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By Isah Nasidi

A report has it that about three hundred and sixty-one million (361,000,000) videos were uploaded on YouTube in just 30 days, and about 19,200 articles have been published on Google Scholar in the year 2020. Similarly, around 550 million tweets, including terms like “coronavirus,” “COVID-19, or “pandemic”, were recorded in March 2020. These are just a few platforms where information is produced, distributed, and consumed. Imagine the gross total of all the information shared on the entire world of conventional media, new media, and media.

New information technologies fueled the overabundance of information known as the “infodemic,” which is now the new feature of the information flow. Due to technological affordances, a fair percentage of people have the technical know-how to produce authentic and unauthentic information and circulate it without any professional gatekeepers. This makes it difficult for people to differentiate between accurate and inaccurate information, which in the end may cause disinformophobia. However, it is not only about the accuracy but also the safety or health of the information.

For journalists, social media influencers, and the entire audience or users to produce, circulate and consume safe information and avoid information disorder syndrome, media literacy on the ecosystem of information disorder is a must.

Basically, fact-checking organisations use truth metres or scales to categorise information. Depending on the in-house style, information can be divided into four categories based on the dimension of true or false: purely true, largely/partly true, false, largely/partly false, unconfirmed.

True information is not always good. Information can be true yet harmful to society. Information that is true and harmful is labelled as “malinformation”. Such information can be hate-speech, leaks about personal privacy without any justification of public interest, stereotypes, prejudice, and embarrassment. For instance, it is a true representation of identity when you call a Hausa man Aboki or Malam, but the intent and the approach may be harmful.

The largely/partly true information is the most common strategy for information contamination and is very dangerous and challenging to deal with. Here, the root of the information is genuine but diluted with false information, misinterpreted or misrepresented. This is what I call diluted information (dil-information). The intent may be good or bad. For instance, the military has been accused of reducing the number of casualties from their side while increasing the number of casualties from the enemy side. Yes, the Nigerian Army indeed killed some scores of bandits, but the number is not correct.

The false information can be classified as “false,” “transformed false,” or “unknown false. False information happens when both the producer and the consumer know the false status of the information. The majority of the content shared for entertainment purposes is false, and it is treated as such. However, known false content may be shared with another community of consumers that do not know the origin of the information, thus considering it true, which is transformed into true. This is very common in this era of globalisation, where content can be shared easily across the globe.

The unknown false information can be from either the source or the consumer. For instance, a journalist may unknowingly receive false information and share it as true, or he may deliberately fabricate information and share it as true. The former is classified as misinformation while the latter is called disinformation. In both cases, the consumers of the information do not know the false status of the information.

We will continue.

Isah Nasidi is a media consultant and research fellow at PTCIJ.

By Aliyu Ammani Junior

Leadership has been one of the common unbalanced difficulties in Nigeria’s political space since independence: 1964 Federal Election Crisis, January 1966 coup, 1966 counter-coup, Nigeria/Biafra civil war, Gideon Orkar’s failed coup, post-June 12 political crisis, and more. All in one way or another—linkable to one part’s sentiment of being marginalized, omitted, or denied the sense of representation.

Ideally, merit, competency, integrity, and capacity are the benchmarks in selecting a leader, not a power rotation or sharing formula. Nevertheless, the situation in Nigeria, a complex country of multiethnic and multi-religious organizations with uneven federalism that is almost consolidated, is not about competency, merit, integrity, and capacity.

A centralized structure ravaged by agitation, deep suspicion of fear of ethnic and religious hegemony demands a rotating power between north and south to accommodate the emotions and sentiments of these regions and their people. Providing a rotation formula would go a long way in sustaining a united Nigeria considering the existing deep divisions among Nigerians. It will produce fairness, equality, equity, justice, a sense of possession, and identification.

Unless a requisite equate is attained, where every part and tribe has developed a sense of possession, identification, and the federalism is no longer leaning; Nigeria will always require a practical formula for unifying the diverging segments that formed ‘The Federal Republic Of Nigeria.’

The fault of power rotation is theoretical and unrealistic; some argue that it is ‘undemocratic’ because it deprives certain people with competence, capacity, and experience the right to be voted—for when zoning does not favour their locus. There is no universal structure of democracy; what is universal about democracy is the basic principles that guide it. The focus of democratic practical demands remains locally confined. As a substantial social value, democracy has complex and diverse considerations and needs. Therefore, it should be hacked to suit local conditions and circumstances.

It is deceiving and tricky to limit the democratic system to mechanical conditions (popular will) without referring to instrumental conditions like the blanket sense of identity—inclusiveness—possession from every component.

Another narrowed argument against the rotating formula is that it is ineffectual and of no help – since a typical citizen from the leader’s zone is not better comforted ‘materialistically’ than other citizens from distant zones. Realistically, it is restricting, reducing, and neo-Marxist to limit the decisive quest of political aspirations and struggles to ‘distribution of resources’ without appreciating other factors; recognition, possession, and sense of identification. In a heterogeneous populace, it is significant to feel represented and connected by having someone from your spot and its experience, occupying a high post (including the office of the President) at least—in a while.

