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By Murtala Sani

The challenge faced by Comrade Aminu Abdussalam Gwarzo during 2023 gubernatorial election was big.

The opponents that rose against him included the former Deputy Governor of Kano State who was also the first APC Chairman of the State, Eng. Abdullahi Tijjani Muhammad Gwarzo, the grassroot politician that adopted Jehovah Witness-like door to door political campaign in order to win against the Comrade during the election.

Three powerful incumbent commissioners from different powerful wards waged war against the Comrade. Commissioner of Environment who is also a good friend of Ganduje’s daughter, Dr.Kabiru Ibrahim Getso, used his power to ensure the downfall of the Comrade during the election. Commissioner of Youths and Sports, Kabiru Ado Lakwaya, who was also the President of NYCN Kano State Chapter, mobilized his aluta boys to articulate APC agenda before the election just to bring down the Comrade. Commissioner of Budget and Planning, Alhaji Ibrahim Dan’azumi Gwarzo, a master strategist, used his old political wisdom and wits in fighting the Comrade during the election.

Three Managing Directors were not left behind in hacking the Comrade with their political axes:

1) MD. REMASSAB, Abdullahi Mu’azu (Babangandu) who is now the member representing Gwarzo/Kabo at the Federal House of Representatives, the APC moniepoint, made sure that money was circulating all over Gwarzo local government to pin down the Comrade during the election.

2) MD. WRECA, Mallam Munir Ahmad, decided to persuade voters with his Ibrahim Shekarau’s type of style of politics by using spiritual quotations to persuade voters to turn down the Comrade during the election.

3) MD. Zoo, Alhaji Sa’idu Gwadabe, used his political connections to smash down the Comrade during the election.

Former member Kano State House of Assembly representing Gwarzo Constituency, Hon. Sa’idu Kutama was conspiring against the Comrade during the election. Former as well as current member representing Gwarzo Constituency at Kano State House of Assembly, Hon. Haruna Kayyu, was busy castigating the Comrade during the election.

The Chairman of Gwarzo Local Government, Eng.Bashir Kutama, engineered all the ten elected councillors and the surpervisory councillors along with his appointed special advisers from various wards of Gwarzo Local Government to tear apart the Comrade during the election.

On the other hand, the four times Senator representing Kano North Constituency in the Senates, Senator Bello Hayatu Gwarzo who manned the seat of Chief of Whip in the Senate,was mercilessly whipping the Comrade with his PDP-APC laced political party to bend down the Comrade during the election.

From the outside, Murtala Sule Garo, the influencial Commissioner of Local Government Affairs and Deputy Gubernatorial candidate of Kano State was throwing political bombs on the Comrade through his political soldiers during the election in order to crush down the Comrade during the election.

Again, the two times Senator representing Kano North Constituency as well as the present Deputy Senate President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, Senator Barau Jibril, was pouring palliatives to the electorates in order to dig a political grave for the Comrade during the election.

Still, his opponents had to add with tearing votes and smashing polling boxes to see his end during the election. At that moment, the highest political figure behind the Comrade was two times former member representing Gwarzo Constituency at Kano State House of Assembly, Hon.Rabi’u Saleh.

Yet, like a legendary Dramendra of the Bollywood, the Comrade dispersed all of them to become legally elected Deputy Governor of Kano State along with Eng.Abba Kabir Yusuf as the elected Governor of Kano State.

Comrade Gwarzo is really Gwarzo.

Murtala Sani writes from Gwarzo, Kano State.

Innā li-Llāhi wa-innā ilayhi rājiʿūn.

The passing of Prof. Khurshīd Aḥmad marks the end of an era in the intellectual development of contemporary Islamic thought, particularly in the fields of al-Iqtiṣād al-Islāmī (Islamic economics) and al-Mālīyyah al-Islāmiyyah (Islamic finance). 

A polymath, visionary, and tireless reformer, Prof. Khurshīd Aḥmad was one of the most distinguished Muslim thinkers of the 20th and 21st centuries. His scholarship, activism, and public service bridged the worlds of theory and practice, faith and governance, tradition and modernity.

Born in Delhi in 1932 and later migrating to Pakistan following the partition, he pursued higher education in economics and law. He eventually earned a Master’s in Islamic Studies and a PhD in Economics from the University of Leicester, United Kingdom. He was not merely an academic in the conventional sense; he was an intellectual activist whose writings and public engagements profoundly shaped the global discourse on Islam and economic justice.

