigad’ to intimidate and scare away panhandlers.
They have no SUVs as the cost of one could serve as capital for a whole year for their business. They don’t even have cars, despite some owning a transport business or so. They do not take their holidays in London or Dubai – they have no time for holidays as they are busy serving their communities. They marry off their daughters, not in grand style, with furniture imported from IKEA in China but from local makers – thus contributing to local economies.
So, what should be the concerns of women on International Women’s Day? For me, with a focus on Muslim Hausa women living in traditional communities, how about integrating them into the modern sector digital economy? Instead of empty rhetoric about gender representation, why don’t we focus on enabling them to acquire skills such as mobile phone repairs and POS services – in the comfort and safety of their homes? Many women are now engaged with mobile phones and online trading and payments. Muslim Hausa women feel unsafe in approaching service centres where clusters of men provide these services. Empowering them to be skilled in digital knowledge in the lungu and saƙo (alleyways) of our communities works better than hot-air rhetoric and genuinely can make a difference.
On this day, I, therefore, award accolades to Sadik’s mother, Hajiya Mai Ƙashin Rago Fagge (with a whole street named after her), and countless others whom I am sure Jaafar Jaafar knows more. They are truly women of substance.
Today, being International Women’s Day, please locate any in your community, go right up to her and appreciate her. Celebrate her achievements and her silent but visible impact in the community as the REAL woman of substance.
PS: Some have asked about Sadik’s whereabouts. He is in his final year at Al-Qalam, Katsina, Computer Science, and from his results so far, he is heading towards either a First Class or a very good Second Upper.
Professor Abdalla Uba Adamu can be contacted via auadamu@yahoo.com.
Nigeria’s 2023 general elections are the first many people would describe being free and fair without any other positive collocations.
Be that as it may, many would say it has no difference from previous elections we strongly condemned. But to be fair to the discourse, it was much better than the previous ones. Nigerians have witnessed a drastic reduction in vote buying, overvoting, and voter disenfranchisement, among many things.
We saw videos and pictures of election violations nationwide on election day. Some are real, and some are mere fabrications aimed at disrupting our peace – or in the popular phrase, to tire our patience than mislead our senses. However, some of these violations are just an act of immorality from urchins, and the rest are unlawful acts from unpatriotic citizens. Unfortunately, we may end up barking at the wrong tree once we separate the two above.
This is not the first time to hear that immorality is bad for you and your community. For example, one scene might have been where area boys scared off voters that they may steal from them. However, in this case, scaring off somebody is immoral, while stealing from him is unlawful.
As we know pretty well, there are no elections free from irregularities. There are people whose work is to rig elections. We could neither be able to stop them nor avoid them. But we could learn the possible ways to surprise them.
To make my points clear that we have had free and fair elections, we know that Tinubu is contesting for the ruling party. He is from Lagos, one of the most important states in the political calculation as per Nigeria is concerned. In addition, Lagos’s current governor is also from the same ruling party and complies with the presidential candidate, as many would say.
When you combine these protons, neutrons and electrons, a powerful nuclear weapon will statutorily emerge. APC would have won Lagos presidential elections against the Labour Party. But due to free and fair elections, Peter Obi surprisingly made it, and so it was.
In conclusion, for the first time, Nigeria has free and fair elections, though with few unlawful violations of electoral rules. Those denying it are mere victims of utopianism or those who lost it, and we know failure cannot be readily accepted. To date, Donald Trump is claiming to be the winner of the last American elections.
While some people are after the quality of leadership, others are primarily concerned about the identities or affliliations of the people in positions of authority. Anyway, democracy gives us the chance to participate in the process of choosing our leaders. The responsibility of the electoral body, therefore, is to ensure free, fair and credible elections. But can this body be graded excellent by all the electorate or citizens?
The answer is no. It’s impossible for an agency like the Independent National Electoral Commission, (INEC), to avoid fierce criticisms. Provided some candidates lose elections, issues must be raised against the commission. However, this body can reduce doubts to the bare minimum if it scores high in terms of transparency. Sadly, it usually scores low in this aspect.
INEC has rescheduled the governorship and state assembly elections to March 18, as against the initial date: March 11, 2023. That’s just a week difference. This decision comes with diverse consequences, but my main focus is on how it affects the suffering inflicted by the so-called cashless policy.