As earlier acknowledged, in usual events—merit, competency, integrity, and capacity should be ‘benchmarks’ in deciding a leader, not a formula. Undeniably, the merit, competency, integrity, and capacity test is a dubious and probable trial.  With a power rotating procedure, the questionable and possible trial remains untouched. Except that something is going to be fixed, every portion will develop a sense of possession, identification, and responsibility “I played: it’s time for someone.”

Aliyu Ammani Junior

Kaduna, Nigeria.

By Muhammad Sabiu

By Uzair Adam Imam

The Federal High Court sitting in Abuja, has on Tuesday, 30th November 2021, ordered Kano state government to formally apologize the dethroned Emir of Kano, Muhammadu Sunusi (II), in two national dailies.

The court judgement was delivered by Justice Anwuli Chikere, and had described Sanusi’s forceful banishment from the state after his dethronement as illegal, unconstitutional and in gross violation of his fundamental human rights.

However, it was gathered that the court has awarded damages against Kano state, in favour of the deposed Emir, to the tune of N10million.

Recall that Sususi was accused of disloyalty and insubordination by the Kano State Government which led to his dethronement on March 9, 2020.

Speaking before the court, Sunusi’s Lawyer, Abubakar Mahmoud, SAN, stated that: “My lord, this is not a chieftaincy matter.

“The Applicant is not before this court to challenge the Respondents’ actions with regards to his removal as Emir of Kano, but the way he was bundled to Abuja and banished to a remote location.”

The Attorney General of Kano State, represented by Musa Mohammed, also challenged the jurisdiction of the court in Abuja to entertain the case.

However, he urged the court to dismiss the suit in its entirety for want of jurisdiction and competence.

The Kano State AG, through the lawyer that represented him in court, Abdulsallam Salleh, said: “We will look at the judgement critically and consult with our client (Kano state government) on whether we will appeal against it on not.”

By Sumayyah Auwal Ishaq

The Kaduna State Government will commence a transition to a four-day working week in the state. The government will begin implementation of the transitional arrangements in the public service of the state from 1st December 2021.

In a statement signed by the Special Adviser to the Governor on Media & Communication, Mr. Muyiwa Adekeye, the government said, “all public servants, other than those in schools and healthcare facilities, will work from home on Fridays. This interim working arrangement will subsist until the government is ready to move to the next stage of the transition which will culminate in the four-day week across all MDAs in the state”.

Mr. Adekeye further stated that “the state government expects the required legal and regulatory framework to be in place by January 2022. This will also enable the organised private sector to engage with the process and agree a longer transition period to a four-day working week”

By Muhammad Sabiu

No fewer than 26 insurgents of the Islamic State of West African Province (ISWAP) have been eliminated in Gajiram town, Borno State, after the Nigerian military launched airstrikes on them.

Reports show that the military made the attacks after the insurgents, who came on their gun trucks, made an attempt to invade the town.

A military officer in the know of the incident, whose identity is made anonymous, reliably told journalists that 26 bodies of the insurgents were counted.

Confirming the heavy casualty inflicted on the terrorists, he said, “The aircraft arrived timely and bombarded the locations of the terrorists and burned some of them beyond recognition.

“We have so far counted 26 bodies of the terrorists, but unfortunately, we lost two gallant soldiers while tackling other fleeing enemies.

By Amara Sesay

We have heard the stories of hate. And they all come in different textures and tenors. There is the hate for a tribe, the hate for a race and then the hate for a country. But anytime we want to sit down and talk about hate, people get really emotional. As if it doesn’t exist!

I think the problem arises from our native perspective on hate. This makes it effortless to hate but embarrassing to admit it. So people get emotional when others develop the courage to analyse their hatred politely. It makes them feel sad. And the person who did the exposè sometimes ends up feeling guilty.

But what if every child had the basics of hatred right from primary school?  Such tough preparation for the future makes it easy to confront and respond to hate in a more calculated and strategic way.

Children deserve to know their historic enemies. And how new enemies are formed both online and offline. And how sometimes they themselves unwittingly recruit their own enemies by the things they say or show (read: show off)

Already, we teach them in nuanced and more pernicious ways. But schools can do the job better, I believe. Because with schools, there is respect for taxonomies, hierarchies and references or evidence. The affective domain should not be entirely left to homes, especially where bitter and frustrated bigots or extremists parade as parents.

Children deserve to know that their competitive nature will attract hatred and enmity; that their relentless strides towards excellence will attract a few more enemies. Every milestone they hit attracts more assassins with buckets of stones waiting for the perfect time and angle to pelt them. They should learn that for every change or significant reform they spearhead, friends will become enemies, and enemies will become arch-enemies. This might not always be the case, but they should learn and prepare for such eventualities.

When we leave hate studies to parlour talk and swathes of private histories taught at night, the wounds of centuries continue to rot unhindered. And nations stagnate while others are progressing.

Let’s be more intentional about teaching hate. And let our children learn this early. Late awareness of such an important issue is always costly, if not fatal.

Amara Sesay wrote from Lagos. He can be reached via amarasesay.amir@gmail.com.