His Legacy in Islamic Finance

Among his many contributions, Prof. Khurshī Aḥmad’s most outstanding intellectual work in the field of Islamic finance is arguably his foundational role in articulating and systematising the theoretical framework of an Islamic economic order, particularly through his seminal work: Islam: Its Meaning and Message (edited by Khurshīd Aḥmad, first published 1976).

This edited volume contains his essay  “The Islamic Way of Life”, which not only presents the ethical foundations of Islam but also outlines the spiritual, social, and economic dimensions of Islamic governance.

More specifically related to economics is his earlier and pioneering treatise: Islamic Economic System: A Socio-Economic and Political Analysis (1970). This work laid down the theoretical underpinnings of al-Niẓām al-Iqtiṣādī al-Islāmī and served as a cornerstone for the subsequent emergence of Islamic banking and financial institutions.

In Islamic Economic System, Prof. Khurshīd Aḥmad delineates a clear moral and functional distinction between the capitalist, socialist, and Islamic paradigms, advocating a system well entrenched in tawḥīd, ʿadl, and mashwarah.

He was also instrumental in the formation of the International Institute of Islamic Economics (IIIE) at the International Islamic University, Islamabad. He advised several governments and Islamic financial institutions in conceptualising and implementing Sharīʿah-compliant economic policies. His influence continues to shape policies in countries like Pakistan, Malaysia, and Sudan, and in global institutions such as the Islamic Development Bank (IsDB).

Prof. Khurshī Aḥmad’s intellectual legacy transcends geographical and disciplinary boundaries. He championed a vision of Islamic economics and finance not merely as an alternative system but as a holistic worldview embedded in divine guidance and aimed at achieving justice, equity, and human dignity.

May Allāh (Subḥānahu wa Taʿālā) forgive his shortcomings, reward him with Jannah al-Firdaws, and accept his works as ṣadaqah jāriyah. His writings will continue enlightening scholars, guiding policymakers, and inspiring future generations.

Dr. Oyekolade Sodiq OYESANYA wrote from the Department of Religious Studies, Tai Solarin University of Education, Ijagun, Ogun State, Nigeria.

By Zayyad I. Muhammad

As politicking for the 2027 elections gradually gains momentum, both new and familiar scenarios will inevitably emerge. Nigeria’s political landscape is dynamic and often shaped by geopolitical factors, and 2027 will be no exception.

The truth is, despite its internal wranglings and historical baggage, any coalition that does not have the PDP as its central pillar is unlikely to achieve the kind of national spread required to win a presidential election in Nigeria. The PDP, with its extensive grassroots network and long-standing presence across all six geopolitical zones, remains the only opposition party with a truly nationwide structure, even if its influence has somewhat waned in recent years.

Peter Obi and Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, notable third-force figures from the 2023 elections, lack enthusiasm for any clearly defined coalition. Obi appears ready to pursue the presidency again, but the conditions that fueled his surprising 2023 performance- particularly the support from urban youth and disenchanted Christian voters— have significantly waned. This support was initially driven by fear over Tinubu’s Muslim-Muslim ticket, which caused concerns among Christians. Today, that fear has faded, and ironically, the Muslim-Muslim arrangement includes more Christian participation in government than anticipated.

Kwankwaso, on the other hand, appears to have adopted a more pragmatic, localised approach- ‘ state capture. Kwankwaso’s posture suggests a strategy of quiet autonomy: “I have Kano; let me control it. I won’t interfere with you, and don’t interfere with me.” This ‘state capture’ mentality may give him relevance at the regional level but severely limits his national appeal.

President Tinubu, meanwhile, has carelessly  or perhaps inadvertently squandered the political capital that the APC enjoyed in the North from 2015 to 2023. During that period, the APC could count on overwhelming support from northern voters , often to the extent that votes from a single state could nearly cancel out those from entire geopolitical zones elsewhere. That dominance was largely tied to a geopolitical strongholds strategy . Tinubu’s failure to maintain and galvanize this strategy will eat up the APC’s traditional votes in the North, which are very key for the APC’s return to a second term.

Furthermore, Tinubu has, whether knowingly or not, revitalised the dormant CPC bloc — a faction of the APC that once represented the ideological and political base of Buhari’s loyalists. Now, with the central leadership perceived as disconnected from northern interests, the CPC bloc sees an opportunity to reassert itself. In regions like the Northwest, particularly, this could lead to a realignment of loyalties, with Tinubu’s influence weakening in favor of those viewed as more authentically representing northern interests. 

Nepotism is nepotism. While Buhari’s nepotism was largely regional and driven by northern priorities, Tinubu’s appears more ethnic and focused on Lagos, which could prove politically costly if not urgently recalibrated. That said, Tinubu still has time and political tools to course-correct before 2027, if he chooses to use them wisely.