The Supreme Court of Nigeria ruled on Friday, March 3, 2023 that the old naira notes (N200, N500 and N1,000) remain legal tender until December 31, 2023. Many Nigerians celebrated the pronouncement, but I was unsure if President Buhari and the Central Bank of Nigeria would honour the ruling. Expectedly, it’s been almost a week since the judgment, but neither of the two has issued any statement about it. However, there’s been a sense of relief as many banks are reportedly paying and accepting the old notes.
As for the President and the CBN, I expected them to say something, maybe a few days after the governorship and state assembly elections, as they might consider the scarcity of cash as an effective measure against vote-buying. So, I was counting down to the end of our suffering—our struggle for cash—when INEC scattered my thoughts by rescheduling the elections. With this postponement, we’ll have to endure the suffering a little longer.
This cashless policy introduced by the Federal Government of Nigeria has been disastrous for the the country. Businesses and individuals are facing tough times due to the scarcity of cash in the economy. The stress of queueing at banks and POS shops, more hunger for the majority, transport costs to and from banks, a depressed market for traders (particularly those running small-scale businesses dealing in perishable goods), difficult in commuting to workplaces or schools, etc. — these are just a few of what Nigerians are enduring.
While I was preparing to go to the bank a few weeks ago, an elderly neighbour transferred N5,000 to my account to help her withdraw. It would been easier for some of us (Jaiz Bank customers) until that time. I went to the bank, fully prepared for long queues, but there was no cash. The woman’s money remained in my account for a few more days until one afternoon, when she called me on the phone (while I was at work) to send it back to her. She’d seen a POS attendant somewhere with some cash. She quickly sent her daughter home to get her debit card, but within a few minutes, the POS operator exhausted the cash by serving other customers in the queue. He charged N200 for every N1,000 withdrawn, yet the queue was long. The woman regretted leaving her card at home; she needed money to cook for her children. Before that time, she had, on two or three occasions, gone to queue at banks as early as 5 a.m.
Talking about businesses, although some business owners have started acquiring POS machines and accepting bank transfers, bad network remains an obstacle. Besides, most business owners can’t afford such because of many reasons, including illiteracy and the smallness of their business scales. These are enough proof that Nigeria has yet to be ready for the cashless policy.
I can say that with the presence of digital financial institutions like Opay and PalmPay, multiple debit cards, and my little exposure due to education, I’m better off than millions of Nigerians in terms of the capacity to cope with the scarcity of cash in the country. Despite my obvious advantages, when a student of mine gave me N300 to buy a book for her a few days ago, I kept the cash in my pocket and transferred the same value to the bookseller. Yes, I needed the cash to buy items like onions, tomatoes, etc.
Back to the rescheduling of the elections, I don’t know if I’m being somewhat pessimistic, but this is just what I think. Neither President Buhari nor Godwin Emefiele may say anything about the Supreme Court ruling until after the governorship and state assembly elections. As a result, the postponement of these elections means that we may have to endure the suffering for another couple of days, say 11 or even more.
Today is #InternationalWomensDay so I thought I should write about a not-so-popular topic.
This is a reality that many Muslim female physicians, including myself, face everyday, but people don’t seem ready for the conversation. When we try to bring up the topic, the same people who call themselves advocates of equity, justice and inclusion would only pay lip service to the issue and nothing is done about it eventually.
These biases are often rooted in stereotypes and misconceptions about Islam and Muslim women. For example, people believe that “All Muslim women are oppressed or subservient to men and therefore, therefore, they don’t belong in a prestigious profession like medicine.”
This is nothing but fallacy. The opposite is, in fact, the case. We have a long record of historical Muslim women who have excelled in the health field, even before the Western world started allowing women to learn about healthcare and medicine. The Prophet himself (peace be upon him) permitted women to be involved in healthcare. Neither the fathers nor the husbands of these women had any objections. We had women like Rufaydah Al-Aslamiyyah and Nusaybah bint Ka’ab who followed the early Muslims to the battlefield and provided care for the wounded soldiers.
Muslim women are encouraged to pursue careers like medicine because it fits our feminine nature. We are empathetic and resilient. We have seen a lot of young muslim women graduating from medical schools with excellent performance. We don’t want to waste those brains, do we? We want them to be helpful to the community and to the world at large.
These biases can manifest in several ways, such as assumptions that Muslim women cannot make decisions for themselves or that they cannot effectively communicate with male patients or colleagues or that they end up not practising medicine after all the educational investment. Muslim women are just like any other human being. Allāh has given us the ability to think critically and make decisions that can lead to the preservation of lives and limbs. We may have some limitations and boundaries, but nothing stops us from saving lives.
