Rwanda

Rwanda reflects on 30 years since genocide

By Uzair Adam Imam

Rwanda paused on Sunday to honor the memory of genocide victims, marking three decades since a brutal campaign orchestrated by Hutu extremists tore through the nation, leaving deep wounds as communities turned against each other in one of the darkest chapters of the 20th century.

The relentless violence, spanning 100 days until the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) rebel militia seized control of Kigali in July 1994, resulted in the deaths of 800,000 individuals, primarily Tutsis but also moderate Hutus.

Despite the immense tragedy, Rwanda has made strides toward stability under the firm leadership of President Paul Kagame, who helmed the RPF.

Nevertheless, the legacy of the atrocities persists, casting a shadow over Africa’s Great Lakes region.Following tradition, ceremonies held on April 7—the day when Hutu militias unleashed terror in 1994—commenced with Kagame lighting a remembrance flame at the Kigali Genocide Memorial, a solemn site believed to hold the remains of over 250,000 victims.

Accompanied by somber melodies played by an army band, Kagame laid wreaths at the mass graves, joined by foreign dignitaries, including several African heads of state and former US President Bill Clinton, who had acknowledged the genocide as a grave failure during his tenure.

The failure of the international community to intervene remains a point of regret, with French President Emmanuel Macron expected to express remorse for France’s and its allies’ inaction, acknowledging they could have halted the bloodshed but lacked the resolve to do so.

Kagame is scheduled to deliver an address at a 10,000-seat arena in the capital, where Rwandans will later gather for a candlelight vigil in remembrance of those lost to the slaughter.

The commemoration marks the beginning of a week-long period of national mourning, during which Rwanda will come to a standstill, with flags flown at half-mast. Public music, sports events, and non-remembrance-related television broadcasts are suspended.The United Nations and the African Union will also hold remembrance ceremonies to honor the victims.

Reflecting on the events, Karel Kovanda, a former Czech diplomat and the first UN ambassador to publicly denounce the 1994 massacres as genocide, emphasized the importance of ensuring that the genocide is never forgotten, asserting that the page cannot be turned on such atrocities.

The genocide, triggered by the assassination of Hutu President Juvenal Habyarimana on April 6, 1994, led to widespread atrocities fueled by virulent anti-Tutsi propaganda disseminated through various media outlets.

Countless individuals were brutally murdered, and tens of thousands of women were subjected to sexual violence.Rwanda has taken steps to address the legacy of the genocide, including establishing community tribunals for victims to confront their perpetrators. However, challenges persist, with hundreds of genocide suspects still at large, some reportedly seeking refuge in neighboring countries.

Despite the passage of time, Rwanda continues to grapple with the wounds inflicted by the genocide, endeavoring to ensure that the horrors of the past are never forgotten while striving to build a future rooted in peace and reconciliation.

Fulani as Endangered Species in Nigeria (I)

By Ahmadu Shehu, PhD.

It is generally considered an impossible hyperbole when the current trajectory of ethnic profiling against the Fulani people in Nigeria is linked with the road to Kigali. But, except something drastic is done, for most dispassionate observers, this is as sure as the sun rises from the east. Therefore, as Mbororo (i.e. a herdsman), I write from experience to call the attention of Nigeria and the world to the danger facing not only the Fulani but also millions of Nigerians who look like them. With this article, I hope to save the world from escapism and blame-game when our negligence eventually allows the deed.

Let me quickly disabuse the minds of my audience. I do not stand for any criminal, regardless of ethnic, religious or regional background. I do not also hold excuses, whatsoever, for any form of criminality. However, the world needs to understand that the unfolding events in Nigeria are beyond ordinary and are very alarming, even intimidating for every Fulani person of whatever background and socioeconomic status. We are all sinking into a dark hole, scared of what tomorrow may hold for our children or us for simply being Fulani and herders.    

The Rwandan, Bosnian and Burmese genocides, and indeed the worst human tragedies in history, such as the Holocaust in Europe, are all events no one anticipated as possible outcomes of “simple” stereotypes, ethnic and social profiling. For instance, when the Rwandan actors of genocide characterised the Tutsis as cockroaches, not even the victims of that profiling imagined that they were meant to be crushed and eliminated like cockroaches without a drop of human sympathy. But such is the power of language. Its control over our minds and worldviews means that our emotions and worldly experiences are conceptualised, i.e. conceived, and coded, i.e. expressed, based on metaphors that underlie our bodily experiences. This is the subject of Conceptual Metaphor theory[1]

The world looked on as the influential media of Nazi Germany propagated hateful stereotypes against the Jews, poisoning the minds of the majority, providing a fertile ground for the emergence of one of the most despicable men in history, Adolf Hitler, as the Chancellor of Germany. Coming to power under these circumstances, Hitler had all he needed to implement his long-desired goal of “cleansing Europe” from the Jews.