The current coalition promoters, however, appear to be relying on an outdated strategy. The 2015-style bandwagon movement, built around the idea of ‘change,’ is unlikely to resonate with voters in 2027. Buhari’s eight-year presidency has left a mixed legacy, with many citizens feeling disillusioned by the unmet expectations. The old formula simply won’t work again.

In 2027, two key elements will determine electoral success, not only at the center but also in the states: substantial resources, both financial and structural , and science. The days when charisma and rhetoric alone could deliver victory are over. Any political group serious about winning must adopt a data-driven strategy. This entails conducting thorough research into voter behavior, turnout patterns, demographic shifts, and regional voting strengths. 

It also requires understanding the psychology of the electorate, particularly among young voters, who now constitute a decisive segment. Apolitical political scientists, data analysts, and behavioural experts will play a more vital role than ever before. Without this approach, even the best-funded campaign could fall flat.

Finally, it is important to accept that the coalition model of 2015 and the voting behavior of 2023 are not likely to repeat themselves. Nigeria’s political terrain has evolved, so to speak . As of today , although tomorrow is uncertain, the three major blocs heading into the 2027 elections appear to be Tinubu’s APC, the PDP, and the rest . It is shaping up to be a near-zero-sum game. 

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja via zaymohd@yahoo.com.

‎By Abdulhakeem Yetu Zakari

‎Despite growing awareness, sexual exploitation continues to cast a dark shadow over the entertainment industry in Nigeria and elsewhere. Behind the glitz and glamour, many aspiring talents face coercion, harassment, and abuse in their pursuit of success. Stronger policies, accountability, and systemic change are urgently needed to create a safer industry.

‎Sexual exploitation in entertainment is an open secret that has persisted for decades. It manifests in various forms, from coercion and harassment to outright trafficking. Vulnerable individuals, often young and inexperienced, are preyed upon by those in positions of power. The “sex-for-role” culture, in which opportunities are exchanged for sexual favors, remains alarmingly prevalent. Those who resist or speak out risk being blacklisted, experiencing retaliation, or even being driven out of the industry entirely.

‎The entertainment world thrives on connections, and unfortunately, this has allowed predators to operate with impunity. Victims, fearing career sabotage or public shaming, often remain silent. The imbalance of power between industry gatekeepers and struggling artists makes it even harder to challenge abusive behaviours.

‎The #MeToo movement, which gained global traction in 2017, was a watershed moment. Survivors courageously came forward, exposing influential figures like Harvey Weinstein and forcing the industry to confront its deep-seated issues. This sparked widespread discussions, policy changes, and an increased demand for accountability.‎

Despite the above strides, exploitation remains a pressing issue. While some perpetrators have been held accountable, many still evade justice. Survivors continue to face obstacles in their pursuit of legal recourse, with cases often dismissed or settlements used to silence victims.

‎Ending sexual exploitation in entertainment requires more than just conversations, it demands concrete action:

‎Stronger Legal Frameworks – Governments and industry regulators must enforce stricter policies against workplace harassment and sexual exploitation. Clear legal consequences should deter potential offenders.

‎Whistleblower Protection – Survivors and witnesses should be able to report abuse without fear of retaliation. Anonymous reporting systems and legal safeguards are crucial.

‎Industry Accountability – Entertainment companies must adopt zero-tolerance policies for misconduct, conduct thorough background checks, and establish independent oversight committees to investigate allegations.

‎Empowering Victims – Access to legal aid, mental health support, and career counselling can help survivors rebuild their lives. Platforms that amplify their voices must be encouraged.

‎Changing the Culture – Education on consent, power dynamics, and ethical professional relationships should be integrated into industry training programs. A shift in mindset is necessary to dismantle the normalisation of abuse.

‎ The fight against sexual exploitation in entertainment is far from over. Every stakeholder, from industry executives to audiences, plays a role in demanding transparency, justice, and respect for all talents. Only through sustained pressure and institutional reform can we ensure an industry where success is based on talent, not exploitation.

‎It is not just a matter of morality but of fundamental human rights. The time to act is now.

‎Abdulhakeem Yetu Zakari is an intern with PRNigeria. He can be reached via abdulhakeemzakari7@gmail.com.

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

A fatal accident involving two DAF trucks claimed one life and left two others injured in the early hours of Sunday, April 13, 2025.

The crash occurred around 2:00 AM in Magama Gumau Town when a sand-laden truck rammed into a stationary broken-down truck.

The impact sparked a fire that engulfed both vehicles, killing 23-year-old Usman Magaji and injuring two others.