According to Khan et al. (2022) “gendered Islamophobia is prevalent in Canada and is premised on the stereotype that Muslim women are powerless victims of their religious tradition. Visibly identifiable Muslim women in health care professions are affected by gendered Islamophobia in the form of exclusion and discrimination, which can result in lack of safety, fear, decreased job satisfaction and burnout”. (Culled from Canadian Medical Association Journal).
Muslim women in medicine also face discrimination or stereotyping based on their appearance or religious practices. For example, a Muslim woman who wears a hijab may be perceived as less professional, or may face challenges in finding work or career advancement opportunities. Many have been forced to change the way they wear their hijabs, or even, remove it altogether!
Some patients or colleagues may have negative attitudes towards Muslim women who pray during work hours. This often leads to overt bullying and hurtful comments. While I was working in a particular hospital in Nigeria many years ago, it was hard for me to boldly take an excuse from my seniors when it was time for prayers. I had to sneak out and ask a fellow junior doctor to cover for me. In contrast, when I was in Saudi Arabia, prayer times were respected and each medical employee was allowed, and even encouraged, to pray at the right time.
Another common bias against Muslim women in medicine is the assumption that they are not proficient in English or that they are not familiar with Western medical practices. This happens when women from African and Asian countries travel to the West for further training. Muslim female physicians are often overlooked for certain positions or not being taken seriously in their work, unless and until we prove our worth beyond reasonable doubt.
These biases can have significant negative impacts on the careers and lives of Muslim women in medicine. They can lead to loss of opportunities, increased stress and burnout, feelings of isolation and exclusion, and finally, total loss of interest in the profession. These things shouldn’t be happening to us, considering the need for female doctors in the Muslim community. We need more female gynaecologists to take care of our women, but the journey is riddled with these biases we’re talking about.
You may begin to wonder…”but there are still many Muslim women doing just fine in their profession”. The truth behind their success is hidden under the sea like an iceberg. They won’t tell you how they had to reduce their hijab to a certain length so that they won’t be seen as extremists. They won’t tell you how they missed salah because the environment was not fit for praying. They won’t tell you how their marriage crashed (or almost crashed) because of an unsupportive spouse. They may also not tell you how they constantly regret the moments they were not available when their children needed them most.
It is important for the medical community to actively work towards addressing and dismantling biases against Muslim women in medicine. This can involve education and awareness training for medical professionals and staff, creating more inclusive workplace policies, and actively recruiting and promoting Muslim women in medicine.
Khan et al. (2022) opine that “Education about Islamophobia and gendered Islamophobia should be incorporated within existing anti oppression and transformative learning-teaching practices in medical education. Research and stronger institutional policies and practices are needed to mitigate the harmful impact of gendered Islamophobia on Muslim women in medical spaces.”
In conclusion, discrimination against Muslim female medical professionals is a real problem affecting Muslim communities in many parts of the world. Not all of us will be able to relocate to Islamic countries. Some of us may have to stay in our home countries or travel to the West to gain more knowledge and expertise. By addressing these biases, we can create a more equitable and just environment for all medical professionals, irrespective of religion, gender, or cultural background.
Khadijah Tijani is a medical doctor. She writes from London, Ontario and can be reached through askdoctorkt@gmail.com or @AskDoctorKT.
Democracy can be likened to a human being in terms of characteristics and functions. A person is rendered incapacitated by the amputation of his limbs or by the removal of his eyes or ears. Using violence, buying votes, and bribing electoral officers and security personnel to rig elections not only render the democracy incapacitated but also lifeless. An election is the most sacred aspect of democracy that must be protected against any form of interference from within or outside the commission responsible for conducting elections, state government, national government or any foreign state.
It is worrisome how Kano State, one of the fast-developing and economically vibrant states in Northern Nigeria, is facing severe attacks from the antagonists of democracy. It could be recalled how the 2019 Governorship Election in the state was characterised by violence, intimidation, disenfranchisement, arson, and killing and injuring of voters. This prompted my article “Democracy Bleeds in Kano”, published in Daily Trust on 4th October 2019. Thanks to CP Wakil (nicknamed Singham) for standing firmly in controlling the terrible political tragedy of that year. Sadly, in the Presidential and National Assembly Elections held on 25th February 2023, a similar premeditated political tragedy occurred in some Local Government Areas of Kano State. A member representing Doguwa/Tudun Wada in the Green Chamber, Ado Alhassan Doguwa, allegedly shot innocent citizens and ordered his thugs to set on fire a building with people inside.