It began by implementing bigoted policies, such as boycotting Jewish businesses and isolating the Jewish population in segregated ghettos, followed by the policy of extermination fondly described as “the solution to the Jewish question” in Europe. The so-called “Jewish question” tells you that Jews were objectified, problematised and removed entirely from the human society of Europe. It went to the extent that most people saw them as a nuisance, a source of their problems, and therefore, unsympathetic to their course. Today, there is seemingly a sad “question of the Fulani problem” in Nigeria, on which the dubious media and politicians thrive.

Today’s Nigeria is to a Fulani what Rwanda of the 1990s was to a Tutsi. The prerequisites for the looming disaster have been met and are consistently, persistently and comprehensively being propagated, promoted and disseminated. Of this, the world must not claim ignorance. Despite their historical contributions to the Nigerian and African civilisations, the economic value chains they have helped sustain and subsidise for centuries, the scholarship they have institutionalised on the continent, and their passionate, patriotic contributions in the creation and growth of this entity called Nigeria, the Fulani are today being commodified and dehumanised in deliberate ethnic profiling.

Like the Jews in Europe, Fulani folks are the herders of Nigeria, holding the largest share in the country’s livestock sector. Unfortunately, this cultural means of livelihood has fallen under persistent attacks and other bigoted attempts to impoverish the herding population. Once the most prosperous, most self-reliant and wealthy in northern Nigeria, millions of the Fulani people have become destitute, impoverished by the twin evils of bad governance and climate change. The results of this are apparent: many have turned to criminality as means of survival. Instead of treating the root causes of this menace, the Nigerian governments at all levels have resorted to criminalising every Pullo and whoever that looks like “them”.  

At every checkpoint of the Nigerian security agencies, one demography is a primary target: The Fulani. The state that has deliberately refused to educate and enlighten them, despite being the highest tax-paying single ethnic group, has turned its security agencies into lions that hunt and extort these vulnerable citizens without discrimination. Police stations, prisons and other detention centres around this country are filled with innocent, young Fulanis without being charged or tried.

The results of this indiscriminate maltreatment are blanket distrust, anxiety and hopelessness that eventually provide the basis for these people to see no reason to abide by the law. Such people are hardened and no longer fear the law, for whatever the law was to do against them for being criminals have been meted against them as innocent citizens. They have lost their livelihood and now their dignity. They have nothing to lose for being a criminal or even a terrorist. This natural law of social injustice applies to all human beings, regardless of ethnic, religious or other backgrounds. 

Similar policies to those deployed to ensure the exclusion of Jews and their final settlement into ghettos designed for their final extermination have long been propagated in Nigeria. It is no coincidence that ethnic warlords who gained political power in Plateau and other middle-belt states in 1999 orchestrated the indigene–settler dichotomy deeply rooted in the hatred for peace-loving neighbouring ethnic groups, perceived as prosperous minorities.

False stories of dominance have been normalised and entrenched in the minds of unsuspecting innocent citizens for political purposes. This deliberate and dangerous xenophobia have plunged these areas into endless ethnoreligious crises, animosities and restlessness. The far more dangerous outcome from this is the reactionary tendencies that have continued to be the basis for the emergence of ethnic chauvinists and bigots as leaders, ala Jonah Jang and that buffoon called Samuel Ortom, the governor of Benue State.

The decades of cattle route blockades across the country has confided herders, who are mostly the disadvantaged category of the Fulani people, to the deserts. More than anyone else, livestock herders cannot do without water and green vegetation. Those are the only sources of livelihood for their stock and subsequently their only means of subsistence and culturally the essence of their lives. But, of course, a country such as Nigeria that cannot help cater for its human population may not be expected to care for its environment – forests, waterways, trees, vegetation have all disappeared, leaving us on drylands. These social and ecological factors have pushed millions of Nigerians whose livelihoods depend on the livestock to possible extinction. I will show you how.