Police and emergency responders from the Toro Divisional Headquarters swiftly arrived, extinguishing the flames and rescuing the victims.

The injured were rushed to Toro General Hospital, where Magaji was pronounced dead.

The Bauchi State Commissioner of Police, CP Sani-Omolari Aliyu, psc(+), mni, urged drivers to obey traffic regulations, stressing the need for proper warning signs when vehicles break down.

He also ordered a thorough investigation by the Central Motor Traffic Department (MTD).

Authorities continue to warn motorists against reckless driving to prevent further tragedies.

By Uzair Adam

A United States District Court in Washington, D.C., has directed the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) and the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) to release information concerning Nigerian President Bola Ahmed Tinubu.

The decision was delivered on Tuesday by Judge Beryl Howell, who ruled in favour of Aaron Greenspan, an American activist pushing for public disclosure of documents relating to alleged investigations involving Tinubu and one Abiodun Agbele.

According to Premium Times, Judge Howell dismissed the argument by the agencies that withholding the documents was necessary, describing it as “neither logical nor plausible.”

Greenspan had filed the suit under the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA), arguing that the FBI and DEA violated the law by refusing to release the requested documents within the timeframe stipulated by the Act.

He alleged that the records relate to previous federal investigations into the Nigerian leader and his associate.

In 1993, Tinubu reportedly forfeited $460,000 to the U.S. government after law enforcement linked the funds to suspected proceeds of narcotics trafficking.

This issue resurfaced during the 2023 presidential election legal battle when opposition candidates Atiku Abubakar and Peter Obi questioned his eligibility.

However, the Presidential Election Petition Court upheld Tinubu’s victory.

Judge Howell ruled that the FBI and DEA’s use of ‘Glomar’ responses — which neither confirm nor deny the existence of records — was improper.

The court found that the agencies failed to justify their decision under FOIA exemptions and acknowledged that both Tinubu and Agbele had been subjects of prior investigations.

The judge added that the plaintiff successfully demonstrated that the agencies had already publicly acknowledged relevant information, thereby waiving their right to withhold it.

The ruling marks a partial victory for Greenspan, setting the stage for the possible release of sensitive documents tied to a decades-old controversy involving Nigeria’s current president.

By Uzair Adam

Borno State Governor, Babagana Zulum, has sympathised with victims of a deadly explosion suspected to have been triggered by Boko Haram insurgents along the Maiduguri–Damboa highway.

The attack, believed to have been caused by an Improvised Explosive Device (IED), claimed the lives of eight civilians and left 21 others injured on Saturday.

The victims were travelling in civilian vehicles when the blast occurred.Fourteen of the injured sustained serious injuries, while seven others were treated for minor wounds at the State Specialist Hospital in Maiduguri.

Speaking during a visit to the hospital, Governor Zulum described the incident as deeply regrettable, noting that Borno had not witnessed an IED-related attack in over a year.

“It is unfortunate this is happening now. We haven’t witnessed an IED attack for over a year,” the governor stated, pointing out that the highway had been closed for a month before the tragic incident.

Zulum expressed grief over the loss of lives and extended condolences to the families of the deceased.

He reiterated his administration’s unwavering support for the Nigerian military and other security agencies, urging them to step up surveillance along the highway to avert further attacks.

He stressed that the state government would continue working closely with the federal government and security forces to address the security challenges posed by insurgents.

“I assure the people of Borno that, ‘Insha Allah’, under my leadership, we will not allow the security situation to worsen,” he added.

The governor also pledged to strengthen community-based security efforts, particularly by supporting the Civilian Joint Task Force (CJTF) and youth volunteers involved in counter-insurgency operations.

Commenting on a recent security meeting held in Abuja with military chiefs, Zulum said the discussions were fruitful, especially concerning the resurgence of Boko Haram activities.

“We met with the service chiefs in Abuja and received assurances from them that they would do everything possible to manage the situation,” he said.

The Borno State government has called for stronger collaboration between local intelligence networks and security agencies to improve early warning systems and prevent similar attacks in the future.

By Bilyamin Abdulmumin, PhD

When the PDP began its first tenure in 1999, there was a level of humility and fairness. But it was in their second tenure that their invincibility began to take shape.

As a former military Head of State, Olusegun Obasanjo did not help matters. For the second time in Nigeria’s history, he declared a state of emergency in Ekiti and Plateau and threatened several other states. During this period, the legislature was allegedly weaponized for political control, and allegations extended even to the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), a respected anti-graft agency. 