The Governorship Election coming on 11th March 2023 is feared to be unfree from grave challenges, especially as many issues have continued to unfold since last week. Some of these issues are mentioned below. A few days ago, the Nigerian Police Force, State Headquarters, Bompai, Kano State, released a piece of information about how it discovered a plot by some politicians to disrupt the forthcoming election using political thugs. There is a serious allegation against some politicians hiring thugs even from outside Kano to disrupt the electoral process. One may find it difficult to disagree with the allegation given the recent happenings in the state’s political space. Two Local Governments Areas that experienced this violence last week are Tudun Wada and Takai.
What raises more questions about the 11th March Election are the movements of some trucks seen across the state in the last few days, carrying a lot of food commodities and clothing materials suspected to be distributed to the masses in exchange for their votes. As alleged by some observers, those food commodities and clothing materials had not been seen during the Covid-19 predicament—a time when people direly needed assistance. Generally, Nigeria is battling abject poverty, sending many people hungry. As such, the unfortunate situation presents a golden opportunity for politicians. Vote buying, either by money or offer of any commodity, is a severe attack on democracy that any well-meaning citizen cannot oversee.
Some political parties, especially from the opposition, have cried out a plot by the ruling party in the state to buy the conscience of INEC’s staff and the security personnel, which, if found to be true, will be highly condemnable, immoral and illegal.
I am, therefore, using this opportunity to call on the Federal Government, the Nigeria Police Force, the Independent National Electoral Commission and the Kano State Government to rise to the occasion and prevent the occurrence of the 2019 political tragedy in Kano and also investigate the above allegations with a view of ensuring a free and fair election. While human beings can cheat one another, they can never cheat history.
I am also calling domestic and international election observers to be extra observant in the Kano 11th March election. Political parties and the media have a massive role in creating awareness and enlightening the masses, especially in rural areas, about the catastrophic consequences of vote buying. Security personnel and INEC’s staff should remember that there is a life after death and that one must reap what he sowed. The masses must display boldness throughout the stages of the election. They must quickly report suspicious activities by anyone to the appropriate authority. I pray that Kano State and Nigeria will have peaceful, free, and fair elections on 11th March 2023.
Immediately after the recently concluded presidential and national assembly elections on February 25th, the turn of events in the Jigawa gubernatorial race between the ruling APC and the main opposition PDP turned sour. The APC gubernatorial candidate, Mallam Umar Namadi, is from Hadejia Emirate, while his PDP counterpart, Mustapha Sule Lamido, is from Dutse Emirate.
The results of the elections, as declared by INEC, show that PDP won largely in Dutse, and APC won largely in Hadejia, and this results in the campaign of calumny between both parties. Social media, especially Facebook, was awash with propaganda from warring factions. This changes the narrative from a clean campaign to a battle of supremacy between the two Emirates on whose son will be elected as governor in this Saturday’s election.
Jigawa state was created in 1991 with the capital in Dutse and three senatorial zones of Jigawa North East (Hadejia Emirate), Jigawa North West (Gumel, Kazaure and Ringim Emirates) and Jigawa South West (Dutse Emirate). Since the creation of the state, it was governed by four civilian governors, two from my zone, Jigawa North West, and the other two from Jigawa South West (Dutse), leaving Hadejia Emirate with zero so far, and until now, a son of Hadejia Emirate was never opportune to be the gubernatorial flagbearer of a ruling party or biggest opposition party.
Having a leader from your region, religion, or tribe doesn’t translate to a better life for your people. Take Buhari and the North in his almost 8-year reign, for example. But humans, by nature, will always demand full privileges they are entitled to, as enjoyed by others living in the same territory. Every single one of us wants equity, justice, and fairness in life through equal representation, and that will surely bring a sense of belonging, self-esteem, fulfilment, and pride.
It is heartbreaking to think that you’re being treated like a second-class citizen in our own land, and this is why we have a federal character commission at the federation, and the major political parties introduced zoning for their presidential tickets. It is terrible for some people to assume or feel that having been from a particular region or practising a particular religion, they will never have a chance to be leaders of their country, state or local government. It is in that sense that I am rooting for an Igbo presidency one day, and that is why I am also in support of Hadejia’s call for their son to be the governor of Jigawa. Their grievances are legitimate. Their demand is justifiable.