My father had three herds of cattle and two of sheep. Each pack was around 70 to 80 heads of cattle. Each cattle would approximately sell for 80 – 100 thousand naira. Do the math. From the late ’80s to the early 2000s, less than ten cattle were left in my extended family. Add this to family growth and needs. Now you can imagine! Our family had moved thousands of kilometres through these years, from Maini in Niger to Dapci in Yobe, up to the Mambilla Plateau, down to Banyo, Doualayel in Cameroon, and finally Mamukan in Jada LGA, all in search of pastures to nurture the cattle.

With everything lost to the criminal state actors, ethnic discords, climate change and economic instability, an ever-growing family of four is now over twenty and can no longer sustain its only means of livelihood. Sad as this may sound, my story is humane and less tragic than what the herders go through today. The rate at which herders lose their means of subsistence is alarming. By a stroke of a police pen or at gunpoint by cattle rustlers or kidnappers, a Fulani may lose everything he ever worked for to escape detention or rescue himself or his loved ones. Why are we surprised at the natural consequences of this cruelty?       

What has been discussed so far may seem to be based on the unintended consequences of a dysfunctional state, corruption, population explosion, climate change, and the failure of the Nigerian state to implement developmental and social programs for its citizens, which arguably affect all citizens, albeit disproportionately. However, the resulting crises have provided fertile ground and ample opportunity for bigoted politicians to seize power and deliberately formulate and implement desperate, dangerous, racist, chauvinistic policies aimed at ethnic cleansing of the herders’ population. Mind you, herders, not Fulani population, for now, because the road to Kigali is systematic. This is the subject of the second part of this essay.        

Dr Ahmadu Shehu is a nomad cum herdsman, an Assistant Professor at the American University of Nigeria, Yola, and is passionate about the Nigerian project. You can reach him at ahmadsheehu@yahoo.com.


[1] If you are interested in the details of this theory, read Lakoff & Johnson, 1980.

South African Looting: A replica of black man’s mentality

South African problem is the exact replica of black man’s disease. It is the reason why black Africa will never develop. Look at North Africa; Morocco, Tunisia, Egypt and Algeria, they have infrastructure, mostly at par with Europe, some are even better than most European countries. They are not blacks. The Arabs, even with their deadly problems, are far ahead of blacks in terms of development. There is no black African success story as far as nation building is concerned. Some people mention Rwanda as a success story. I don’t know their standard of success. To me a country with no rail system, which has only seven 7 tiny airports, running an agrarian economy and presided by dictator, is not a success story. South Africa was built by the Whites. Zimbabwe had a wonderful headway until Mugabe chased away the whites and handed over the economy to blacks. But look at UAE, Qatar, Kuwait, Bahrain, Oman, Saudi Arabia and Jordan. They are developed peaceful societies with law and order per excellence.

The 79 years Jacob Zuma of South Africa was sentenced to prison to spend 15 months for refusing a constitutional court order to give evidence, at an inquiry investigating a high-level corruption during his nine years in office. Zuma is facing trial for corruption, fraud, racketeering and money laundering. What followed was total disgrace to Africa and black race. South African blacks and Zuma’s Zulu tribe went into violent protest in major cities of Natal, Durban, Johannesburg and other major provinces. They broke shops and looted the contents and set buildings ablaze. In the melee that followed, at least 79 people died with figures still counting.

Who, but African blacks, will go into riots to protest imprisonment of a corrupt leader on account of ethnicity only! The South Africans are not rioting because Zuma is innocent. They just don’t want him to be jailed no matter his crimes. Zuma defied court order. In any civilized society, defying court is tantamount to sleeping in prison. But see South Africa, arguably the most developed country in Africa, having the best infrastructure, best schools, functioning economy and a member of G-20, disgracing Africa, Africans and all blacks.

Looters make off with goods from a store on the outskirts of Johannesburg, Monday Sept. 2, 2019. Police had earlier fired rubber bullets as they struggled to stop looters who targeted businesses as unrest broke out in several spots in and around the city. (AP Photo)

What kind of country do South Africans want if a leader can wreck the treasury and be above the law? Even with our myriads of problems I don’t see Nigerians behaving this way. Obasanjo was a former leader imprisoned for offences he did not commit but no one razed any shop or burnt down cities. Leaders will always have supporters but when they commit crimes, we should not give them ethnic refuge and fight their own battles. We should allow them to stew in the pot they arranged for themselves. That is the only way they will do the right thing in offices. As long as we allow them to commit crimes and run to ethnic and religious cleavages for protection, we will never develop as a country.

Alhaji Aliyu Nuhu

Is a social analyst based in Abuja