Arguably, the PDP reached its zenith in 2007 and became so confident that it could “do and undo. ” The opposition could no longer hold any chance; instead, they covertly or overtly carried out the bidding of the powerful PDP. This exuberance and excesses of the then-ruling party culminated in a ditch for democracy: reports indicated that the 2007 presidential election results were declared while the collation was still ongoing. 

In 2011, Goodluck Jonathan’s administration continued its escapade. Allegations of corruption and mismanagement ran rampant, and the PDP became a haven for anyone singing its praises. This perception was palpable, and the public echoed that anything labelled ‘dubious’ came from the party. 

Complacency eventually led them to boldly declare that the party would remain in power for sixty years. Instead of sixty, the PDP barely added another six years. Even the former party chairman, who initiated the sixty-year maxim, considered leaving the party in 2015. 

Never mind the masses’ outrage, founding fathers decrying maltreatment, and bigwigs, including governors, decamping to the opposition. PDP could not see the handwriting; they thought it would be normal. 

The death of the PDP would be slow, with several deep cuts. One of them was shunning them by decamping opposition. Shehu Sani, Nasir El-Rufa’i, Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, and Peter Obi should all naturally have considered the PDP as an alternative. 

Another blow to the slowly fading party is an internal crisis. One crisis after another continues to shake the once-indomitable party, providing those looking to defect a compelling reason to change sides. 

Perhaps the deepest cut was Nyesom Wike’s presence, who actively undermined the party from within. As Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Wike not only revoked the PDP land title of the new secretariat but allegedly facilitated a Supreme Court victory for his ally, Mr Samuel Anyanwu, against the current party secretary.

History is replete with the downfall of the mighties. Leaders, nations, and brands often reach a status where they seem invincible, only to succumb to the very excesses that caused their rise.

By Uzair Adam

More than twenty medical personnel of the Aminu Kano Teaching Hospital (AKTH) who had direct contact with a Lassa fever patient have all tested negative for the disease.

Others who were screened through contact tracing also returned negative results, except for the patient’s husband who tested positive.

The update was made known by the Chairman, Medical Advisory Committee of the hospital, Professor Muhammad Abba Suwaid, in a statement issued by the Chief Information Officer, Maryam Aminu Usman, on Saturday.

Prof. Suwaid said the affected staff were immediately isolated and had their blood samples taken for testing.

The results, he confirmed, indicated that none of them contracted the virus.

He attributed the outcome to the diligence and professionalism of AKTH staff in handling patients.

It was gathered that the hospital’s management acted swiftly after a confirmed case of Lassa fever involving a 22-year-old pregnant woman, who was admitted to the facility on April 5, 2025.

Prof. Suwaid said precautionary measures were taken to prevent further spread of the disease within the hospital and the surrounding community.

Meanwhile, the hospital management promptly alerted the Kano State Epidemiology Unit, which has been conducting contact tracing in Garum Malam Local Government Area, where the patient was brought from.

The patient’s husband, who tested positive for Lassa fever, is currently receiving treatment under the care of the Kano State Epidemiology Unit.

By Uzair Adam

National Chairman of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Abdullahi Ganduje, has described the ongoing discussions among key opposition leaders on forming a coalition ahead of the 2027 general elections as a failed mission in the making.

He made this known on Friday during a press briefing after leading members of the APC National Working Committee (NWC) on a Sallah visit to former President Muhammadu Buhari at his residence in Kaduna State.

Earlier that day, former Vice President Atiku Abubakar also visited Buhari, accompanied by former Kaduna State Governor Nasir El-Rufai, former Sokoto Governor Aminu Tambuwal, former Minister of Communications Isa Pantami, and ex-governors Gabriel Suswam (Benue), Jibrilla Bindow (Adamawa), and Achike Udenwa (Imo).

Atiku confirmed efforts were underway to establish a formidable opposition bloc but clarified that the visit to Buhari was unrelated to those plans.

When asked about the wave of consultations among opposition figures, particularly Atiku, Ganduje expressed confidence in the ruling party’s dominance and dismissed the alliance as unworkable.

“We are not worried at all. This is just history trying to repeat itself. They went on a joint venture, which will not work because from what we have seen, there are just some particles that cannot come together.

“It is a game, and we will not reveal our technicalities on how to handle it, but we assure you, we are equal to the task,” he said.

Ganduje boasted of the APC’s control of 21 states and described the party as “still the strongest in West Africa.”

He noted that the APC remains focused on not just retaining power, but also expanding its reach ahead of the 2027 elections.

“We are eyeing other states that will come into our fold. Either the governors themselves will come, or we go for election and defeat them to increase our tally. We are comfortable, but we are not resting. We shall continue,” he stated.