But as we are in the peak of the political season, the third columnists, proponents of politics with bitterness and purveyors of evil propaganda with the intent to grab power and self-enrich themselves and their families, seized the opportunity to pitch Hadejia against their brothers from Dutse and vice versa. My heart sank when I started seeing the sort of messages being shared from both sides on different social media platforms meant to misinform, disinform and mislead the gullible ones among us.
The messages of hate going around are the worst I have ever seen in my life among fellow Jigawa citizens due to sectionalism. To find myself a respite, I started unfriending and muting several Facebook accounts from both ends until when I started to contemplate quitting the platform altogether for the sake of my mental well-being.
What is happening these days in our dear state is very shameful, to say the least. As adherents of Islam, it is totally against the teachings of our religion. Why the hatred? Where is the love? Where is the peace? Where is the brotherhood? Why all these lies, half-truths and malice? How can one claim that people from a whole Emirate hate the people of his Emirate? How is that even possible, please? Where are our senses of judgment and fairness? What are we going to achieve if our words cause divisions and nurture the seed of corruption and anger among fellow Muslims? Jigawa is the most homogenous state in the country, with over 90 per cent of the population speaking the same language and practising the same faith.
As I have earlier said, I have seen nothing wrong with Hadejia demanding their turn in leading Jigawa, but allowing a few bad politicians in their midst to turn their legitimate demand into a cold war between them and Dutse is very unfortunate and uncivilized. It is also heart-wrenching for the same bad eggs in Dutse to wage a similar war against their counterpart in Hadejia.
I’m from Ringim, but I am supporting APC’s Mallam Umar Namadi not because I am working and living in Hadejia or due to the fact that my biological mother is from Hadejia Emirate, but simply because for me, Umar Namadi (Danmodi) is by far more competent to be our governor than other contestants. Aminu Ibrahim Ringim, from my hometown and who is a father figure to me, is also in the race under NNPP. Likewise, Sule Lamido still remains my mentor, and I once supported his son Mustapha Sule Lamido, due to the former’s numerous achievements as a governor and how he worked tirelessly to unite Jigawa during his leadership.
However, instead of turning their preferred candidates into sectional flagbearers, APC and Danmodi’s fans should have stuck to their clean campaign purely based on the qualities of their candidate. They should have to keep selling the character and capacity of Danmodi and the required experience and exposure he possessed to lead Jigawa to the promised land. The same applies to the supporters of Mustapha Sule Lamido and PDP. We should all clean our hearts and rid them of hatred, anger, envy, and jealousy. Our life on this earth is very limited. We should desist from ruining our hereafter just to massage our egos and enjoy the illusions of this fake world full of fake pleasures.
The war of words and the campaign of calumny, fake messages of hatred, and intended character assassination of fellow Jigawa people from other zones will do us more harm than we have ever imagined. Almost all of us have friends and family from anywhere across the state. We work and live anywhere we wish in the state without facing any form of harassment, intimidation or injustice merely for being settlers. I was born and raised in Ringim, and I did my secondary school in Gumel, I worked in Legal Ringim and served a brief stint in Jigawa State Polytechnic Dutse, where I bought a house before transferring my services to Binyaminu Usman Polytechnic, Hadejia in 2018. I have said it several times to my close friends, and I will repeat it again that all my major achievements in life were facilitated by individuals from Hadejia, not Ringim.
We should bear in mind that what unites us is far greater than what divides us. We are united in faith, language, in culture. We are more alike than unlike; our food, dress and ceremonies cannot be differentiated clearly. We should never let the bad politicians separate us and destroy the peaceful atmosphere and harmony we have been enjoying to the envy of other states. We should never let our enemies succeed in their quest and evil plans to reverse the rapid development our state has been witnessing since 2007.
I’m supporting Mallam Umar Namadi based on the reasons I stated above, and I hold no grudge against those supporting Mustapha Sule Lamido of PDP and NNPP’s Mallam Aminu Ringim, provided that their intentions are pure and their reasons are not based on sectionalism and nepotism. We shall remain friends and brothers with all and sundry, and whoever emerges the winner of Saturday’s poll will have my goodwill, support and prayers.
The deeper we reflect on this sad scenario which is heading for a destructive crescendo, the more we understand that justice and equity are very important for our peaceful coexistence, and this cold war is all politics and a very bad one for that matter!
Kabir Musa Ringim is HOD Computer Engineering, Binyaminu Usman Polytechnic Hadejia and can be reached via ringimkabir@bupoly.edu.ng.
